Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness

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TRANSACTIONS

OF

THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.

VOLUME XIV.
1887-88.

TRANSACTIONS

OF

THE GAELIC SOCIETY

OF INVERNESS.

V01.UME XIV.

1887-88.

dUann itan (Sstibheal nn (Sntiilltnn a (ZThtiie.

PRINTED FOR THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS,

AT THE "northern CHRONICLE" OFFICE;

AND SOLD BY JOHN NOBLK, WILLIAM MACKAY, AND A. & W. MACKENZIE,

BOOKSELLERS, INVERNESS ;

AND MACLACHLAN & STEWART, EDINBURGH.

1889.

GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.

OFHCE-BEARERS FOR 1887

CHIEF.

MackintoBh of Mackintosh.

CHIEFTAINS.

Sir Henry C. Macandrew.
Alex. Mackenzie, SilverwelJs.
John Macdonald.

HON. SBCRBTART.

William Mackay, Solicitor.

SECRVTART AND TREASURER.

Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland, Inverness.

MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.

William Gunn.
Alex. Macbain, M.A.
Bailie Mackay.
Bailie Stuart.
Dr F. M. Mackenzie.

LIBRARIAN.

John Whyte.

PIPER.

Pipe-Major Maclennan.

BARD.

MtB Mary Mackellar.

OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1888

CHIBF.

Mackintosh of Mackintosh.

CHIEFTAINS.

Bailie Alex. Mackenzie.
Duncan Campbell.
Alex. Macbain, M.A.

HON. SECRETARY.

William Mackay, Solicitor.

SECRETARY AND TREASURER.

Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland, Inverness.

MEMBERS OP COUNCIL.

Rev. G. W. Mackay.
William Gunn.
Bailie Charles Mackay.
John Mackenzie.
William Macdonald.

LIBRARIAN.

John Whyte.

PIPER.

Pipe-Major Maclennan.

BARD.

Mrs Mary Mackellar.

308254

COMUNN GAILIG INBHIR-NIS.

COSHUIDHEACHADH,

1. 'S e ainm a' Chomuinn "Comunn Gailiq Inbhir-Nis."

2. 'S e tha an rim a' Chomuinn : — Na biiill a dhcanamh
iomlan 's a' Ghailig ; cinneas Canaine, Bardachd, agus Ciuil na
(laid heal tachd ; Bardachd, Seanachas, Sgeulachd, Leabhraichcau
agus Sgriobhanna 's a* chanain sin a theamadh o dhearmad ;
Leabhar-lann a chur suas ann am baile Inbhir-Nis de leabhraichibh
agus sgriobhannaibh — ann an canain sam bith — a bhuineas do
( 'haileachd, lonnsachadh, Eachdraidheachd agus Sheanachasaibh
nan Gaidheal no do thairbhe na Gaidhealtachd ; coir agus cliu nan
Gaidheal a dhion ; agus na Gaidheil a shoirbheachadh a ghna ge
b'e ait* am bi iad.

3. 'S iad a bhitheas ^lam buill, cuideachd a tha gabhail suim
do runtaibh a' Chomuinn; a'^us so mar gheibh iad a staigh: —
Tairgidh aon bhall an t-iarradair, daingnichidli ball eile an tairgse,
agus, aig an ath choinneimh, ma roglmaicheas a' mhor-chuid le
crannchur, nithcar ball dhith-se no dheth-san cho luath 's a
phaidhear an comli-thoirt ; cuirear crainn le ])onair dhubh agus
gheal, ach, gu so bhi dligheach, feumadh tri buill dhcug an crann
a chur. Feudaidh an Comunn Urnvm Cheannardan a thoirt do
urrad 'us seachd daoine cliuiteach.

4. Paidhidh Ball Urramach, 'sa' bhliadhna . £0 10 G

BallCumanta 5

Foghlainte 10

Agus ui Bull-beatha aon chomh-thoirt de . 7 7

5. 'S a* cheud-mhios, gach bliadhna, roghnaichcar, le crainn,
Co-chomhairle a riaghlas gnothuichean a* Chomuinn, s c sin — aon

GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.

CONSTITUTION.

1. The Society shall be called the "Gablic Societt of
Ihtsrnxbs."

2. The objects of the Society are the perfecting of the Mem-
beiB in the use of the Gaelic language ; the cultivation of the
langoage, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands ; the res-
cuing from oblivion of Celtic Poetry, traditions, legends, books,
and manuscripts; the establishing in Inverness of a library, to
consist of books and manuscripts, in whatever language, bearing
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and
the material interests of the Highlands and Highland people ; the
vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ; and,
generally, the furtherance of their interests whether at home or
abroad.

3. The Society shall consist of persons who take a lively in-
terest in its objects. Admission to be as follows : — The candidate
shall be proposed by one member, seconded by another, balloted
for at the next meeting, and, if he or she have a majority of votes
and have paid the subscription, be declared a member. The ballot
shall be taken with black beans and white ; and no election shall
be valid unless thirteen members vote. The Society has power to
elect distinguished men as Honorary Chieftains to the number of
seven.

4. The Annual Subscription shall be, for —

Honorary Members XO 10 6

Ordinary Members . . .050

Apprentices 10

A Life Member shall make one payment of . 7 7

5. The management of the affairs of the Society shall be en-
trusted to a Council, chosen annually, by ballot, in the month of

VIU. C0-8HUIDHEACHADH.

Cheann, tri lar-chinn, Cleireach Urramach, Runaire, lonmhasair,
agus coig buill eile — feumaidh iad uile Gailig a thuigsinn 's a
bhruidhinn ; agiis ni coigear dhiubh coinneamh.

6. Cumar coinneamhan a' Chomuinn gach seacbduin o thois-
each an Deicheamh mios gu deireadh Mhairt, agus gach ceithir-
la-deug o thoiseach Gbiblein gu deireadh an Naothamh-mios. 'S
i a' Ghailig a labhrar gach oidhche mu'n seach aig a' chuid a's
higha.

7. Ciiiridh a' Cho-chomhairle la air loth anns an t-Seachdamli-
mios air-son Coinneamh Bhliadhnail aig an cumar Co-dheuchainn
agus air an toirear duaisean air-son Piobaireachd 'us ciuil Ghaidh-
ealach eile ; anns an fheasgar bithidh co-dheuchainn air Leughadh
agus aithris Bardachd agus Rosg nuadh agus taghta ; an deigh sin
cumar Cuirm chuidheachdail aig am faigh nithe Gaidhealach rogh-
ainn *san uirghioll, ach gun roinn a dhiultadh dhaibh-san nach tuig
Gailig. Giulainear cosdas na co-dheuchainne le trusadh sonraichte
a dheannamh agus cuideachadh iarraidh o *n t-sluagh.

8. Cha deanar atharrachadh sam bith air coimh-dhealbhadh
a' Chomuinn gun aontachadh dha thrian de na*m bheil de luchd-
bruidhinn Gailig air a' chlar-ainm. Ma 's miann atharrachadh a
dheanamh is eiginn sin a chur an ceill do gach ball, mios, aig a'
chuid a*s lugha, roimh'n choinneimh a dh'fheudas an t-atharrachadh
a dheanamh Feudaidh ball nach bi a lathair roghnachadh le
lamh-aithne.

9. Taghaidh an Comunn Bard, Piobaire, agus Fear-leabhar-
lann.

Ullaichear gach Paipear agus Leughadh, agus giulainear gach
Deasboireachd le run fosgailte, duineil, durachdach air-son na
firinn, agus cuirear gach ni air aghaidh ann an spiorad caomh, glan,
agus a reir riaghailtean dearbhta.

CONSTITUTION. IX.

Janiuury, to consist of a Chief, three Chieftains, an Honorary
Secretaiy, a Secretaiy, a Treasurer, and five other Members of the
Society, aJl of whom shall understand and speak Gaelic ; five to
form a quorum.

6. The Society shall hold its meetings weekly from the
beginning of October to the end of March, and fortnightly from
the beginning of April to the end of September. The business
ihall be carried on in Gaelic on every alternate night at least.

7. There shall be an Annual Meeting in the month of July,
the day to be named by the Committee for the time being, when
Competitions for Prizes shall take place in Pipe and other High-
lind Music. In the evening there shall be Competitions in Read-
ing and Reciting Gaelic Poetry and Prose, both original and select,
ifter which there will be a Social Meeting, at which Gaelic sub-
jects shall have the preference, but not to such an extent as
entirely to preclude participation by persons who do not under-
stand Gaelic. The expenses of the competitions shall be defrayed
out of a special fund, to which the general public shall be invited
to subscribe.

8. It is a fundamental rule of the Society that no part of the
Constitution shall be altered without the assent of two-thirds of
the Gaehc speaking Members on the roll ; but if any alterations
be required, due notice of the same must be given to each member,
at least one month before the meeting takes place at which the
alteration is proposed to be made. Absent Members may vote by
mandates.

9. The Society shall elect a Bard, a Piper, and a Librarian.

All Papers and Lectures shall be prepared, and all Discussions
carried on, with an honesty earnest, and manful desire for truth ;
8od all proceedings shall be conducted in a pure and gentle spiiit,
and according to the usually recognised rules.

INTRODUCTION.

The Publishing Committee of the Council have much pleasure in
issuing the 14th Volume of Inverness Gaelic Society's Transactions
to the Members, and they believe that, in point of interest and
importance, it is quite equal to any that precedes it. The Volume
records exactly one yeai'^s transactions ; it begins with the 2nd of
November, 1887, the opening of the winter session of 1887-8, and
ends with the last meeting of the session on the 16th May, 1888.
The special feature of the present Volume consists in the fac-simile
of two characteristic Highland bonds, of the dates 1655 and 1744,
which illustrate Mr Macdonald's paper on " Gleanings from Lord
^lacdonald's charter chest." The Society is doubly indebted to
Mr Macdonald : he has not only contributed the paper, but he has
also paid the expenses connected with the fac-simile, a sum
amounting to close on fifteen pounds. The size and consequent
expense of these annual Volumes make a serious drain on the
Society's resources, the cost of each copy coming nigh well up to
the ordinary subscription ; and the Committee take this oppor-
tunity of thanking one or two thoughtful friends who sent
donations to the publishing fund.

For the last few years, in each Volume, it has been our sad
duty to record the death of some prominent Gaelic scholar, and
this Volume, unfortunately, forms no exception. The Rev. Alex.
Cameron, LL.D., the most prominent of our Scottish Celtic
scholars, died on the 24th of October last, at the age of sixty-one,
a comparatively early age for a scientist and scholar. Dr Cameron
was the son of a small crofter on the Badenoch property of the
Macpherson-Grants of Ballindalloch, his birthplace being Drmn-
gaish, near Kingussie. His early yeai*s were passed in haixi
struggles to emerge from the obscurity in which he was born.

XU. INTRODUCTION.

When more iavoured youths spent the second decade of their life
at higher schools, he had either to do manual work or to teach in
little side schools away in the Glens. He had almost entirely to
teach himself the classics and mathematics needed to enter tlie
Universities. He entered Edinburgh University about the age of
twenty, and after his Arts course passed through the Free Church
Divinity College, becoming licensed in 1856. His first charge was
Renton, where he laboured till 1874. Then he became minister
of Brodick, where he died. His ecclesiastical career was somewhat
stormy, and, much to the loss of Gaelic literature, the last two or
three years of his life were almost altogether taken up with a
barren struggle against the Courts of his Church. On the field of
Gaelic literature, too, he ran tilt against the leading literary men
of his time, whose accuracy in the matter of writing and spelling
Gaelic he questioned with uncompromising severity. For I3r
Cameron's feeling for accuracy almost amounted to a disease, and
caused delays in his publications and the impression of dilatoriness
which clings to his memory. But this is not all ; genial and
kindly as he was in reality, he presented, on account of this
critical exactness, too often the unlovely side of a really noble
character. His work in Gaelic philology began with his appoint-
ment to the Joint Commission of the General Assemblies for the
Ilevision of the Gaelic Scriptures in 1862, and with the
controversies on Gaelic spelling that arose therefrom. In 1872-3-4
he published a series of excellent articles on Gaelic philology in
the Gaely where some five hundred and fifty root words were
discussed, and where he showed himself fully abreast of the
ling\iistic knowledge of that time. These articles are important
as shownig the strong Norse element there is in Gaelic. In 1881
he started the Scottish Celtic JReview^ and completed the first
volume, four numbers, by the year 1885. Here, and also in the
Scottish Review^ he published some of the Dean of Lismore's
Ossianic ballads, and he contributed as well valuable articles on
Gaelic philology and gi'ammar, besides translating Professor
Windisch's paper on old Gaelic terminations. The CJaelic philologi-

INTRODUCTION. Xlll.

ca! dictionary which he had begun can only be a fragment, and
abnoBt all the other researches and discoveries in philology and
literature that he had made have gone down with him to the
graye ; an irreparable loss to Gaelic literature !

The past year has shown a fair amount of literary activity in
connection with the Highlands. Rev. Mr Macneill, Cawdor, has
translated Miss Rainy's " Gospel in India" into excellent and racy
Gaelic ; Miss Dempster's papers on " Sutherlandshire folklore" are
appearing in the Journal t)f the Folklore Society of London, and
are both interesting and important ; and we gladly welcome the
effusions, English though they be, of Mr George Mackenzie in his
*^ Highland Day-Dreams." We are sorry, however, to record the
demise of the Celtic Magazine at the end of its 13th volume,
bnt we observe with pleasure that, undaunted by previous
fiuluresy another magazine is to appear soon under the title of the
" Highland Monthly," conducted by two excellent members of our
Society, Mr Campbell and Mr Macbain.

Casting a hurried glance over the work in general Celtic
literature for the past year, we have to record a more than
ordinary activity. Dr Whitley Stokes is ever to the front, and
his "St Patrick," in two volumes, is a work that no Gaelic
scholar should be without. Rev. T. Olden has published an inter-
esting book on the " Holy Scriptures in Ireland One Thousand
Years Ago," which gives the comments of the Irish or Gaelic
monks and priests on the epistles of St Paul. Dr Atkinson has
published the Homilies from the Leabhar Breac, with an excellent
dictionary. Professor Rhys has published his masterpiece in the
Hibbert Lectures — "Celtic Heathendom." Mr Alfred Nutt has
written a volume on the " Legend of the Holy Grail," where he
dissects the legend into its Celtic components, and he has also
contributed an able, learned, and lively article on " Celtic Myth
and Saga" to the ArchmoUxjical Revieiv. The columns of this last
Review have been enriched by contributions from Dr Masson and
Mr Kimo Meyer. Professor Zimmer is contiuuiug his " Celtic
Studies and Contributions," and they are both philological and

Xiv. INTRODUCTION.

literary as usual, and considerably more voluminous. D'Arbois de
Jubainville, editor of the Bevue Celttgue, has published the first
volume of a new and recast edition of the " First Inhabitants of
Europe."

Educational matters have not been going smoothly in the
Highlands during the year. Some of the Lews School BoaFds
could not meet their monetary obligations, and the Education
Department has stepped in to help them. The extra money is
to be furnished from the Treasury, but the Boards who consent to
the arrangement must demit their powers to two of their members
and the Inspector of Schools for the district. Mr Robertson has
been appointed Inspector of Schools for the Isles, and he forms one
of the trio that will conduct the schools. In the matter of Gaelic
teaching, things are as before : no schedule of Gaelic instruction
for the specific subject, only the placing of Gaelic on the list of
specific subjects, the possibility of having intelligence tested in
Gaelic, the possible employment of a Gaelic pupil teacher for the
younger children to give instruction in that language, and a
Gaelic examination paper at the Midsummer Normal Examina-
tions for such pupil teachers.

Mackintosh of Mackintosh, the Chief for the past two years,
has kindly offered, in connection with this Society, a prize of ten
guineas for the best essay on " The Social Condition of the High-
lands since 1800." Members wishing to send essays with a view
to this prize must adopt a 7i07n de plume which they will subscribe
to their essa}-. They must also enclose their own name and their
nom de plume in a separate envelope, which, with the essay, under
one cover, must be sent to the Secretary before the 30th of April
first.

INVKRNE86, January, 1889.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Office-bearers for 1887 and 1888 v.

Constitution vi.

Introduction xi.

Unpablished Correspondence between Lord Lovat, Macleod
of Macleod, Lord Loudon, and others, in connection
with the Rebellion of 1745 — Mr William Mackay 1

Highland Ghosts — Mr Alexander Macdonald ... 40

Notice of Marriage Contract of 1657, with Notes — Sir

Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch .... 49

A Highlander Philologicallj Dissected — Rev. A. Maclean

Sinclair, Nova Scotia 55

Gleanings from Lord Macdonald's Charter Chest — Mr

Tiichlan Macdonald of Skaebost . . . 63

Sgeulachd Casa Cein : The Healing of Keyn*s Foot — Rev.

John Campbell 78

Teann Sios a Dhomhuill Oig — Rev. John Macruiy . 101

Sixteenth Annual Dinner — Speeches by Sir Henry C. Mac-
andrew, Bailie Alexander Mackenzie, Mr Macdonald-
Gameron, M.P. ; Mr William Morrison, M.A.; Mr
Duncan Campbell, Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A. ; Mr
Alex. Mactavish, Mr William Miller, &c. . . 112

The SheOing : Its Traditions and Songs — Mrs Mary

Mackellar 135

Kinross-shire Place Names — Mr W. J. N. Liddall, advocate 153

The Kingsburgh and Milton Families — Mr Charles Fraser-

Mackintosh, M.P i:>8

Old Highland Roads — Mr Alexander Ross . • . . 1 72

XVI. CONTENTS.

PAGE.

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch — Mr Alexander

Macphersou . 193

Notes on the Parish of Alness — Mr Roderick Maclean 217

Highland Superstition — ^Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A. . 232

Two Letters by Simon Lord Lovat — Mr William Mackay . 272
The Imperial Idea in Early British History — Mr Duncan

Campbell 276

Popular Domestic Medicine in the Highlands Fifty Years

Ago— Rev. Donald Masson, M.D., A.M. . . . 298
Collection of Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone — Professor

Mackinnon 314

Deirdire, English Translation of Deirdire — Mr Alexander

Carmichael 370

Honorary Chieftains 389

Life Members .... 389
Honorary Members . .389
Ordinary Members . .391

Apprentice Members 398

Deceased Members 398

List of Books in the Society's Library . . . 399

TRANSACTIONS.

27id NOVEMBER, 1887.

Thi session of 1887-8 was opened on the evening of 2nd November,
1887, when a large number of members attended. The Secretary
intimated that Mr John Mackay, Hereford, had presented the
S<>cicty with a copy of Dr Charles Mackay's " Glossarj^ of Obscure
Words in Shakespeare and his Contemporaries." The meeting
instructed the Secretary to convey to Mr Mackay the thanks of
the Society for his donation.

Thereafter, Mr William Mackay, the honorary secretary, read
the followiDg paper : —

UNPUBLISHED CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN
LORD LOVAT, MACLEOD OF MACLEOD, LORD LOUDON,
AND OTHERS, IN CONNECTION WITH THE
REBELLION OF 1745.

I had the pleasure of reading to you last session a number of
"Unpublished Letters of Simon Lord Lovat,"* which were kindly
placed at my disposal by the Rev. Hector Eraser, Halkirk, great-
grandson of the Rev. Donald Fraser, to whom the most of them
were addressed. As I then mentioned, Mr Donald Fraser left
interesting correspondence which passed between Lord Lovat,
L>rd Loudon, Macleod of Macleod, and others, in connection with
the Rebellion of 1745, and, through the kindness of Mr Hector
Fraser, I am able to read that correspondence to you this evening.
How it came into Mr Donald's possession is not known ; but he
was a warm and trusted friend of old Lord Lovat, and tiie pro-
bability is that the latter handed him the papers for safe keeping

• Printed in Volume XIIL of TransactioDB, p. 135,

2 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

when it became dangerous to himself to have them. They throw
light on many points connected with the stirring times of the
Forty-Five, and the part Lord Lovat took in them.

JSorman Macleod of Macleod to Lord Lovat, 23r(f SepU, 1744.

Addressed to Tive Right Honourable The Lord Eraser of Lovat,

Inverness by Edinburgh, Eree-Macleod,

My Dear Lord,

I know your Friendship and anxiety about me, this
will serve to show Fm in the land of the liveing in health and
spirits, what signifyes it that I was twice within ane an nay a hairs
breed of drownding, I'm now as I alwise was since we gott acqaint
years. Fve mist the Duke of Argyle here, but will see him this
week att the whim or Ednr., from whence you shall hear from me.
This is a delightfull romantick Place. I onlie gott here about
tenn a cloak today. I drink to your health tomorrow wt. Largue
and Lamont. I am more then I can tell yours

NoRMAND Macleod.

Inverary, Sepbr. 23d 1744.

N.B. — I left dunvegan the 5th Sr. Aleir. Macdonald was a
wise man and against the Scheme.

General Guest to Lord Lovat, 27th June 1745.

My dear Lord,

I have the honour of your Commands of the 21st. I
have nothing new to seud you but the Inclosed List, wherein I am
glad to see our Friend Mr McPherson of Cluny. I wish your
Lordsp. would assist him in making his Company the first that will
be compleat it will enable his Friends to press the harder to have
him made Major of the Regiment. He is a very honest man and
I know will deserve every thing that we can do for him. As to
news I cannot send you any. I wish this unhappy affair between
His majesty of Prushia and prince Charles don't do hurt in the
Election of an p]mporour. Sr. Hector McLean is set out for
London under the care of two of his Majesty's Messengers, and his
two Fellow Travellers went along with him. If they are plotters
against his majesty's Goverment or not I am no judge, but if they
are, they were very poor ones, for he had no money to pay for
his Linnen washing the few days that he was here. They
tell me, for I did not see him while he was here, that he is a
well bred very polite man of a small stature and lame of both his
feet but one much worse than the other. Blaws (Blairs?) of
Castlehill is a Tall Black man, whose strength does not seem to lye

Unpublished Correapondence^Lord Louat, etc. 3

in his head. The French King must certainly have a Low opinion of

us if he thinks these are fit to overturn a State with Ld. J

D d and his Famely at their head. If he Employs no better

I don't think but the Brave Frazers and the Best of their Friends
will be able to give them Battle come when they will. Mrs Guest
jo}Tis with me in presenting your Lordsp. and the Ladies when you
write to Clunys with our most humble duty. I have the honour
to be, with great Truth and Respect, My dear Lord, your most
obliged and ever obedient humble Servant Jos. Guest.

Edinburgh, 27 June 1745. Rt. Honbl. Lord Lovat.

Ncnrman Macleod of Macleod to Lord Lovat ^ 19tA July 1745.

My dear Lords

letter of the 27th June wt. that of the first and
2d of this month I gott last Post wh. was oweing to the stupiditie
and Ignorance of the Bearer. I am extreamly Concerned for your
state of health and pray God you may or now be quite well and
that I may have the accts. of it next post. It seems we are to be
all ways out of order in Companie, for just as I finished my letters
this day Seven night I fell very ill wt. a feaverish disorder attended
with a vast feebleness in all my joints and a great disorder in my
stx>mach so that I slept very little for three nights, Sunday and
yesterday I was a good deal better, but this day I am quite out of
order again, wt. the same complaints and a giddiness in my head
so that its no small trouble I had allmost said compulsion on me
to write, but I am quite free of feaver today. Sr. Alcxr. Mac-
donald and Lady Margrat arived yesterday about Tenn a clock
and we drunk your health wt. Lady Macintosh wh. is our constant
method here in a Bumper after the Grace drink. They are very
well and Lady Margrat bid mo make many Comi)liments I fancy
Sr. Alexr. will make his own — he left a proper Commission wt.
Boustill in case anie more Bear arived and I look for Pally by the
15th or 16th here wt.out anie accts. of more victual wh. as we are
at present provided is lucky.

I aprove much of your letter to Lord Stair and I think it must
and ought to satisfye him drummore and everybody concerned
and I am glad to see the d of Argyles to you depend on it I shall
wait of him when he comes to Scotland and in conjunction wt.
Lord Stricken do as far as lyes in my power to establish and fix a
proper and a lasting effectual friendship twixt the two Familys he
gives a very natural reason why their was so feu of your name in
this regiment want of timeous aplication and I am sure had not I
by your own express order, declined a Companie for one of your

4 Gaelic Society of Inverness

sons (the eldest was intended) he would have been named a
Captain. Cluuie and Killiehuntlie I believe owe their Commis-
sions solely to you and me, for both before and after I left London
I made as strong interest as I could for them in our name, and
lett Clunies connection wt. you be known for which I likewise had
your warrant and had I not done so I dare say the Great Men who
procured the Commissions would never have thought of them.

I did apply for Foyers and I still hope the Commission is his,
and that you Jocke about your Pimp Churgeon. I write this day
to London about it. The man who should have sent me ane
authentick list after telling me it was Inclosed forgott it, and I
learn nothing by either yours or that in the newspaper but that
they differ in some particulars. If you are to assist Jos Stewart
or anie other in raising their Companies I hope if Foyers is ane
Ensign you will desire he may be theirs. I never heard that anie
Cameron aplyed for a Commission except the doctor when at your
house and that was much too late. Donald Scutos is my sous
Lieutenant. I fancy he (my son) is by this time in Kdnr. and
will soon pop in upon you att Beaufort.

I have wrote as strongly as I could to Mr McLeod in Fairfields
afair and inclosed the letter to Charles, but I can realy hardly
expect that Mr McLeod whos afairs are not a little Imbarrasod att
present will be his Cautioner, but I dare say he will when satis-
fyed wt. the securitic do all he can to find a j^ropcr person and the
money. Bad as I am I feel some spirits when I am conversing in
this way wt. my dearest Friend. I desire you take it for granted
that I am quite well if yours to me of yesterdays date bring me
good accts. of you, lett me salute all Friends wt. you and assure
yourself I am wt. the outmost of my pith yours while I breath,

Norm AND Macleod.

dun[vegan], July 19th 1745.

I expected the honour of a return from Lady Cluuie to the
letter I wrote wt. Miss Frasers allowance from you to stay wt. her
some time.

Norman Macleod of ^facleod to Lord Lovat, Wth August, 1745.

My dear Lord,

No doubt you are Informed or this can reach you that
some of our unlucky neighbours are up in arms in order to suport
The Pretended Prince of Wales. The consequence as to them must
be fatal, and I cainiot but regrate it, as for you your Loyaltie and
Prudence is so well known that its easy to guess the part you will act.
Sr. Alexr. Macdonald (who with Lady Margrat Coll Taliscar ttc. join

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 5

me in their Compliments and good wishes to you) Coll and I
resolye on the same prudent steps that I dare say you will follow,
and as we are armless to sitt quiet att least till we have orders to
the contrary and are enahled to exert our strenth if required in
support of the Government. I shall long much to hear from you
and have your sentiments and advice. The Bearer is ane Express
of Sir Alexrs. who goes to the President, so that the return I will
expect is either by the Post or ane Express as you judge proper.
I ever am with the outmost Friendship and affection, your most
Faithful Servant, Normand Maclbod.

Talisker, Augt. 11th 1745.

Norman Mackod of Madeod to Lord Lovat, ISth Augt, 1745.

My dearest Lord,

Yours of the 13th I recieved att dun vegan late Friday
night, and yesterday I sett out for this place to regulate some
things that wanted it, and purpose to return to morrow. As its
uncertain but I miss the post I chuse to write from this and write
as fully, and I am quite sure as freely as I can, from any scrapes
of information I have picked up, so that after all you will look on
the whole only as Information and may or may not be True for
ought I know. First then the Chevaliers Son touched at Uist wt.
his small Privateer of 18 Gunns. Told he had some money (but
very little) about 1600 Gunns and as many Swords (said to be
bad) : about Twenty five persons with him mostly Irish or French
Irish ; no Scotsman of anie Family but the Marquiss of Tullibar-
dine and but one of these had ever been a Lieutenant Collonell ;
exjiect^d no succour from France or Spain and came to try his
fate amongst his faithful subjects wt. a resolution to conquer or
dye, but never to return. Its alledged some people who pretended
to be his well wisliers remonstrate against this mad attempt, wh.
behoved to end in his own ruin, and the destruction of those that
were so much his enemies as join him, and desired his immediate
return, or att least to remain quiet, till it could be tryed if he
had anie number of Friends that would appear for him, and where
arms and a Generall was to be had. However, he sailed to the
Mainland and their its alledged he had the same doctrine preached
to him, but he continued positive, on wh. they resolved to join him
att all hasards ; Its very probable all the argumentative part of this
story is Clatters and Fiction, but what is certain and is public is,
that he did stop att Uist, that that is his real Force and that since
he came to the Mainland he is joined by some people there, wh. I
dare say is more exactly known wt. you then here as the reports

6 Gaelic Society of Inuerness^

are various daily. The people named are Glengarry Lochiel Clan-
ranald Keppoch Morors People (but not himself) and some from
Apin, but I did not hear himself named. The Standard is its said
to be sett up to morrow att Glenfinnon wh. is the outlett frona
Moydart and Arisaick to Lochhaber. The reports from thence are
that they expect a ship wt. Generall Officers and arms and the
FerroU embarkation wt. 6000 Spaniards. Sure we are oblidged to
them who have given by the attempt here such timeous advertis-
ment to our rulers to take proper measures to defeat that descent,
if anie such was ever intended. Now I've told you all the idle
clatters ever I heard about this odd and strange adventure. I
hope in return to have your sentiments and information of what
is really a doing, and wheter the Govermont is to putt you in a
capacity to exert your vigour and strcnth in its support, wh. you
once did before so successfully when it was in more danger, att
least from Inward Broils, Their is a rei)ort here to day that the
Highlanders on Friday attacked 2 Companies of Foot going to fort
William, and after some pickeering killed a feu and took the rest
Prisoners. If its true you've more certain information of it or this
can reach you. W. Muir whom you mention I fancy is taken too
or ran away wt. £200 of the Captains Recruiting money for I've
heard nothing of him since he went on that errand, and he should
have been back long ago. I approve much of your Scheme for the
Master and I hoj)e you will without delay putt it in Execution,
being att home att anie rate in his present situation is not to be
wished, but as things seem to look odd and dismal and gloomy
lett him in Gods name gett hence and compleat his Education.
You can not nor can Mr Craigy either say anie thing to his advan-
tage that I am not agst. to believe, for he is the youth ever I saw
that I have the greatest opinion off. As to Sandy* I can say noth-
ing till I know more of him, but if his figure is the only objection
to his being in the army, if ane Officers head and heart be good it
avails little what his Person be. Marshall luxembourg was a
hump backed dwarff of a body as ever was seen but a very Great
Man and Officer for all that. Write by the Post as I'll be at dun-
vegan and the Bearer comes here. Your health I rejoice to find
mended and must commend your modesty in making me so usefull
and you so useless. I wish for your sake as my first Friend I had
it in my power to be more usefull then I am, but sure I am for one
that would miss me a himdred would you. I pray God preserve
and direct both to be usefull to one ane other as for our inclina-

* Sandy was Lovat's second son, often referred to in Lovat's letters as the
"Brigadier."

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 7

tion. — If we have the power theirs little doubt of that. Wont it be
proper to see what turn these Commotions take or I leave home,
had it not been that, I would have sett out for Inveraiy by this
time.

I cannot find out what neighbour of yours to the West aggreed
in conjunetion wt. you in my neighbours Sentiments and mine.
Lochiel I thought had, but I fear you was mistaken, as I am sure
I was.

I offer my Compliments to all with you, wh. I suppose for
ordinary is not a feu, as I hear all the Country is in a Moving
disposition. I ever am with the most unalterable Leal Friendship
and attachment my dearest Lord yours Normand Magleod.
Glenelg, Augt. 18th 1745.

The Captain is in harris Recruiting and will return wt. his men
whenever the wind allows, to go for Inverness w^here he is ordered.
I dare say you are tyred of me and my letter long or you gett this
lenth.

Copy of Lord Lovat^s letter to the Earl of Stair, dated 21st
September J 1745.

My Dearest Earl,

I was much overjoyed to know by my Cousin the
Laird of Macleod (who is your faith full Servant), that he saw a
letter of your Lops, with my Lord President, giving accounts that
your Lop. was in perfect health. I pray God you may long con-
tinue so ; this will always be the sincere wish of my heart and soul.
Macleod tells me that your Lop. was so good as to make kind
mention of me in your letter to the President, for which I give
your Lop. ten thousand thanks. It is not tlie first time that I had
singular experience ol your Lops, great goodness and generous
friendship towards me, for which my heart is sincerely full of
gratitude, and will be so while there is breath in me.

When I was so desireous the last year that my second son
shoud have a Company in the Earl of Loudon's Regiment, he was
then prosecuting his studys at the CoUedge of St Andrews, and I
had not seen him for several years. As he was then going 17
yean, I had reason to believe that he would have a growth like
other men. But to my great surprise, when he came here I found
him to be ane extraordinary undergrowth, the next degree to what
they call a Dwarf. So that I would not wish for X5000 that my
son would appear a Captain in any Regiment. And this is the
real cause of my present misfortune that I cannot accept a good
commission that your Lop. was so very good towards me as to

8 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

destine for this boy. This is certainly a vast mortification to me,
and it is much more so, that this commission, so advantageous for
my family, was both thought oft and procured me by my dearest
friend the great Earl of Stairs. I am really out of all countenance
that your Lop. should have been at so much trouble about me.
All the returns that I can make is to be most thankfully and
gratefully attached to your Lop's, person, and to every man of
your family upon your account. I am now sixty-eight years old,
and have been very near tifty years in the Army and at Court.,
and the singular services that I have done this Government in
assisting to suppress the great Rebellion in this country in the year
17L^, more than any man of my rank in tlie Island of Great
Britain, which my Lord President was eye-witness to, and has done
me often justice on that subject, shoud have made me the happiest
man in this country, and yet, after those extraordinary services,
for which I had three letters of thanks from the King, which are
still in my possession, Sir Robert Walpole and Mr Wade used
me so much like a scoundrell or a banditti that I am ever since
disgusted at the political world, and as I am old and infirm the
only design I liave now is to live quietly and peaceably, and to
retire to some place where living is cheap or reasonable, where I
may spare as much mony as will assist to pay my debts, or the
portions of m}' children ; ftor my extravagant housekeeping here,
with the multitude that frequent it, oblidges me to s[)end the most
of my estate every year, and so I must continue uneasie till I retire
to some private place and live frugaly.

I beg your Lop. a thousand pardons for troubling you with
this disagreeable account of my circumstances. But I flatter
myself you will forgive it, since you always took a concern in me,
and your Loj). may be assured that whatever situation of life I am
in, I shall remain to the last gasp with unalterable gratitude, zeal,
and respect, my dearest Earl, your Lop'.s most obedient, most
oblidged, and most affectionate faithful humble Servant.

[LOVAT.]

Beaufort, Septmr 21st, 1745.

Anonymous Letter to Ale.r. Fraser^ merchant^ Inverness, respecting th^
Pretenders prospects, Ediriburgh, lOth October , 1745.

Dear Sir,

I received yours of 5 curt., and observe you are
curious to know of what occurs here last. The Castle was block-
aded, and so was varie troublesome to the town ; but this week we
are all quiet, and vast numbers of Gentlemen and others from all

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Lovat, etc. 9

the comers of Scotland, are resorting dayly to the Prince. All
the Grentlemen, and manie Comens, from the Shy res of Angus,
Fyfe, Meems, Aberdeen, and Perthshyres are come in this week,
and two troops of Horse Gaurds, under the command of Lord
Elcho, <fec., are formed — all Gentlemen well mounted, and cloathed
in blew faced with scarlet, and scarlet laced vests, and laced hatts.
And there will be besides these, three full Regiments of Light
Horse, and 12,000 fine Foot reddie to march to England how soon
those expected from the North arrive. And tliis week there are
a great manie foraigne oflScers of all ranks, with a great quantity
of arms, amuoition, and mony, come to Mutrosie from France ; and
newes of Lord Marshairs landing is ever}^ hour expected, with
3000 troops to Scotland, besides 10,000 to England, with P.
Henrie, Ac, Ac.

The Prince here is not at all straitened for mony, tho he gott
non from abroad, for he getts in the revenue of all kinds verie
frankly besides £5000 ster. from the town of Glasgow, and vast
sumes from privat hands, some of whom have posts in the Govern-
ment ; one Great Peer of this coimtry ordered last week £8000
ster. to be payed privatly if I am not much misinformed. In
short, mony flowes from all airts, and for all the great puffes you
have from England of the mighty preparations there, the one half
of what is said is not true, and the armie conveening there gives
no pain to those in pouor lieie, as tlioy are like soon to have work
enoucb on their hands at home. The great victory obtained lastly
by the King of Prussia gives verie great })ain to the (government
folks here, and probably will have fatall consccpiences as to some
bodies affaires abroad verie soon, which no doubt will make affaires
at home goe more smooth by one. (iod make all well and send a
happie peace. Give my best res])ects to my Dear friend My Lord,*
and as I expect my eldest boy south here, if you please to help
him with a little mony to bear his expenses here, it will soon be
thankfully paid by your affectionat luimble servant, kc.^ J. S.

Eibro., 10th 8ber (October), 1745.

MacLeod of Macleod to Lord Lovat. Dunvegan, October 23r(/, 1745.

My Dear Lord,

Yours by the post of the 1 7th, wt the other letters I
had, giving account of the scandalous attempt on the President,
has given me great pain, as I dare say it has to you, especially if
Stratherick men were the actors ; because however innocert you

*That iff. Lord Lovat, for whose information the letter was probably
writteo.

10 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

are, it has a very ugly aspect, and theirfore I do not wonder you
would give a year's rent of your estate it had not happened. For
my own share, I would not, for the addition of such an estate as
yours to what I have, wish that my men had made such ane
attempt on him or anie other man of known carecter or honour.
It is impossible that anie thinking person, who has the smallest
notion of your honour, of your humanity, of your sence and regard
to common decency and neighbourhood, can think you accessary
to so vile a thing, but you owe yourself and the world a more
public vindication than my private seutiments, or those of others
who have the happiness to know you, and that is to bring the
offenders to public and condign punishment if they prove to be
your people, for 1 dare say it will bo certainly found out what they
were, att least the most of them. So much for a most disagreeable
subject.

You may be sure, were you in condition to come, you would
be as wellcome here as you are att home, and you should find it
ane asylum as long as I was able to make it so for you or myself.
But I hope in God you are (piitc safe where you are, and that your
conduct will not only procure safety, but that honour and regard
w^hich I shall ever wish you possesed of. My son is in great
agony about six of his men that have deserted, and I own it gives
me much pain to see ingratitude so strong even in common fellows.
But can I believe the rest of it, that tbey were entertained in ane
outhouse of yours, and then sent to make part of the Master's
rendevous. I cannot, and so their I leave it till T hear more. I
shall long mightily till I hear again from you. The weather is
still dismal. — 1 ever am, my dear Lord, most intyrlie yours,

NORMAND MaCLEOD.

Dun., Octbr 23rd, 1745.

Lord Loudon to Lord Lovaty llth November, 1745.

Inverness, Novr. llth, 1745.
My Lord,

This comes in consequance of a paragraf I have seen
in one of your Lop.'s letters to the President in relation to the
security of your person, now that your son, contrary to the advice
and entretys of all his best friends, has resolved to do all in his
power to subvert our happy Constitution and to ruin your Lo[).'3
family.

As to your Lop.'s person and family, for which I have the
greatest regard, I assure your Lop. I shall in no wayes molest them
except orders are sent to me to the contrary by the Government.

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 11

But the very extrorderary methods that have been taken to
foree people out do not leave it in my power to make the same
promise as to other people belonging to and depending on your
Lop. But at the same time that I find it necessary for* me to
use all methods to recale those who have taken up arms against
the Government, I shall take all the care I can to protect those
who have not aided the present Rebellion either in person or by
there Sons. And my Lord, to carry this still furdcr, I shall give
no disturbance to those who shall within eight days return to there
houses, and there continue to behave peaceably.

Your Lop. will by this see that I am willing to show all the
lenity that is consistent with the service of My King and Country
in the present situation of the affairs of this Country. — I am, with
grjat respect and real friend«;hip, My Lord, your Lordship's most
obedient humble servant, Loudoun.

P.S. — I have sertain information that a considerable number
of the King's troopes who have gon from hance have been for
some time entertained about your Lop.'s house. I must insist
that they be directly sent back to me with there arms.

Lord Loudon to Lord Lovaty 22nd Now. 1745.
Addressed to the Right Hon. Tlvt Lord Lovat^ Castle Dounie.

Inverness, Novr. 22d 1745.

My Lord,

I had the honour of your Lops, of the 19th with an
account of your Sons proseedings in Urchart according to the
information you had receved ; That account gave me no small
surprise and I must confess to your Lop. it would have given me
no smal satisfaction, if I could have depended on its being true,
Because it would have been evcdence of the Masters giving up the
Desperat Course into which he had been unhappily Sedused, and
80 early a Change, before any considerable misclief was done, would
I should hope, in a Reigne so Clement as what we have at presant
the Happiness to live under, Obliterat the past errors of a young
man, whose want of years and experience might make him an easy
Pray to Designing Men.

But then my Lord before I can permit myself to receve any real
pleasure from this prospect or to depart from the Resolutions, with
which I aquainted your Lop. in my last, I must be thorouly satis-
fied that the Information your Lop. has receved is true ; that the
Master has returned to his Duty, and that the men who had been
brought together are Returned to there Habitations. Of the
certainty of those things your Lop. must sufficiently be informed

12 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

before this time, and I have hitherto Defered writting to your
Lop. on that subject, that you might be able to sattisfie me ; I
now give your Lop. the trouble of this messiige, beging that with-
out loss of time, 1 may know what I am to believe and Relie on,
in res{)ect to that matter, to the end I may proceed in my resolu-
tions ; or vary them according to circumstances ; And on Suppo-
sition that the men have been dismissed, and are returned to their
homes, what security I am to expect, that they shall not again
be assembled, to give furder Disturbance to his Majesty es Gover-
ment ; that this may be Eifectuatcd, with as little inconvenience
to them or Disturbance to your Lop. as possible is what I ernestly
wish, because I am, my Lord, your Lordships real friend and
obedient humble Servant, Loudoun.

Scroll letter, Lord Lovat to Lord Loudon, 23rd Novr. 1745.

My Good Earl,

According to my promise to your Lop. to let you know-
any thing worth your while that happens in this Little Country
I can now tell your Lop. with pleasure that there is not a man
belonging to me or who are called my })eople, but are at home
and peaceable in their own houses. The last of them came home
Wednesday night from Urquhart, where the}' were with my son,
who went to Trquhart of purj>ose to preserve the Grants in
Uniuhart from being o])resst by the McDonells, and I am glad to
hear he has behaved so well that he has the blessings of all that
Country })eople and the Laird of Grants doers have j)romised to
represent to their master, who is my sons Cousin germain, how
kindl}^ and oblidgeing The Master of Lovat behaved to all the
Country. It Wius hut his duty, but in the days that we are in it
is very rare to find a man that does what he ought to do to a
friend and Relation : ha])py is the man that lives with ane
upright heart and ane afi'ectionate inclination to serve his friend
and relation. But it is true that ane easie temjier and a mans too
great readiness to serve his friends and relations Leads him often
into many heavey misfortunes. But the c(»mfort that he has in
his own mind of doing what was riglit and what he ought to do,
ballances all those misfortunes. This is plainly my ca«e, my good
Earl; I might have been the happyest Lord Lovat as to my cir-
cumstances that has been these 200 years past, if I had not
meddled with Elections. The Estentiall Services that I had the
good fortune to do for ye K the time of the Great Rebellion made
me by chance and my assiduous attendance at Court I became the
greatest favourite that my dear Mr. the Late K. G. had of a Scots

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 13

man. By that means I did improve my Estate very much and I
wds every year adding some little land to it and I did esential
Service to severall of my freinds who now intirely forget it. But
as my fate from my Infancy was to have a Sun Shine and a Cloud
by turns a heavy cloud began to Eclipse my good fortune after the
kte Kings Death by my own fault and foolishly and madly
aaeddling with Elections that I had nothing to do with. My first
most unhappy appearance which I did repent off and will repent
oiF while I have breath in me and which is the action of my Life I
regret most, was against my w^orthy friend John Forbes of Culloden,
to whom I owed more freindship than to any relation or man of
my name who ventured his life for me when I was in distress. Its
true I was threatned by great men to appear against him, or that
I woud lose my Independent Company and any other Bcnefite I had
from the Government, and I richly deserved what ha[)pend to me,
which was, that I lost my Company and severall valuable things
that I had from the Government only for my appearing airainst
Culloden. For Mr Wade told myself plainly that he would break
Diy Company for my appearing against Culloden which he at Last
Effectuate when I was so unUicky as to assist with a high h;ind to
sett up my Broyr. in Law Sir Jas. Grant to be member of Parlia-
ment. I lost a great many of my good freinds, i)articul{irly the
Late Duke of Argyle, who woud not speak to me for a long time
after tho be was before my Patron and most ready to serve me
and I did his grace Considerable Services with the hite King and
the Dutches of Kindale who both had a very great freindship
forme in the time that his graces malicious Enemys were attacking
him. After the D. of Argyle was reconciled to nie he told me
plainly that my broyr. in Law Sir James Grant assisted my
Enemys and soUicet spoke with them to the Minr. to Break my
Company &c. When the Duke afterwards solicit me to give my
Interest to this Liiird of McLeod who is my nearest relation and
head of my mothers family, I Easely granted his (iraces rcijuest,
I then put all Irons in the fire and Labourd as much as if it was
to save my Life to make this Laird of McLeod member of Parlia-
ment. In this I succeeded, but gained to myself a great many
Enemeys, and by assisting to make those two gentlemen members
of Parliament Brought my Estate that was then flourishing into
some disorder for I owe to the Bank and to other persons Severall
Thousand pounds. Now my good Lord since I have presumed to
give your Lop. a small sketch of my good and bad fortune since I
came from France I beg leave to tell your Lop. a little of my
opinion of these Gentlemen whom I have served well and of my
Li. President whom I acted against in the unlucky Circumstances

14 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

of his brothers Election, for which I have been sufficiently chastized.
I dont at all blame my Lord President to be my enemy since I
richly deserved it at his hands, and if he is not my enemy and is
my freind, as I have great reason to believe, its a proofF of his vast
generosity and goodness which I shall always have a grateful!
sense off. But as to the Returns I have mett with from the Lards
of Grant and Mr McLeod I reffer ither acott. to the Judgement of
anoyr. day. Since I thank God my people are all now at home
your Lop. may be convinced that I will use all the Endeavours in
my power to keep them at home. But as my son has 20 times
more to say with the most of them than I have, if he should
debauch them to do any mad foolish thing I hope your Lop. wont
by no means blame me for it or harrass my poor Country. It
would be the hardest Case, nay I may say the most unjust that I
should be punished for my sons faults or the honest tenents that live
peaceably at home for tlie mad foolishness of their neighbours, for
every mans blood should be upon his own head and answer for
himself, and as I am Innocent and designs to live a peaceable
subject to be made a prisoner which is equall nay rather worse
then to be shot through the head in the present melancholy situa-
tion if I am attackd in this little house I am in, full of pains,
weakness, and sickness [manuscript worn] .... day Con-
finement would njak a dismall end of me, I do assure your Lop.
that I will Defend myself, tho I am 6S year old, while I have a drop
blod in my body with as much vigour and Uesolution as if I was
but 28 year old. So I hope my Good Earl that you will not
Begin the Cruel part of tlie war in tliis Country with me for who
knows for as old as I am but I may have a Sun Shine yet. But
in all Situations of Life your Lop. will always find me with the
outmost Esteem gratitude and Respect, my Good Earl, your Lops,
most obedt. most oblidged and most faithfull humble Servt.
and most atfecttionate Cousin. [Lovat].

I have all the reason of the world to expect your Lops.
])rotection in this little house, flfbr shoud my son still persist in his
mad project, which I hope in God he will not, your Lop. may
depend upon it that 1 shall make his numbers much thinner than
he expects.

Earl of Loudon to Lord Lovat, November 2ithy 1745.

Inverness, Novr. 24th, 1745.
My Lord,

The first part of the letter which you did me the
honour to write to mo of the 22nd, aquanting me that all your
people had returned to their houses from Urchart, where they had

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 15

been along with your Son, protecting the Tenants of his Cousin
the Laird of Grant from the Mcdonels, who are in arms against
the Govemmnt, gave me much pleasure, because I expected before
I had done to have read that, to so good a step, the Master had
added one more, the abandoning that Ruinous Enterprise, into
which hia youth had Buffered him to be draged, and the giving all
reasonable satisfaction that the Govemmnt should meet with no
fulder Disturbance from your Clan. But 1 must Confess, My
Lord, I was somewhat surprised that a letter which began so hope-
fully, should conclude with apprehensions that your Son may still
persist and draw numbers of your Kinsmen with whom he has
twenty times more to say than your Lops, alongest with him ;
And notwithstanding all this hoping that I will not blame your
Lop. nor Harrass your poor Country, or begine what your Lop.
calls the Cruel part in it.

That even to your Lop. there appears to be danger that this
unhappy Young Man (for whom I have all the Compassionat Con-
seam possible) may draw the greatest part of your Clan after him
into the Rebelhon ; Layes me under an absolut nesscsity of tricing
lo Prevent it cotde que coute. For I can not answere the suffering
a Body of men w^ho have been in arms attending a young Gentle-
man Whose Avowed Purpose it is to Lead them against his
Majesty } To assemble again in the like manner. My Duty and
the Oaths I am under forbid it, and I am confident of your Lop.^s
inward approbation, as you are under the same Oaths. As to what
your Lop. writes of begining a Cruel war in your Country, it is
the thing in the world the furdest from my thouglits. The
People have no more to do to be absolutly safe, But to be Quiet,
and to give me reasonable satisfaction that they will continue to
be ao. But if they put, or continue themselves in a warlike
posture, it is they that begine the War against his Majesty, and
it is just they should expect the Consequauces. For to tell your
Lop. the Truth, when a Kindered is Illegaly assembled as your
Lop. has been frequently of late, to Draught men, some for march-
ing directly to make War upon the King, and others to stay at
home to protect there country, tlie distinction between this classes
of men iu point of guilt or Innocence is too fine for me to persave.
And were it the case of any other Clan otlier than your own, for
whom your Lop. has so warm an affection, I am persuaded you
would no more relish it than I do. And tho it be your own, when
your Lop. Recollects how Barbarrously they use you, in siding
with your Son against you, to the immenent Ruin of your Family,
and even to the Danger of your person, should the Goverment

16 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

entertain Suspition and give Orders according to their Conduct,
I should hope your Lop. will not feel for there sufteringa, should
that because of there obstinace be the Case, so much ai> you do at
presant. But that I flatter myself, because I earnestly wish it,
but all this may be prevented by there remaining Quiet, and
giving me reasonable Satisfaction that they shall continue so, the
nature of which I hope to have your Lop.'s ultimat thoughts of in
answer to my last of the 22nd, at least in answer to this, for w^hich
I shall wait till to-morrow^ evening, unless what I am informed
of, that the Strath Errick people continue assembled in two
different places, notwithstanding of what your Lop. has assured
me of, shall be confirmed, or that there shall be fresh gatherings
of men in the Aird ; in eather of which cases your Lop. will, I
know, excuse me for doini? what my duty requires of mo, because
where that does not absolutly iuterj)ose it will be a great satisfac-
tion to me to show how much I am. My Lord, your Lordship's most
obedient and most humble Servant, Loudoun.

Scroll letter Lord Lovnt to Lord Loudon, 2^th ^ov., 1745.

My good Karl,

Your Lop.'s letter of Sunday's date was delivered to
me yesterday morning. The bearer of it came here Sunday night
after I was abed, for 1 had been extremely distressed all day with
my cougli and sti(;h, w'hich with the external misfortunes I groan
under renders me hicapablc of thinking or writing upon any-
subject without great pain, and obli.ii:ed me to keep the bearer
so long, for which I beg your Loj).'8 [)ard()n.

I understand the letter I ha<l the hour, to write in answer to
yr. Lop.'s of the 22iid was not come to hand w'hen you writt that
now before me, ffbr if it had I flatter myself your Lop. would have
thought it all the ansr. that I or any man in my situation coud
give. The men of this Country are still at home, and as I have
writt to your Loj). once and again, I do assure you upon my
honour that I shall use my outmost Endeavours to keep them so.
This is th ^ only satisfaction occurs to me that is in my power to
give, For I own 1 do not comprehend w^hat your I^op. means by
proper satisfaction, unless this be it. If I did, as far as it was in
my power, your Lop. should have had it ere now% But if your
Lop. still persists that this is not Enough, Pray let me know
articulatly w^hat satisfaction you would have, or what you would
call proper satisfaction, and if it is in my powder or depends on me,
I shall frankly give it. But if your Lop. shall think, as I hope
you will, that this is all I can say or do in the matter, your Lop.

Unpublished Correspondence-— Lord Louat, etc. 17

vOl have me excusd when I add that the threats and menaces
niade by your Lop. agt. my poor Country is not a little surprizing
and especially that part of them that is levelld agt. the people
that have given no disturbance, and remain peaceably in their
bouses. Tt would be extremely odd, My Lord, to Involve those in
the Guilt of their Neighbours for that very reason which ought to
intitle them to jour Lop.'s protection — I mean their staying at
home ; fibr, according to your Lop.^s way of reasoning, any
particular Clan or Country may be Convict of Rebellion and
exposed to the dismall consequences of it if any number of
Rascalls less or more that live among them shall be so audacious
to attempt that Crime, let the rest be ever so quiet and peac-
able, and according to that doctrine one universall attainder may
be direct in the present unhappy Conjuncture agt. all Scotland.
God forbid, My Lord, that any man in power, and much less tho
Earl of Loudoun, should reason or act upon such principles, and
especially when the Lord Lovat and his Country are to be made
the first Instance in Scotland of such proceedings. No, my Lord,
I am sure yr. Lops, have too much goodness for that, nor can all
that I have heard said, either directly or indirectly, upon the sub-
ject ever Convince me that my dear and intimate friend, the lato
worthy Earl of Loudoun's Son, will act so unprecedented a part
agt. the Lord Lovat or his Country, and, therefore, I shall rest
satisfied that neither I nor they will meet with any distress from
your Lops, for the misconduct of some rascalls that live in this
country. As to my unhappy Son, I wish from my heart that my
patemall advices or authority coud influence his conduct.

As to the Stratherrick men, I do assure your Lop. that I had
no Intelligence from them nor keept any Correspondence with
them since the time they made that base and wicked attempt
upon the house of CuUoden, for which I was so much inccnsd,
however, I have sent to know the truth of the Informations your
Lops, have with respect to that Country, and as far as I know
them I shall communicate you.

Lord London to Lord Lovat, November 27 tk, 1745.

Inverness, Novr. 27th, 1745.
My Lord,

Last night I had the honour of your Lop.'s of that
dayes date in answer to mine of the 24th, in which I desired that
to Prevent my marching into your Lop.'s Countr}" you might pro-
pose what you thought might give reasonable Satisfaction that

2

18 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

your people would not join in the Rebellion, and I am sorry to
see, that all your Lop. Offers is an assurance that they are all at
presant at home, and an assurance you will use all your endevours
to keep them so, and more sorry to observe that your Lop. thinks
this is sufficient. Had your people remained hitherto Quiet, and
could your Lop. now say, what you sade about three months ago
to the Government, that you had the absolut direction of them.
What is offered would have been a proper Satisfaction ; But when
your Lop. well knows that they have been of late frequantly
assembled in Arms, without legal authority, and when yoii
recollect what you acquainted me with, in yours of the 22nd, that
your son, who seemed determined to join the Rebel Is, has twenty
times more to say with most of them than your Lop. base, you
will, I am confident, admit that there being at home to-day is no
evidence that they are to be so to-morow, and that your Lops,
endevours to keep them Peacable are not to be relied on. Nay I
am persuaded upon due attention your Lop. will be thankful to
me for not depending on the assurance you give ; Because should
I do so, and should it fail me, one can sec with half an eye what
your Lop. would have to answer for, and when you view the
matter in this light, I should hope that in place of expostulating
with me, and using very emest arguments against my march, your
Lop. will rather press me to march immediatly to suj)port your
authority over your Clan Seduced by your Son from the Respect
Due to your Lop. and to prevent their Emenent Ruin, and the
Suspition that may reatch your Lop. from their Conduct, should
they be so mad as to join the Rebells.

Now my Lord, since you must see that what has been offered
can not possibly Give me Satisfaction, and since you desire that I
may lett you know articulatly what Satisfaction 1 would have, I
will tell you in two words :

These Men have already been Assembled in Arms, and since
your Lop. will not take upon you absolutly to answere for them,
Those arms must be given up, that the means of offending may be
taken out of there hands. Less than this can give no reasonable
Security that the Goverment shall remain undisturbed, and if your
Lop. concur in it it may be effected without any harshness or
hardship. If you do not, should any hardships ensue they can not
lie at my door. For tho what your Lop. observes that it sounds
hard for the falts of a few to bear hard on a whole Kindered is
true in the Common Case, Yet in this, where the whole Clan have
avowedly been frequantly together in Arms without any Colour of
Law, and apparently with a Disposition to ofifend, they can not

Unpublished Correspondenoe—Lord Louat, etc. 19

justly complam of any hardship Provided it Is no farder than the
lecurity of the Goverment against there violence nesesity requiers
it. This Satisfaction, your Lop. observes, I propose because you
do not take upon you absolutly to answer for the Peaceable
behaviour of your Clan. But if your Lop. thinks you can so far
Depend on their regard and affection for your person that you can
undertake that twenty of them shall not appear in arms, or leave
the Country for two months, under the Condition of Vacating the
Protection you at presant have for yourself and Family, and your
Lop. very well knowes Protections only reach to Acts prior, not to
what may be done subsequant to them. I shall be sattisfied with
that security, as I know how much they owe to your Lop.

You judge right, my Lord, when you think £ have the greatest
unwillingness to proseed to extramity with your Lop., for whom I
inherrit from my father a very great respect, and am. My Lord,
your Lordship's hitherto most obsterat friend, and obedient
humble servant, Loudoun.

Scroll letter Lord Lovat to Earl of Lotuhuy dated 30tk
November y 1745.

My Good Earl,

The letter which your Lop. did me the honour to write
to me of the 27 of this month was only delivered to me yesterday.
I am extreamly sensible of the great civilitys and friendship that
your Lop. has hitherto evidenced for me by the moderation of your
Conduct towards my Country, and the trouble you have taken ou
my accot. at this unlucky Conjuncture. I see, my Lord, how
happy I am in finding in your Lop.'s person the sincere
friend I lost by the death of your worthy ffather, and I pray God
it may be in my pow^er to make your Lop. the turns your friend-
ship deserve at my hands, and to give you a reall proof of that
Sincere gratitude I shall ever entertain towards you ; and in the
meantime I beg leave to assure your Lop. of my most affectionate
humble duty and best respects.

It gives me the greatest concern that your Lop. lays so little
stress on my endeavours to keep my people at home. I appreliend
your Lop. knowes too much of the Highlands to imagine that any
Chief in Scotland can absolutely undertake for the good behaviour
of every man that belongs to liis Clan or lives among them. No,
my Lord, that is impossible, but when a Chitf uses all his Endea-
vours, as I hope to Convince your Lop. and the world I do, he must
have very little to Siiy with his people if his pow^er and Influence

20 Qaelio Society of Inverness.

do not keep at home the greater and better part of them. And if
that is the Case with mine, I perawade myself your Lop. will never
allow yerself to harrass or distress my Country for the misconduct
of such wretches, neither their duty to God nor men can keep
from wicked practices. But to show your Lop. that my people
have not yet renounced all sort of regard and duty to me, I can
assure you, as a certain truth, that I dispersd yesterday two or
three Compys that had assembled themselves in a body. I pre-
vailed on the Gentlemen that headed them to give me a promise never
to attempt any illegal step agt. the Govert. This I hope your
Lop. will think a piece of Service that ought to intitle me and my
Country to your protection, especially as I am determined to per-
severe in my duty, and I hope in God, old and infirm as I am,
that the Govert. shall reap advantage by my doing so. When this
is the Case, my Lord, what more can be asked of me, and if no
more can be expected or demanded of me have I not all the
reason in the world to assure myself that my person and Estate
will continue undisturbed, and to expect the proper Assurances for
that purpase ?

As to what your Lop. proposes of taking up the Arms of this
Country, If your Lop. had not been grosly misinformed in that
matter, you would not, I presume, have demanded it. Ffor in
the first place, my Lord, there are no Arms in the Country, because
my Clan have been twice disiirmed upon the Act of Parliament, so
that they are now the Clan in Scotland that have fewest arms,
and T declare for my own part I did not sec a Gun these twelve
months past. In the next place, my Lord, tho' they were
possessed of Arms, which they are not, the getting thcni snrrenderd
is a work of time, as its in the power of ever}' little Rascal to
conceal them in a Comer where its even impossible for his wife or
bairns to know anything about them, and much less woud any
party of men that coud go in search of them. But there is a third
reason agt. that Scheme, and which weighs still more with me,
and I hope will do so with your Lop., and its this — That an
attemjit to take up any few arms that may be among a people
would contribute greatly to Exasperate the whole, and put them
upon desperate Schemes, whereas, the method I find goes the
greatest length to retain them in their duty is smoothing and good
usage. And when to these reasons your Lop. adds this one, That
the Rebells have arms in plenty ready to be delivered to any that
will be so mad as to join them, and that it is these arms and not
their own such people have their Eyes on as the means of offending,
f persuade myself your Lop. will think as I do that its much more

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 21

hazd. of rendring a Clan desperate when the Consequences might
prove so dangerous and hurtfull.

I intend to write by next post to my very great and good
friend your worthy uncle the Marshall Earl of Stairs, to whom I
owe Infinite obligations to which I can make no Returns, but ye
sincere Love and Respect I have for him beyond all the generalls
in the world.

I have written to my most ffaithfuU and Intimate friend your
Lop.'s Cousin, My Lord Dnimore, to give me his advice in this
troublesome time, all his Children are my near relations by the
family of Arbuthnot My Dr. Lord Drumore has always served
me personally whenever he had occasion to support my Interest,
for he can never forget how much I was beloved and Carressed by
my Dr. worthy Lord President his father, from the time I had the
honour of his acquaintance to his Dying hour. So I hope my Dr.
Earl of Loudoun that your Lop. will, after the Example of your
Liveing and Dead relations, be a friend to old Infirm and Dis-
tressd Lord Lovat, since I solemnly, upon honour and Conscience,
protest to your Lop. that I resolve to live as peaceable a subject
as the King and government has, and will do all that's within my
power to make all my kinsmen that will obey me to do the same.
I therefore humbly intreat that your Lop. may receive as a mark
of my resolutions to live a good subject in all respects what I did
yesterday in sending my men home to their habitions, and taking
the Gentlemens word to keep them at home and peaceable. For
God sake my Dr. Earl Do not give faith to the malicious storrys
and Informatione they give you agt. me, I have friends Its true,
But I have always had the missfortune to have good many Enemy s,
tho' I defye them and all the Creation to say that ever I wronged
any man or Betrayd any man. But I must be so vain to tell your
Lop. one reason why I am hated by many : Its for what the great
Chancellor Cowper, who was a father to me, told me when I com-
planed to him that the Duke of Roxburgh used all his Endeavours
to ruin me with the King, that I could not stand it. He told me
not be affraid, and that I should thank God for it ; That if I had
not merit, and that the Duke of Roxburgh was not afraid of me, he
would not say a word agt. me. Now, My Dr. Earl, take me in
what shape you will, you'l find that I have been some time worth
takeing nottice off. But now I am little better then nothing, and
can only call my self, as Dr. Will Kenedy (who was late Deputy-
Govemour of Inverness and my Delightfull friend and Comerade),
prudent to continue mild and smooth measures (the good effects of
which I have already seen), than by a contrary conduct to run the

22 Gaelic Society of Inoemess.

Fuimis. Tho' mj Ambition doesn't incite me to be as my pre-
decessors have been, vet, if your Lop. will be so kind as to favour
and protect me, we will still make as erc«od a fis^iire as any family
in this Country, and whatever Events may produce your Lop. will
find me most sincerely, and with the outmost gratitude, attach-
ment, and Resf>ect, My Dr. Earl, your Lop.s most oV)edient, most
oblidged, and most faithfull, affect i<^nate, himible, Servt. and
Cousin, [LovAT.]

Scroll letter Lord Lovat to the Lord Prfsidmt, 1st Dfcemr. 1745.*

I have had many proofs of yr. Lops, sincere friendship for my
person and family But there never w;is a period of my life that
made me so much the object of compassion as I am at writing this
letter. My \er\ enemies, if they knew the unsupjH»rta^>le grief of
my soul this morning, must sympathize with a man so disconsolate
and void of Comfort. I dare not descend to particulars, my sou
has left me under silence of last night contrary' to my advice
contrary to my expectations and to my most earnest requests, and
the Con.scquences of his doing su are to me terrible beyond expres-
sion, tho I declare I coud not have done more to save my own life
and the lives of my Clan as well as the Estate of Lovat than I
have done by smc>oth and rough usage to detain him at home.

This is a subject so melancholy that I can neither write nor
talk upon it. I have therefore sent the bearer who lias the hour,
to be known to yr. Lop. to make a faitliful report of the upright-
ness of my Conduct in this matter, and I hn}>e your Lop. will give
Credite to what he shall say. I pray Goil yr. Lop. meet with no
Event in life so disastrous and aflicting as this is to me, and that
you may live long in perfect health as the hour, of your Country
the Support of your friends -ind the Comforter of the atlicted, and
whatever happens me in life I shall always continue with unalter-
able zeal, gratitude, and respect.

Lord Loudon to Lord Lovat, 2nd Deer. 1745.

Inverness, Deer. 2d 1745.
My Lord,

Yesterday I had the honour of your Lops, of the
30th of Novr. and observe, that you have had weight enough with
your people to disperse some Comj)anyes of them, tliat had got

• This scroll is with the Rev. Hector Fraser. The letter is printed in
"Culloden Papers," p. 258.

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 23

together in a body, and to engadge their Leaders to Desist from
there enterprise, and that your Lop. is now Confident you will
preyail with the greatest and best part of your Clan to be quiet,
what ever a few Rasealls may do. This begining, my Lord, gives
me hopes, that with the assistance I shall give you, if all appre-
hensions of Disturbance from your kindered will cease. That your
Lop. may have the merit of it as much as possible, 1 am resolved
to suspend my march into the Aird, and to Direct it to Fort-
Augustus, where I have some things to settel, and as I march
throw Stratherick in my way (where I hope I shall find your
People Quiet, and at home) your Lop. will have an instance of my
moderation, in that I shall not put the least hardship on any
man, whose behaviour shall not absolutely require it from me.

I met yesterday soon after I had your Lop.'s letter, with a
Circumstantial Report as if the Master in the night between the
30th Novr. and the 1st of this month had left your House in
Pursuence of his former Design, and that the People who had been
dispersed had been flocking to him ; but as it would have been
unworthy of your Lop. to have written such a letter a few hours
before an event of that nature, and if you will pardon me for say-
ing so, using me, for whom you profess so much good will, very
much like a Child, to endevour by so tliin a mask to blind me,
I have given no Ear to, nor altered my mejisures upon it, knowing
that your Lop. is too well acquainted with the world to exi)ect that
any furder Correspondance can be carved on, or iiuy measures
keeped, should this Improbable Report prove true. I am, my
Loid, your Lordships obedient humble Servant, Loudoun.

Lord Lovat to Lord Loudon, Ath December, 1745.*

My good Earl,

Yesterday I had the honor of your Lop.^s letter of the
2nd of this month ; wherein you are so good to acquaint me of the
march you then intended, and have since made to Fort- August us ;
and that your Lop. has suspended your march to the Aird, and
was resolved to put my people of Stratherick under no hardshii) in
your way through the Country. This instance of your Lo]).'8
moderation lays me under fresh obligations to you, which I would
as gladly repay had I ane opportunity, as at all times I shall
gratefully acknowledge them ; and till that opportunity fall in my

• This is not among Mr Fraser's papers, but is given here from *' Culloden
Pftpera," p. 260. Lord Loudon did not reply to it, and the correspondence
between the two lords ended. On 11th Dec, Loudon marciied to Castle
Dounie, and next day brought Lovat to Inverness. Before the end of the
month Lovat was again at liberty.

24 Qaelic Sooiety of Inuerneas.

way, I hope you will be so just, to look upon me as a man attached
to your Ijop. by all the ties of gratitude and respect 1 hope your
Ijop. met with nothing in Stratherick to provoke you to depart
from your friendly purpose with respect to that country ; and,
without provocation, I know your Lop. has too much goodness to
do it. It's true, there are some Rascalls belonging to that place,
who deserve the worst of treatment for their misconduct ; and
there is some of that stamp even in this Country ; but, as I have
often said to your Lop., I hope you will never think that mis-
fortune a sufficient reason for distressing the rest, and much less
to fix any load of blame on me, who had no more accession to their
faults than the Child unboni ; but, on the contrary, have used,
and shall continue to use, my utmost endeavours to keep them
and all the other people upon my estate within the bounds of their
duty. I must acknowledge, indeed, that I have not had that
influence with them that I expected ; but still, ' my Lord, the
greatest and better part of them have listened to me, and I hope
will always do. — The information of my Son's having left this
house came, it seems, to your Lop.'s ears sooner than it did to
mine ; for, I declare to you, with unfeigned sincerity, that I
neitlicr sus}>ected such a thing, nor had the least whisper of it, till
the afternoon of the day next after that in w^hich I had the honour
to write last to your Lordship ; and when it was told me, I
declare, before God, I was thimderstruck with the dismall re})ort.
1 have not yet been able to learn what influenced him to take that
ste{), nor the views he may have form'd to himself from it ; but
this I dare affirm with truth, that not a man of the Companies I
dispersed have either gone to him, or expressed [an intention] of
doing it ; so that in this last particular your Lop. s informers are
injurious to me and to these people. — Wliat he or they may do,
my Lord, I cannot tiike u{>on me to answer for ; as I will never
report to your Lop. any more than the bare truth, nor undertake
for any thing but what I am sure to accomj)lish ; but this I still
affirm as a truth, that I dispersed two or three companies, and
took the promises of their leaders in the manner I inforni'd
you in my last. Thus your Lordship sees, that you have no
reason to accuse me of any mask or design in this matter ; and J
am extremely sorry that you should listen to any calumnious
stories that my enemies have hatch'd, to make you think so ill of
me. — 1 know your Lop. has too much penetration and knowledge
to be blinded by any man : I hope you believe that I am neither
fool nor knave enough to attempt it. No, my Lord, my intentions
are honest and upright towards all mankind ; and it is my mis-

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Lovat, etc. 25

fortune, and not my fault, if theirs are not so with regard to me ;
80 that I beg your Lop. may not give ear to those wicked
iDsinuations against me. The report brought me by the Gentle-
man of my name that waited of your Lordship Sunday last, of a
oonyersation 'twixt your Lop. and him, gave me great concern,
because I observe, that the malicious accounts brought your Lop.
by my enemies gain too much ground with you. It has been my
misfortune to be traduced and calumniated thro' all the stages of
my life ; but my dear Earl of Loudon I thought was among the
last men on earth would listen to these calumnies ; ana I still
hope your Lop. will not. My instructions to this Gentleman were,
to coramunicate to your Lop. the situation of this country, and
the conduct of my son and myself ; and as he knew every particular
of that matter, I am sure he would have given you ane honest
account of it, had your Lop. listened to him ; but I am sorry that
the informations of others seem to gain more credit with your Loj).
than mine do. However, 1 have ordered ane other Gentleman,
who is equally well known in the situation of the country, and the
integrity of my conduct, to wait of your I^op., and give you a
faithful account of both ; and I beg your Lop, may rely upon what
he shall tell you : his name is Mr Fraser, of Gortulegg, who has
the honor to be very well known to my Lord President. Whether
in Adversity or Prosperitv, T shall allways subscribe myself, with a
most sincere zeal and respect. Dr. Earl of Loudon, your Lordship's
most obedient, most obliged, and most aifectionate faithfuU humble
Servt. and Cousin, Lovat.

Beaufort, 4th Deer. 1745.

Scroll letter of Lord Lovat to the Lord President Forbes^ 6tk
Novr.y 1745.*

My dear Lord,

My old Chaplain Mr Donald Fraser is with me, who
tells me that he had the honor to see your Lops. 2 days ago, and
that you was so good as to express your kind and real friendship
for my person and family. 1 have great experience of your
generous friendship to me and to my family since ever I had the
honor to be known to you, and I do sincerely asure your Lop.
That while I have a minute to live I will have a most grate full
Rememberanc of your Lop. goodness and your family's friendshij)
Towards me, and I'm still in great hoj)es That in the Present most
Cniell situation That I am in your Lop. friendship will appear

♦ The principal of this letter, which Lovat altered considerably in writing
it out, \e printed in ** Culloden Papers," p. 240.

26 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

more Esentialy for me then ever it did, Since I have now more
need of it then ever I had. The Sincere Matter of Fact ia, That
whenever it was known in the Highlands that the son of the
Pretender Landed, a sort of madness seized all the west highlanders
with ane Eager desire of joining him. The Contagion soon spread,
it came at length to my Country and many of my people on both
sides of Lochness were infected with it, and fully resolved to go off
then if my precise authority had not stopt them, which cost me a
vast Deal of Trouble and pains and to my Chief doer Gortuleg
which I did Comunicate to your Lop. at that time. Foyers and
Kilbokie whose familes always used to be the Leading familys of
the Clan on both sides were the niadest and keenest to go off, and
when they saw that I absolutely forbid them to move or go out of
the Country they drew up with my son. and they easily got him
to condescend to ^o at their head. The whole Gentlemen of the
Country followed their example, and the Commonr run the same
way that the Gentlemen did, So that I was left a Contemptible
old Infirm fellow in my house, and no more nottice taken of me
then if I was a Cliild. So that if I had been able to travell I had
not stayed a night in my house after the bcginig of my son^s
operation with his Clan, and this I told your Lop. in one of my
letters. If that does not exoner me I know not what can.
Anoyr. strong Esentiall Argument your Loj). may make use of for
me, That I spoke and sent Emissaries to those that 1 thought that
loved me most of my clan, and Inspite of my sons Endeavour and
his Capts. I have got a Regt. of good men at home and Most of
them pretty fellows Tho some of is Betwixt 60 and 70 years of
age. So that tho I had ten tliousand lives to save I w^oud do no
more in this affiiir to save myself than I have done. And if the
Government did punish me for the Insolent Behaviour of my son
to myself and his mad Behaviour towards the Government, It will
be a greater severity than ever was used to any subject. Since I
have not strength to mount a horse Back and leave the Country, I
am resolved to live Qiieitly and peaceably in my house and live
faithfully subject to the King and observe and obey the Laws of
my Country and to let your Lop. see farther my sincere Resolu-
tion of Encourage no Disturbance, But on the contrary to keep the
Country peaceable and Legall I ordered to list two hundred of my
men that stays at home, and ])ut pretty gentlemen at their head,
that they may watch and Guard the Country from all Robbers and
Theives and Loose men that comes from the Highland Army, and
to seize them and to send them to Inverness. By this project I
hope to contribute to the preservation and peace of the Country

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 27

as much as any two Independent Companys that are at Inverness.
I hope this will not be disagreeable to your Lop. that wishes me
and my Country well.

I know your Lop. has, and will have, more power than what
would save me and ten families like mine, otherwise the King and
Goverment will be most ungratefuU to you, for your Lop. has done
more Service to King George and to his family and Government
then if he had ane army of 3000 men woud do in the North, for
if it was not for your Lop. great zeal extraordinary and unheard of
activity and fatigue. The adventurur Prince woud have 10,000
Before be went South instead of Two, and with that number
would have marchd straight to London without ceing opposition,
So that the King owes more to your Lop. on this occasion than to
any subject in Brittain, and I do asure your Lop. that the King's
Enemys are very sensible of it, and that you are more now exposed
to their hatred and Reveng then any man on Earth. I wish with
all my soul that you may always Escape the furry of yr. Resent-
ment till you are happyly and Gloriously out of their reach, for
my good wishes will attend your Lop. wherever you are, and I
have firm hopes that your Lop. who has saved the Government In
the North By Bringing in so many Great ffamilys to Serve the
King, that you woud be so good as to save one ftamily and ane old
Infirm man whom your Lop. saw Behave well enough In the
Kings Servic agt. the Rebells. I will truely exi)ect this great
mark of your Lop. friendship, and I am in all Conditions of Life
with unalterable gratitude, attachment, and Respect, My Dr.
Lord, your Lop.'s most aifecte. Cousin, and most obdt. and most
faithful humble Servt. [Lovat.]

Your Lop. must be Informed That my house and Green has
been like a market place for some time past, and my son was such
a fool That he Entertained and does Entertain every man tliat he
thinks favours his part, for he is ten times more Mr. of this house
Then I am. But I have Resolved from the Begining, and still
Continue firm in my Resolutions, Let them do or say what they
will, I will never Black paper with them, and as soon as ever I am
able to travell out of this house Tie stay no longer in it. For I am
down right killed with vexation of heart and spirit to see my
health much hurt, my family in Danger, and any money and rent
I have, foolishly spent and squandred away. There is no help for
it, I submitt to divine providence.

My Cousin Bailly lets me know In a letter that he has goten a
young Jas. I give your Lop. and my Cus., Dr Eraser, Auchna-

28 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

gaim, joy of him. I love my Cus. B. James very much, and I have
a vast regard for his Lady, who, I think, has a great deal of merit.

Aywnymous letter to Lord Lovat.

My Lord,

I have the honour of your Lordships, and I have in
obedience thereto given your letter to the post, and sent per
Bearer the bottle mustard calld for.

Mr James Robertson of Portsoy, your meall Merchant, is
Imedeatly come from Edr., where he hiule been waiting the Prince
getting payment for a meall ship taken on the Prince's landing on
the West coast, he declares that the Earles of Murray and Lauder-
dale hade Joind the Prince before he came away, this I am assured
of by his Clerk, who came to Town this day. Mr Shaw and Evan
Baillie are gone this morning to Moey to see the Lady Mcintosh.
Mr Robertson's Clerk also tells that Lord Lwis Gordon is comeing
good speed in Raising men, and that Some of his people hade
come the length of Forres recruiting, where they hade tolerable
success.

There is one Mr Maitland, ane Advocate, come to the Castle.
I am told he was some days at Culloden. My news are very often
tryfling because better does not cast up. So I hope youU Excuse
me. — I have the honour to be. My Lord, your Lordship's most
obliged and Devout Servant.

Anonymous letter to Lord Lovat hy the xoriter of the foregoing letter.

My Lord,

I hope this will find your Lordship in perfect health,
to which I sincerely wish long continuance.

These are chiefly to acquaint you that I was yesterday with
ane old accquaintance and School Comerade of mine, a Master of
a Ship come directly from Holland, who declared he breakfast one
morning in a Jaccobites house with Mr Kelly in Rotterdam, who
that day went to the Hague, and waited of the Abe de la Vile,
with whom he was gone for France Some days before this ship
Saild ; This Skiper likewise says the Dutch have all Scottsmen in
the greatest abhorance and Insult them publickly as the Preten-
daunts friends, and that no dutch Ship would lend them ane end
of a Rope if they were perishing, I particulary asked him if he
coud learn anything of ane Embarkation in Dunkirk or any oyr.
part of France. He says its what the Dutch have not been as
yet able to find out and that thre were no such thing as transports

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 29

&t Dunkirk, So that the landing expected in the Murray firth is
no more than a faint. This lad Saild from Rottdm. this very day
eight days and hade a passage to Nairn of 5 days, he is a great
Jacobite himself, a son of one Percey Falconers of Auldearn. He
says its not doubted but thre will be a Landing this winter, but
it will not be in this comer, and that the Frensh have fish Boats
that coud run aground sufficient to transport 20,000 in 3 hours
time in tolerable weather. I asked him likewise what number of
our Troups hade come over. He says much about 6000, and that
none of our horse hade been Shiped. He says, taking all the
Regments we hade in Flanders on ane avorage, they will not be
300 men a Regment. I saw a Gentleman from Sutherland tells
the Earl of Sutherland is makeing up another Company, and that
Lord Reay is asking another for his Son Bighouse, So that wee
will have 4 Companys from that comer by all probability. — I have
the honour to be.

Anonymous letter to Lord Lovat hy the same toriter.

My Lord,

I have the honour of your Lordship's accompanying
the useual Supply, also a Double of Mr Fraser's letter to you,
which I showed Mr Baiilie and John Shaw, and asked their opinion
of it, at which they seemed surprised as it contained no more than
what has been the currt. report to antmedate for this month and
ane half past. Mr Baiilie also added that Mr Fraser has certainly
wrote that letter at the desire of some of these Government people,
which put me in mind of what Mr Fraser told me yesternight,
that the Lord President wrote him in a very kind manner, setting
forth his attachment to your Lordship's family. I sent this day
for Mr Colquhoon, but he being on guard could not come out.
However qn. first your Lordship shall know whither the Earle of
Loudon is to make your Ijordshii) a return or not. In the mean-
time its E. Baillie's opinion that the news bv this post is not so
fair for the Government that they will begin quite so soon to
Committ hostilitys in the Country. I forgott to ivccquaint you
yesternight that a young man who came alongs with the ])ost in
order to serve Lord Seaforth, tells that he hade occasion to come
from London about 20 days agoe, and saw in his way G. W. forces*
at Newcastle, who were the pityfullest Creatures ever he saw,
and they were all dying with a flux. . . . sioned as some say

* GeDeral Wade's forces. The MS. of the remainder of the letter ia much
destroyed.

30 Qaelic Society of Inuerness.

occasioned by the horse breath . . . le aboard the transports.
The Post told me Lochiels . . . hade come up to Perth wt.
about 500 McDonalds of . . . <fec., that the Farquharsoaa
were 500 good by . . . h its belived the armie at Perth wt.
what Glengisle . . . t Doun, will make 4000 good men
besides your . . . and L. Lewis Gordon's. I think I
advised you that . . . *Intoshs &c., hade gone down to
Dundee in pursuite . . . men of warr. Black's. . .
something outrageous. . . .

Anonymous letter to Lord Lovat b// the same luriter.

My Lord,

I have the honour of your Lordship's, and I delivered
the letters to the post as you desired.

The Earle of Loudon this day gave out a Bloody proclamation
which was read at the Cross by Culcairn, Setting furth that
whereas he was informed that the men of Stratherick and the
Aird were forced out and dragged to rise in Rebellion agt. His
Majestic, to prevent which he thought it necessary to proclaime
publickly that without loss of time he was to goo with a bod}- of
His Majestie's forces to save such as were well Inclined and Stays
at home with their familys, and apprehend, <fec., such others as
wore rising in Rebellion. No doubt this will concern your Lord-
ship, and perhaps Stop their march. If so I wish to God you had
been so prudent to have gone into the Government by the King's
Aduocats applying you at the desire of the Ministery than be
hectored in by people will raise themselves if this Government
stand on your cost. A low pass Lord Lovat is brought to.

1 can now with certainty informe you that there is a landing
at Montrose, Stonhive, Aberdeen, and Petterhead of 18 frensh
transports. There is a Gentleman come from Banf imedeetly to
Tow-n, brings Accts. and i)roduces letters from these parts, besides
declares he spock to a man Saw ten ships at Aberdeen landed,
amongst which were some of Lord John Murray's men that had
deserted to the Irish Bragade. I have returned Inclosed a double
of Mr Eraser's letter. John Shaw speaks bitter things agst.
Gortleg, and desires me peremptorily tell him that he knows
every step of his Corcspondance wt. the Laird of M'Leod, and
says he knows no imployment he should take but to be Serjant or
some such post as that in M*Leod'8 Company. This is all the
news I have at the time. However I begg and Intreate let nothing
Bouie you, lest that you may repent afterwards. Consider wisly

Unpublished Correspondence—Lord Louat, etc^ 31

what you Bhoud doe for the welfare of your honourable family,
and may you be directed by God Almighty in all your Councils.
Our Aberdeen post is hourly expected, and as he no doubt will
bring particulars, I shall write you per express how soon as he
amves.

Anonymous letter to Lord Lovat,

My dear Lord,

Suffer a heart full of gloomy and dismal apprehensions
and freighted with grief and sorrow to vent itself. The Son that
was dumb from the womb found his tongue when he saw his
Other's life in danger. Can I be silent when 1 tsee our Common
parenty his hopful ffamily, his numerous Clan, and flourishing
istate all on the brink of ruin and ready to tumble down a
precipice. I was so for some time past because 1 persuaded
myself, as many others did, that you meant no more but to keep
some idle people in play that were ready to break off from you ;
bat now that mattera are like to be carried to a greater height,
your Lop. will forgive me to speak out my mind, which I
did but once before by hints and under a borrowed name that it
might have the greater weight. I own my Lord that if any man
living has right to dispose of his Estate and Clan you have it, as
you have recovered the one from allmost nothing and rescued the
other fix>m bondage and slavery, but will you throw away that
Estate and Clan for the Solisitation of a young man who has
mendicated the assistance of all aroimd, high and low, as well as
yours 1 Shall a man of my Lord Lovat's consummat wisdom be
carried over by the Instigations of a John Roy Stuart, a Baristel,
a Ceanloichmodart, to measures destructive to his Jionour and
Interest f What will the world say but that your Ix)p. is not the
man you once was. It is well known my Lord that no Clan is
more devoted to a Chief than yours are, and it is commly said that
they will rise with your Lop. either for or agt. the Government,
and as that is the Case your Lop. alone will bear the blame if they
go wrong. It is still in your ])ower to prevent their ruin, if you
lay yom- Commands on your Sou, he will show himself, I hope, a
dutiful child, if you call for the Gentlemen of your name they will not
iaill to obey your orders. And for those who have gone oft*
already let them answer for it ; their Conduct cannot affect others.
Pray my Lord consider how few of any note have imbarked in the
present Disturbance. I am sure not one of my Lord Lovat's
interest and following has done it. Have not the Mackdonalds of

32 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

the Isles, the Mackleods, the Mackenzies to a few, the Monro,
Rosses, Sutherlands, and McKeys kept clear, and shall the ffrasers
be the only sacrifice — the only sufferers in the North of Scotland ?

If they are once outlaws their Case will vastly differ from those
in Moidart, Knoidart, Glengary, and Locharkark. The Prince's
sitimtion at present gives no incouragnient to any to Join him —
he is between two fires, he has Wade in his reer and the Duke of
Cumberland in his front, and as to the people in perth, I make no
doubt but they shall be soon surrounded by a considerable body of
regular forces and a numerous Malitia. My dear Lord exert in
time the goud sense and fortitude wherewith God has blessed you.

If you slip the present opportunity you will have cause to
repent it when it shall be to no purpose. For God Sake put it not
out of the power of your good ffreinds to justify your conduct to
the Governmt and place the motions of your Son and people
hithrto in a favourable lierht.

AnonymotLS letter to the Master of Lovaf, by the same tvriter.

My dear Master,

It gives me and a gi'cat many besides vast pain that
you should be led by any persuiision whatever to favour measures
subversive of the sound prinlls. of Religion and Govenmient in
which you have been instructed, and attempt to risque yourself
and your prospect in a world at all adventures. But for any step
you have hithrto taken you are still safe if you will but
hearken to good advice, to the advice of a parent to whom you owe
so much, and of friends who have it at heart to do you all the
good offices that lies in yr. power.

Let not a point of mistaken honour take place of the duty you
owe to yourself, to your flather, to your ffriends and to Country. It is
more honourable and manly to break threw a rash ill digested
engagment than to fall in wt. a project the visible tendency of
w^h. is to introduce popery and arbitrary power amongst us. And
as the fond attachment of your friends and followers is the Chief
if not the only motive that induces them to risk their lives and
fortunes in a desperat cause, that should lead you to be the more
tender of them and the more averse to throw yourself and them
away to no purpose. Mj dear Master, be not amused with false
reports, the situation of the young Adventurer gives no encourage-
ment to any wise man join him — he is by this time between two
fires, he has Wade with a considerable army in his rear and the D.
of Cumberl. wt. anoyr in his front — and as to the people in perth

Unpublished Correspondenoe—Lord Louat, etc 33

they shall be soon surrounded with a body of the regular forces
and a numerous malitia from the West. May God direct you in
the most critical and important step of your life qch. you are now
to take.

This is the sincere request of one who wishes that you may
answer the expectations qch. your friends and acquaintances have
concaved of you and who is .

My Dear Master,

It is better to turn half water than drown, for all your
ruuhles hitherto you are still safe ; if you will but hearken to
good advice, to the advice of a parent to whom you ow so much,
and of good firiends who will not faill to palliat any wrong step
you have yet taken. My dear Master, let not a point of mistaken
honour take place of the duty you ow to yourself, to your ffather,
to your ffamily, to your firiends and Country, and which is more
than all, to your God. If you have come under rash ingagements
it is more honourable to break thro' these than to purpose measures
subversive of the sound prinlls. of Religion and Governmt in qch.
you have been instructed. As the fond attachment of your
firiends and followers to you is the chief if not the only motive
that induces them to risk yr. lives and fortunes in a desperat
cause, that should lead you to be the more tender of them and the
more averse to throw yourself and them away to no purpose.

Examination of Revd. Donald Fraser^ Minister of Killearan,
l^thJany. 1747.

Att Essich, the 16th of Janry. 1747 years.

In presence of Evan Baillie of Aberiachan, Esqr., late Slierriff
Depute and now one of his Ma'ties Justices of peace for the County
of Inverness.

Compeared Mr Donald Eraser, Minr. of the Gospell at Killienan
in the County of Ross, who having been Solemnly Sworn Maketh
oath That he was lately Call'd upon by some persons usually
Employed in the Management of the Lord Lovat's affairs and
business who calld upon the Deponents' assistance and communi-
cate to him as one who wished well to the Family of that Lord
Certain Instructions and Directions that they had from the Councill
and SoUicitors or Agents Employed for the sd. Lord Lovat at the South
in the Tryal by Impeachment for high Treason, Commenced and
Depending agt. him before the House of Peers, Touching Sundry
facts and Circumstances said to have been Condescended on by the
ad. Lord, and found adviseable by his Councill, to be offerd in

3

34 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Defence and Exculpation of the Articles wherewith he stands
chargd, and proposd That he, the Deponent, should Concurr with
those who calld upon him in Executing the Directions given anent
certain steps thought proper to be taken in the Country, That the
Deponent Agreed to do so, But on the outsett in doing what was
recommended, found That the Different Countries which compose
the said Ld. Lovat's Estate, and wherein the persons pointed at as
proper to be calld upon and conferrd with Reside, were alarmd
and Disturbed by Different Commands, and partys of the highland
Regiment Commanded by the Right Honble. the Earl of Loudon,
which came upon Searches among them in the night time betw^ixt
the Tenth and Eleventh instant ; And upon three or four nights
yrafter, which Partys, as the Deponent was informd by the
Inhabit^ints of those Countries, made first a Specious pretence of
being in Quest of Deserters, but afterwards avowed and ownd
their business was to find Evidence to affect the Ld. Lovat in his
Tryal, and threatnel burning and harrying in the Countries if
such Evidence as they wanted were not found, or did not tamely
surrender themselves ; That Several of the Inhabitants in those
Countries, frighted with such me^isures, absconded and fled, and
many of them were apprehended, Carryed forcibly to Inverness,
and Committed to prison there, where the Deponent did see them,
and where Sundry of them remain at this date ; That such others
of the Country as Rcmaind at their homes, and the Inhabitants of
it in General, were struck with such terrour and confusion by
those measures. That they seem'd Quite unfit for being talkd
with on any business. Especially on what Concerned Lord Lovat,
as they boggled and were affrighted at the mention of his name ;
And Further Maketh oath That upon the 12th and 13th days of
Janry. instant, the Deponent was informed That there was a
Court Erected and Established at Inverness for taking Evidence
and proof agt. the Lord Lovat, and tliat he, the Deponent, was
calld upon to attend that Tryal on Wednesday the 14th, by a
letter from the Earl of Loudon ; That the Deponent Did accord-
ingly attend, and found upon Enquiry that a great number of
Gentlemen in the Lord Lovat's Countries had been called upon by
Summonses to attend the Court and give Evidence, and that the
several persons apprehended and confin'd as said is, were also to
be brought to the Court to give evidence ; That upon the said
14th of Janry. the Deponent did see the Court Constitute and
proceeding in a Suburb of Inverness Calld the Green of Muirtown,
and that Hugh Rose of Kilravock acted a^ Judge, and Alexr. Ore,
nottar publick, as Clerk, who are both men of the Shire of Nairn ;

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 36

That the Deponent upon Enquiry about the Constitution of the
Courts or what the Character of it was, he was told it was a Sub-
stitute Sheriff Court of the County of Inverness by Commissions
from the Judge ordinary and the Clk., and that the Deponent did
see with the Clerk of the County, Scrolls or copies of the Commis-
aonSy Granted to the saids persons by the Judge ordinary and him,
wiiich proceeded upon a Narrative That it was judged Necessary
for his Majesty's Service, and that the said Lord Loudon Com-
manding his Ma'ties Forces at ffort Augustus, thought it necessary
for his Majesty's Service To have such Commissions granted ; That
the Deponent observed and Discovered by the Conduct of the said
Court that they proceeded and Examin'd such as were Call'd upon
to Give Evidence upon Oath ; That he saw sundry persons Called
upon and brought to Court before he himself was calFd upon, and
that when he, the Deponent, was calld upon, he saw none in the
Court but the sd. Judge and Clerks, and one Robert Schevize, of
Muirtown, whom he knew, and appeard to him to act as the
Informer, and pointed out the facts which were the subject of
Enquiry, and the said Earl of Loudoun, who also spoke and
assisted in Conducting the procedure of the Court, and one Peter
Campbell, ane officer of Lord Loudon's Regimt., who stood at the
Door and calld upon the people wanted as they proceeded with
closs Doors ; That the Deponent was solemnly Sworn at that
Court, but previous to that told them he was sure he had nothing
to say that could affect Ld. Lovat, and if he had that he would
not obtemper that Court in giving it upon oath, as he thought
sach demand not Supported by law, and had a guess what its
Consequences might be even wt. respect to himself; That the
Judge and Lord Loudon Interrogat him about some facts and
Circumstances intended to affect Ld. Lovat, to which he gave
answers which they seemed to think not to their purpose, and
that the Deponent signed what they thought proper to insert of
what he said ; That after his oath was Concluded the Deponent
took the liberty to Expostulate a little wt. them, and Complaind
of the manner of Enquiry as unfair in his apprehension, and told
them That if proper Questions had been askd him in behalf of the
Lord Lovat he could, wt. great truble and from proper knowledge
say many strong things in his Exculpation and favourable for him.
But to this the Court, or those who Conducted in it, made no
direct answer ; That after the Deponent was dismissed he attended
near the Court the rest of that day, and the whole of the time
that they proceeded the next day in the Town of Invemes, when

36 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

he saw sundry persons brought to the Court as evidences and
return from it, and some of them under Guards, and whither reall
or affected to Intimidate the people more, if possible, to the Lord
Lo vat's prejudice ; That he heard and saw numbers of those who
attended give out and say to the spectators who were in great
throng from Country and Town, that the Lord Lovat was undone
by the scrutiny made ; That the Deponent foimd such saying and
report so Impress and affect Sundry of the people [Remainder of
paper awaniing.]

J. FraseTy Inshoch* to Rev, D. Fraser, anent Lord Lovat^s history
2\8t Janua ry, 1751-2.

Reverend Sir,

I received your letter, 18th ulto., wherein you tell me
that you are in a Strait about several surcumstances relating to
my Lord Lovat's actings in the Country here and Elsewhere. I'll
be so selfish, tho I be not a head piece, that no true history can be
wrote of hira without me with Reguard to his Conduct at home
and abroad, since I was the first man that took arms with him
when he took on to be Chief, and in Case that my days may be
cut off before I see you, I make you my ffather Confessore, may
that God who is Judge of us all and of our actings, that he may
be as willing to Reccve my soul, as I was to support your Chiefs
ffamily since the first day to the last, only my passion when I
was ill used might occation me to speak rashly only from the
Teeth outwards. As to write you the heads of particulars that
you want, it is not in my power without I begin from the very
foundation, which was his taking his Arms in the '97, and what I
have fresh in memory since that time, and what I have been eye-
wittness to would take a quair of pui)er if a part of it was abridged.
However, in Case the Lord may spare us both till the season come
in, I shall see you at your own house, when we shall consert
matters. I make offer of my love and Service to honest Ffather
Daughters, your bed fellow, wishing you both a happy new year,
and believe me to be yours at Comand, J. Eraser.

Inshoch, 21st Janry, 1751-2.

• Major James Fraser of Castle Leather, who went to seek Lord Lovat in
France, and wrote an account of his life there. (See Arbuthuot's " Life of
Lovat," 203 ; *' Burton's Life," 103, 109, 114 ; ** Antiquarian Notes," 47, 60).

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Louat, etc. 37

Tefttmony in favour of Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat^s eldest son, by

ike northern ministers (no datejy in handtoriting of Mr Donald

Fraser, who signs it.

We, subscribing Ministers of the Gospel in the Coimtys of
Inyemess, Ross, and Nairn, Do hereby testify and Declare that
Simon Fraser, eldest son to the Loid Lovat, commonly called
Master of Lovat, was educated in Protestant and Revolution
Principles under the Direction of Tutors of great ability s and
unsuspected Loyalty and good affection to Church and State ; And
to our Particular Knowledge and best Information, These were
his Settled and Professed Principles before and for some time after
the Commencement of the late unnatural and infamous Rebellion,
till, unhappily for him, he suffered himself at last to be seduced
by the Arts and unwearied Practices of the Agents of the Pre-
tender, which, together with the too General Frenzy of the Time,
wrought upon his raw and unexperienced youth, and hurried him
down the stream of Rebellion against his real Principles. As we
who make this Declaration have given proof of our unshaken
Loyalty even in the midst of the flames of that Rebellion, and are
ready to venture our Lives and everything that is dear to us in
the world for His Majesty King George and our happy Constitu-
tion, So we would be the last to offer anything in Extenuation of
the Guilt of this youth, were we not firmly persuaded on the best
evidence that the nature of the thing is capable of, that if the
Royal Clemency was extended to him his good Principles would
operate so vigourously upon him, that his Future conduct in the
Service of His Majesty, and in support of our Constitution, would
efface the Infamy of his horrid Crime. However His Majesty in
Hifl Royal Wisdom may think proper to dis])ose of him, this we
reckoned ourselves bound in Justice to testify concerning him
under our hands.

Alex. Macbean, Minr. at Inverness.
Thos. Chisolm, Minr. of Kilmorack.
Pat. Nicolson, Minr. of Kiltarlatie.
Don. Fraser, Minr. of Kileaman.
Murdoch Mackenzie, Minr. at Inverness.
Alex. Fraser, Minr. at Inverness.
iENEAS Shaw, Minr. of Petty.
John Clark, Minr. at Strathglass.
Robert Thomson, Minr. of Kirkhill.

38 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Lettre de Monseigneur de Lovate au Roi de France,

Sire,

Que Je me trouve heureux de pouvoir assurer V.M. de
vive voix, de mon zele, et de mon respect, et un attachment, pour
la personne sacree de V.M. et pour ses Inter^tes. Je count pour
rien, Sire, le cachot, la prisone etroite, et la persecution inouie que
J*ai soufFerte en France, pendant dix ans, de la part de la cour de
St. Germain, comme le partisan de votre auguste maison. Ce
souffrances ont un peu altere ma sante, niais, Sire, ce qui me reste
de la vie, sera emploi^ avec joje dans le service de V.M. et
J'espere que Je ne serai pas un serviteur inutile, dans mon pais :
et que V.M. verra qu 'elle n'a pas donn^e la vie a un ingrat. Mais,
Sire, la vie ne me servira de rien sans la protection royale de V.M.
Je vous la demande. Sire, tres humblement, et Je ne la dcmande
pas contre vos bons sujets, car J'ai le bonheur que les ennemies
que J'ai partout, sont les ennemies declare de V.M. et que mes
amis, le Due d' Argylc, et le Comte d' Ila son frere, et le Comte de
Sutherland, et tons ceux qui sont les cautions de ma fidelite envers
V.M. sont connus pour les zeles serviteurs de V.M. Ainsi, Sire, la
protection que V.M. m'accordera, contre mes ennemies, fortiferera
s vos interetes dans le nord, et humiliera beaucoup T insolence de
ceux qui sont malintentiones pour V.M. dans ce pais la. Et si
I'occasion le demande, V.M. verra que Je risquerai ma vie, a la
t^te de mes tribus avec autant d'ardeur que qui ce soit, pour
soutenir les interetes de V.M. quand Je ne recevrois jamais d'auttre
bien d'elle que la vie, qu^ellc a cue la bonte de m' accorder : et Je
ferai les veux sinceres que le Cicl conserve pour longues annes la
personne sacree de V.M. que votre regno, Sire, soit glorieux et
heureux, et que votre posterite royale puisse posseder avec gloire
le trone de ce Iloyaume qu 'il y a un Couronne sur la terre.

Lettre de Lovate au Prince.
Monsigneur,

Si la clemence du Roi m'accordee la vie, Je scais
combien Je la doit aux bontez de votre Altesse royale. Je tjicherai
Mon: de repondre par mon zele pour tout ce qui regarde a Alt:
Roy: a ce qui je dois a un prince si glorieux, et genereux, et si
auguste, et le Due d'Argyle qui a Thonneur d'aprocher de pres de
V.A. (dont le Ancetres ont regardee ma maison comme une
branche de la leur) pourra repondre de ma constantc fidelite, et de
ma ferme resolution de repandre mong sang pour les Interetes de
V.A.R. quand T occasion le demandera. Je demande tres humble-

Unpublished Correspondence— Lord Lovat^ etc, 39

ment toutjoure la protection de V.A.R. Je tacherai de m'en
rendre digne par mes actions, et par les veux sinceres, que Je ferrai
toute ma vie pour V.A.R. afin que le ciel la conserve long temps
pour etre la gloire de ces rojaumes et la terreur de tout vos
^ennemys.

[Note. — Two iDteresting letters by Simon Lord Lovat, in possession of Mr
Haj Xewton of Newton Hall, were read before the Society on 4th April,
ISSS, and will be found in this volume under that date. — W. M.]

9th NOVEMBER, 1887,

At the meeting this evening the following gentlemen were
elected members of the Society : — Mr John Grant, jr., Oakbank,
Glen-XJrquhart 3 Mr Alexander Macpherson, merchant, 1 Laurieston
Terrace, Edinburgh ; Mr D. Whyte, live stock agent, 326 Duke
Street, Glasgow ; Mr Alexander MacDougall, bookseller, Fort-
William ; and the Rev. Mr MacRury, Snizort, Skye.

The Secretary intimated the following donation towards the
Society's Library ; — " Pococke's Tours in Scotland," issued by the
Historical Society of Scotland, from the editor, Mr D. William
Kemp, Ivy Lodge, Edinburgh, per Mr James Eraser, C.E. The
meeting instructed the Secretary to convey to Mr Kemp the
thanks of the Society for his donation.

The meeting then assumed the form of a Highland Ceilidh,
which was opened by the Chairman (Bailie Stuart) who narrated
humorous stories and sang songs. Songs were also sung and tales
told by Mr Colin Chisholm, Ex-Bailie Chas. Mackay, Mr Henry V.
MacCallum, and others.

16th NOVEMBER, 1887.

At this meeting the Rev. A. McLean Sinclair, Springville, Nova
Scotia ; Mr Henry V. Maccallum, 42 Union Street, Inverness ; anc
Mr J. K. Brodie, Lorn Hotel, Inverness, were elected ordinary
members of the Society.

Thereafter Mr Alex. Macdonald, Audit Office, Highland Rail-
way Company, Inverness, read a paper on " Highland Ghosts."
Mr Macdonald's paper was as follows : —

40 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

HIGHLAND GHOSTS.

The belief in ghosts is so characteristic of the Highlanders, a»
a race, that one is sometimes curious to ascertain how it came to
possess such a strong hold on their minds. As a part of the
mythological conceptions of nations, ghosts could, perhaps, be put
into a sort of classification, which would more or less enable us to
set apart some ghost stories as peculiar to certain times and
certain races ; and the comparative study of ghosts in this manner
would undoubtedly lead to the important conclusion, that the
belief in ghosts, like all the other characteristics of man, has
undergone an evolution, a process of differentiation and modifica-
tion, according to the circumstances regulating his movements
along the paths of time.

This is very well illustrated in the dwindling into a mere
matter of form of many customs, relative to ghost-seeiiig, known
at one time to have largely entered into the religion of certain
peoples. For instance, the long-practised custom of leaping over
a fire when returning from a funeral in order to place a barrier of
that element between the leapera and the ghost of the departed
dead became modified among the South Slavonians into the mere
form of being met by a woman carrying a vessel of live coals,
which the people took and threw over their heads, while the
Brahmans contented themselves with merely touching fire. With
regard to the water barrier it can be shown that similar variabili-
ties took place. The customs of pouring water behind a coq^se
when being carried to the grave, and of plunging into a running
stream, in the belief that the glio&t could not cross or get over the
water, dwindled, among the Romans, Chinese, and other peoples,
into the mere form of simply sprinkling w^ater upon those about
the dead body, or washing their hands and faces ; and, indeed, into
a formality still more insignificant, as among some Indians, by
whom it was considered sufficient to touch the water, and thereby
free themselves from the possibility of coming in contact with the
ghosts of their dead relatives.*

Though it would be difficult to locate the origin of raan^s
belief in ghosts, we think it could be clearly proved that some
races have been inclined to put more faith in the supernatural
than others, whose standing in the economy of nature seemed

* Frazer, " Contemporary Review," 1885.

Highland Ghosts. 41

more realistic than a merely modified state of " spirit to spirit,
ghost to ghost" ; and further researches in this direction would
andoubtedlj disclose many interesting points bearing upon the
subject of ghosts in general. One thing is clear, namely — that a
stream of ghost-philosophy can be traced from age to age, and
from Tsce to race, throughout the whole mythological history of
man, receiving from each people their own contribution to its
Tolome, and finally resulting in a universality of beliefs, an ocean
of awe and mystery, terrors and fears, hopes and longings, on the
shores of which man has never been weary of worshipping —
though perhaps unconsciously — the incomprehensible Unknown
that seems to underlie the things of earth and heaven which he
sees and feels around him.

At the present time we find the ghostolog}^ of the Highlands
rather mixed. It seems to be pretty generally understood that
the word " ghost " should be applied to the spirits of the departed
only, -while on the other hand, it is understood that when the
spirit of one appears to another before the death of the pei*son
whom that spirit is supposed to represent, the word " wraith " is
used to describe the apparition. In the Highlands, however, there
seems to be no hard and fast distinction drawn between the two.
The Gaelic word " samhla " (likeness) in most places covers both,
though in some districts we believe the word " tannasg " to be
employed as the equivalent of our " wraith ;" and we think it
would be correct to say that there are far more ghost stories based
upon the wraith idea than upon that of the ghost, taking both
words in their English sense. This is not without its interest.
We know the ghost idea to have by ages and a^^es preceded the
wraith. In fact, the latter is more or less of yesterday com-
paratively speaking ; and not only so, but they a})pear to have
different missions to perform. It would perhaps repay trouble to
trace the probable origin of the wraith. At this time it almost
calls for separate treatment. In ancient times all precautions
were taken against the possible return of the dead person's ghost,
even, as among the Circassians, measures — and very pronounced
measures — were taken towards keeping the ghost in a sick person,
but no trace of anything having reference to the wraith has at any
time appeared among the many strange and characterful beliefs
and religions which clustered round ghosts. We think this some-
what suggestive of a revolution in the world of ghosts, as pointing
to a transition in people's minds with regard to them which is all
but effected. Every Highlander will remember the ghost and
goblin stories to which in his youth he listened during the long

42 Qaello Soolety of Inverness.

winter nights, while one of a circle of awe-inspired superstitionists,
whose pastime often was to relate to each other all such weird,
supernatural, and unearthly tales as could be raked together.
There is something in winter gloom and winter wildness which,
when considered in connection with the supernatural, is of peculiar
interest The inna;te fears of the young in the dark are well
known, and we know not how much of our ghostology may have
been the result of night, wind, and weather, what Bums refers to
when he says —

" Then a child might understand
The de'il had business on his hand."

This more than anything, perhaps, is calculated to reproduce in us
the arch-types of things " uncanny,'* which we seem so much to
inherit ; and it, indeed, takes " an effort of philosophy to shake off
those idle terrors in after years." The awe with which High-
landers generally view the question prevents them from making
such observations with re^u:ti to ghostrseeing as would help to
render the matter easy for consideration from a scientific stand-
point. When a ghost is seen, no attempt is made at a natural
explanation of the phenomenon, and too often the description of
the apparition is not satisfactory. The expression, *' Ghabh mi
feagal'* (I had a fright), with a vague description of peculiar feel-
ings, and something like some one, is about the most that can be
got out of some ; while others, though, perhaps, more communi-
cative, are to be watched against exaggeration. One most
important matter is almost always over-looked — ^the peraonale of
the seer ; and we think it is on this the whole question of ghost-
seeing turns. But there is such a healthy dread of ghosts present
with those who believe in them, that this is, perhaps, too much to
expect. We heard many stories afloat of one of two bosom friends
promising the other to come back from the regions of the dead,
and reveal to him the grand secret behind the veil. But it
appears that no sooner did the one breathe his last than the
other got fearfully terrorised, lest the spirit of the dead
friend should return to renew the acquaintance. In all such
cases that we heard of, the minister was religiously consulted, and
his circle-drawing art resorted to, in order to relieve the fearful
of an awful possibility. Such feelings would have militated con-
siderably against the proper conception of ghosts even, and would
have also interfered with the people's capacity in the direction of
understanding the circumstances attaching to the different cases.
This is very much to be regretted, and should receive, we say,

Highland Ghosts. 43

special attention, as there can be nothing about ghost-seeing more
interesting than the manner in which the ghosts appear to the
seer. Some ghosts are at once understood to resemble certain
persons from the striking likeness of the one to the other ; and it
k not an unoonunon thing for the seer to speak to the ghost, under
the impression that the party recognised in the apparition is
addressed. We remember hearing that a certain woman, who was
one daj moving about a certain Highland village, when turning
round the comer of a small hillock, saw a neighbouring woman
CTjniing directly towards her. She was just about to address her,
when, behold, the other had disappeared. This same woman, at
another time, was making her way home from the woods, where
she had been looking after the cattle ; and, when approaching the
house of one of the villagers, she saw him there before her,
apparently dressed, she having especially noticed that he was at
the time wearing a red vest, which he w^as never known to put on
hut on Sundays. When just about to greet him, the man dis-
appeared. These instances of ghost-seeing occurred in broad day-
light, and both parties died soon after their ghosts or wraiths were
seen.

But it would be very interesting to know what part the
imagination played in the production of these apparitions, as we
must view the question of ghosts altogether in its relation to the
imagination, for on no other basis can it have meaning as an
element in man's history. But let us give another case as bear-
ing further upon this point : —

While a woman, who had arrived at a considerable age, was on
a beautiful summer evening milking the cow at the door of her
home, she felt her attention drawn to an object — as it appeared to
her — actually flying in the air. It seemed to have issued forth
from a house near by, where there was a dying person at the time,
md it moved along steadily through the air until it disappeared
iDto a rock standing not far away. The object, more or less,
resembled a man in his ordinary apparel, but the representation
was not very distinct. The seer in this case was not a very
healthy person, and was of a rather nervous disposition. But
healthy persons see ghosts. In youth, jis a rule, good health is
enjoyed ; and we remember hearing about a boy, perhaps about
six or seven years of age, while running about his father's doors,
hunying to his mother to tell her that his grandfather, whose
remains had been buried some days before then, was coming along
to the house. Of course the mother got somewhat alarmed, and

44 Gaelic Society of Inverneaa.

set about questioning the boy very particularly. She was fully
satisfied that he saw the ghost of his grandfather, and did not
altogether like the circumstance, as she and the old man were not
always on the happiest terms. And, had the ghost appeared to
her, we think it could bo more easily explained than from having^
been seen by the boy, who had but the f lintest conception, if any,
(»f the circumstances.

The following is a peculiar instance of ghost-seeing : — A man
and Ills mother were living together. The mother died, and it
transpired afterwards that something was left unsettled between
them. Of course he went to the minister to seek a blessing and
counsel ; and was advised to pray fervently, and never to sleep
without the Bible under his pillow. Some evening, however, long*
after the death of his mother, he went to bed rather hurriedly,
forgetting all about the minister's injunctions. He slept, but was
very soon disturbed by some one who was violently dragging him
out of bed. He rec()<^nised his dead mother's face and form in
this nocturnal visitant, and became at once conscious of the
mistake that he made when going to bed. He nearly became
demented ; but, on promising something or another to the ghost,
he was told that he would never afterwards be interfered with.
This case is a very suggestive one. We don't advocate any place
for ghosts except one of, as yet, ill-understood natural phenomena.
But there are some very curious things to be considered in con-
nection with them as a whole. It is not a little so with regard to
this case, that, though }K)ssi])ly the result of a somewhat disturbed
imagination, there would be such immediate advantage taken of
the occasion by the iniaguiation itself. It altogether bespeaks a
punctuality which, even on the i)art of the imagination, is at least
very remarkable.

Here is an interesting case : — A man who was engaged with
some smuggling oi)erations had been amissiug for some time, and
his people became anxious as to his whereabouts. They went in
search of him, but got no trace of him till he hiul been a
day and a night lost to them, when they found him drowned
in a pool of water, with his horse beside him. But the most
peculiar part of the misha]) remains yet to be told. When the
man here referred to left home, he told his sister to go to a certain
place wnth his dinner if he did not return by such and such a time.
She prepared the dinner against the hour mentioned, and, seeing
that the brother had not returned, began to pack up. Just at
that moment she saw him pass the window as if coming into the
house. " Oh," she said to her mother, " I need not go further

Highland Ghosts. 45

lith this ; E has come." But E did not come, and their

uixietj for him increased accordingly. This is a case which
illustrates well what we should take the liberty of terming the
Bubjectivity of ghost-seeing. The woman who saw this ghost was
extremely healthy, but rather imaginative.

We shall now mention a few cases bearing still further upon
this aspect of the subject of ghosts.

The writer remembers having once been in the company of a
Toung nian, who, when passing a certain place, whispered that he

saw quite beside him the ghost of E R , who was then

very ill. The writer saw nothing, and was wondered at by the
other, who felt confident of the material existence of the ghost.

It was afterwards ascertained that E K died about those

minutes. The apparition was seen at night, when, indeed,
very dark. There is another story told of a man who had to
pass through a dark wood in order to get home one evening. He
was not nervous, but, on the other hand, eminently healthy.
Just when about half way through this wood he noticed the figure
of a young man looking up rather incjuisitively at him. He
thought he knew the face. Strange to say, seventeen years after-
wania the body of the young man whom this other thought he had
recognised in the ghost, was taken that way home, haviuii; met his
death by drowning not less than twenty miles away from that
place.

A third case may be here given. A young lady was sitting up
one night attending to her sick uncle ; and, while he was asleep
in the room, she passed the time reading a book. Quite uncon-
sciously, she looked behind towards the door, and behold ! there
stood the figure of an old woman looking in the direction of the
dying man. The young lady, need we say, got dreadfully
frightened, and felt that she would like to move away from the
ghosts visited place. Her uucle, however, awoke ; and, reader,
judge what her feelings were when he asked her whether she saw
his mother in the room ? In this case it was reaiionable to sup-
pose that the young lady^s mind was in a suitable condition for
ghost-seeing, as she would likely have thought it quite j)ossible
that some spiritual messenger would have paii a visit to the dying
uncle, whose last sigh was from moment to moment expected.
But how are we to reconcile this with the question which the uncle
put to her when he awoke 1 We think the exj)lanation is that her
mind was in such a ghostrridden state that she really misunder-
stood some other words spoken by her luicle for those given, and
accordingly committed a mistake. The woman in this case possessed
a sound, healthy system, and was of a Saxonic type.

46 Gaelic Society of Inverness

We have some sort of a clue that disturbed imagination might
have produced the ghosts in such cases as follows : — We know a
place remarkable for its fertility in calling up ghosts and goblins,
and, indeed, all sorts of terrible, unearthly creatures. There one
man, long ago, met with a mysterious calf, of which he could not
get rid for a long time on any account. There another man was
nearly pelted to death with stones at dead of night, while some
invisible power w^as catching him by the neck, and raising him
bodily off the ground. There the same man on another occasion
got his blood up to fever heat getting through an extraordinary
multitude of people, which literally blocked the way ; and there a
young girl, on a beautiful summer evening, just as the shades were
falling, had some reason to add to the already unpleasant history
and strange character of the place. She w^as on her way to drive
home her master's cattle, and, when nearing the haunted spot, she
saw a man bending over the parapet of the road, seemingly con-
cerned in something particular. She made a motion to put her
hair in order, and improve her general appearance, as she thought
this might have been an acquaintance going the same way as her-
self. But on looking for him he Wiis not there. She wondered,
and kept on. However, after she had gone a little further, she
saw him again, and in the same position, but a distance away
from her. Thus, time after time, until she had seen the figure
several times, there it was, appearing and disappearing like a
mirage of the desert, until, finally, it resolved itself or was absorbed
into a nothing.

The next is the case of a man who was passing by another
place that did not enjoy a good name, and just at the exact spot
where people were frequently said to have been frightened, he saw
a fearfully disfigured face looking up to him imploringly over a
dyke, and to his terror a ragged, half-mutilated arm extended
towards him, while his ears were listening to the most pitiful
appeals for help. The spectre — or whatever it was — represented
himself as a man whom his own brothers had been maltreating in a
neighbouring public-house the previous night, and asked the man's
assistance for some end or other.

In these cases would place have contributed largely to the pro-
duction of the ghosts ? In regard to the former of these instances
it is not quite clear that place would have been very effective, as
it was not dark when the ghost was seen, and the fact that the
figure disappeared each time it was looked for is particularly
suggestive. We all know how often we seem to see what we really
cannot see when we try to do so. This is illustrated daily in the

Highland Ghosts. 47

bdividual lives of many. The woman here referred to was subject
to epileptic fits. We must be excused for giving some more cases
of the probable effect of place upon certain imaginations : —

Somewhere in the vicinity of a certain country church-yard a
young man was one winter evening roaming about when his
attention was arrested by the figure of a well-dressed man, wearing
a gold chain, moving rapidly along, the young man was not sure
whether quite on the earth or on the air. He saw the figure glide
OTer the church-yard from one comer until it came to a grave
near the south-west end, where, to his utter amazement, he saw
another figure, dressed in a white habiliment, rise out of that
grave and shake hands with the one just come, after which they
separated, the dressed ghost returning as it came and the shrouded
me to its clayey home below.

This was considered a most remarkable case of ghost-seeing,
and numerous and ingenious were the attempts made at solving it.
It was finally disposed of on the supposition that the dressed
gentleman was dying in some far-off land when his image appeared
b the church-yard, and that his last wish probably was to have
been laid beside the person whose bones tenanted the grave.
This is really like the solution that the Psychical Research Society
would have put upon this instance of ghost-seeing ; although the
explanation may be that a strange admixture of ideas and associa-
tions on being so near the grave-yard — the place of dread to many
tTJuntry people — acted upon the young man's mind so as to result
in the creation of the apparition. But, however, not long after
this time a funeral took place there, and this young man wiis
convinced that he knew a certain gentleman attending it, from his
resemblance to that dressed ghost which he saw in the church-
janl The young man here referred to was strong, healthy, and
intelligent. But it may be mentioned that, soon after this time,
he underwent an opthalmic operation in Glasgow, having been
buffering much from a pain behind his right eye.

Here is another case in the production of which place may
have had something to do. It introduces us to no less important
a personage than His Satanic Majesty's real self. A man was
passing a small cluster of trees late one night, ivhen he beheld
something awful to behold. Quite beside him stood a figure that
struck terror into his innermost soul. It seemed to have horns
sticking out of its head, and its hair appeared like flames of fire ;
»liile its face looked like a small map of Hades. Its body appeared
w if covered with shells, and altogether it was such a figure as

48 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

would not only " scaud puir wratches," but, for the time being,
shake the strongest and most composed. Of course there was no
doubt that the devil had been seen, and this was more or less
confirmed by the remembrance of a relative of this man having,
fifty years before then, seen the same figure in this identical spot.

But we should like to make a few remarks on this case. We
find nothing in the whole world of demonology more interesting:
than the different descriptions given us of the devil. He has
appeared to man in almost all conceivable shapes and forms — at
times, indeed, in shapes that would not carry out the idea of his
personification of the Evil Principle in nature. We should
particularly draw attention here to the above description of his
body, as covered with shells. At first sight, this coincides more
or less with the theological devil of Milton and Bunyan. But the
idea goes much further back, and links this apparently trifling ghost
or goblin instance with the water-demons of ancient times, the
Polyphemes of Grecian mythology ; and, perhaps, nearer ourselves,
with the Muirealtach of the Ossianic ballads. The idea of the
devil having horns is also important as of mythological signifi-
cance, it being maintained that this peculiarity can be traced to
the devil's supposed relation, mythologically, with the old German
forest sprite, in much the same sense tliat his red beard and fiery
face are stated to institute a resemblance between him and the
god Thor.* We may here also mention a very curious custom
which prevails among ourssclves, and which seems to be a survival
of this ancient belief. It is, that when children wish to frighten
each other, they very commonly raise their hands or part of their
clothes above their heads, as umch as possible to rej^resent them-
selves as having horns, and thus unconsciously betraying a belief
in that particular rejjresentation as characteristically eftective in
striking terror into the human breast, f

We believe it to be a common belief, in some places at
anyrate, that a person cannot see his or her own ghost. But we
have a Ciuse to give that brings that belief to the ground. We
heard of a man who, when performing some ceremonies around a
stack on Hallowe'en, according to an old custom observed by the
people, wjis met at the i)oint where he expected to see his sweet-
heart's image by that of himself. He died soon after. Ghosts
are found to be gregarious like their prototype man. Battles
have been seen in several places fought at dusk of evening by

• " Knowledge," June 29th, 18S3.
t Vide " Knowledge," February 29th, 1884.

Highland Ghosts. 49

intangible armies ; crowds of people have been frequently met and
seen where really nothing of the kind existed. Some time ago
the case of a blacksmith came under our notice, who had to go
aside, when passing on a spring evening through a certain village,
in order to let a fimeral procession pass. Strange to say, a short
time afterwards a fimeral did pass that way, and the blacksmith
thoaght he knew some of those there from their resemblance to
the ghosts. This man was strong and healthy.

Let us now summarise a little by way of concluding this paper.
We have already, in the most of cases, referred to the individu-
ahties of the ghost-seers. We should like to add some further
i^narks. It is not a little curious that of the number of ghost
stories here given, fully more than one-third were seen by mem-
bers of one family, or, at any rate, of the same blood.
This paper deals with about two generations, and during that
time this family almost carried ghost-seeing to an art. This
peculiarity should be considered as very suggestive. We find,
imdoubtedly, that persons of a certain type of character are more
subject to ghost-seeing than others ; such as have the longing for
immortality, whether from hereditary or surrounding circum-
stances — we suspect from both — very prominent in them, and are
of a dreamy, idealistic disposition, are clearly more disposed to the
belief in ghosts, and more apt to see them, than others who are
more practical and realistic. Thus the Celt is pretty much by
nature a ghost-seer. But, upon the whole, so far as we can see.
Highland ghosts are becoming less numerous, and admit of
plaosible explanations in the light of physico-psychical science.
The intensity with which people believe now in ghosts is very
different from what it was ; but it would be a pity that the ghost
would depart from among us until we should know all about it.

23rd NOVEMBER, 1887.

At the meeting on this date Mr William Mackay, Hon. Secre-
tary, read a paper contributed by Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of
Gairloch. Sir Kenneth's paper was as follows : —

NOTICE OF MARRIAGE CONTRACT OF 1657, WITH NOTES.

The Mackenzies of Sand were a well-known Ross-shire family
in the last century, though they have left so little trace behind
them that it is now impossible to form any satisfactory conclusion

4

60 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

even as to their ancestral origin. The historian of the clan
mentions a Duncan Mackenzie of Sand (fifth son of John Roy
Mackenzie, fourth laird of Gairloch), who died of a cat's bite iu
1635, and whose successors are described as having merged in the
family of Kemsary. He also mentions a Murdo Mackenzie
(second son of Alexander, fifth laird of Gairloch), " predecessor to
Sand and Mungastle, who married a daughter of John Mac-
kenzie III. of Fairbum, with issue a daughter Margaret, who
married Colin Mackenzie I. of Sanachan, brother to John Mac-
kenzie II. of Applecross," but in a foot-note he adds " there is
great confusion about the families of the various Sands which we
have not been able to clear up."

Of the fact that there was a Murdo Mackenzie of Sand in the
middle of the seventeenth century, whose daughter married Colin
Mackenzie, the documents quoted below leave no doubt ; but
whether this Murdo was a son of Alexander fifth of Gairloch, who
died in 1638, and a brother therefore of Kenneth sixth of Gairloch,
who died in 1669, is perhaps questionable. The marriage of Colin
with Murdo^s daughter Margaret was contracted in 1657. The
contract is a very lengthy document, closely ivritten on three
sheets pasted end to end, in the manner in which petitions for
extensive signature are now got up. It commences thus : —

" Att Dingwall the twentie day of Novemr the yeer of God
jaj. vi c. fyftie seven yeers, it is appointed contracted finally endit
and matrimonially agreed betwixt the parties following thes are to
say Coline Mackenzie broyer german to John Mackenzie of Apple-
cross on the ane pairt, and Murdo Mackenzie off Sand fr himselffe
and takand the full burden in and upon him off Alargaret Mac-
kenzie his eldest lawll daughter and the said Margaret Mackenzie
for herselffe with adwyse and consent off her said father on the
uyer pairt, in maner forme and effect as efter follows, that is to
say Forasmeikle as the said Coline and Margaret Mackenzie be the
consent foresaid are God-willing to celebrate and accomplish the
band of marriage with uyer in face off Godes Kirk and congrega-
tion as the order yairoff requyreth betwixt the dait hereoff and the
day of : And sicklyke ffor sa mcikle as

the said Murdo Mackenzie off Sand hes contented and payed att
the least sufficientlie secured to the said Coline Mackenzie all and
haill the soume of twa thousand marks usuall money off this
nation in penny and pennyworth to the said Coline as content-
ment, and that in name of dote and tocher good with the said
Margaret Mackenzie his daughter : Thairfor and for ane sure and

A Marriage Contract of 1667. 51

oompetent proyision to be maid for the said Margaret Mackenzie
and to the aires mail to be procreat betwixt the said Coline
Mackenzie and her, the said Coline Mackenzie binds and obleissea
him his aires mail and successores dewlie weel and sufficientlie be
Charter and Saiseines containeing title onerous and olausse of
warrandice, in her pure virgin itie to infeft and saise the said
Marg&ret Mackenzie his future spous for her lyferent use dureing
all the dajes off her lyfetyme and the saides aires mail to be
procreat betwix them in ffie In all and hail the quarter landes
off Sandachan and the quarter landes off Achievanie appertaineing
to him in wadsett as at mair lenth is heereafter mentioned, with
houses, biggings, grassings, shealings, woodes, fischings, milnes,
kUles, multers, sequelles, pairtes, pendicles, and universall perti-
nents off the saides landes as the same is presentlie possest,
boundit, meithit and marched be the said Coline Mackenzie and
his tennants in his name by and within the parochin off Lochcarron
and Sreffedome off Inverness, And that be double maner off
enfeftment," <S:c.

Here follows some conveyancing technicalities without interest
till we come to the clause of warrandice, when the said lands in all
the particulars above mentioned are warranted

" To the said Margaret Mackenzie dureing all the dayes off her
lyfetyme and to the saides aires to be procreat betwixt them in
ffie, to be frie saiffe and sure fra all wairdes, releiffes, nonentresses
ladies terces, conjunctfies, fermes, private or publick infeftments,
charters, saisseines, alienations, dispositiones, resignationes, re-
nunciationes, inhibitiones, interdictiones, evictiones, escheatea,
forefaulteres, purprestoures, recognitiones, bastardreis, nullities,
and fra all uyer manor off perrell, danger, or inconvenience qt
aomever whereby the said Margaret Mackenzie and her foresaides
may be stopped, debarred, or hindered in the peaceable bruiking,
joying, setting, raiseing, and useing off the saide landes alsweel not
named as named bygane present and to come at all handes and
against all mortall as law will/'

Reservation is then made of the right of the successors of the
deceased George, Earl of Seaforth, to redeem for 3000 marks the
wadset of Sandachan and Achievanie, and there is further trans-
mitted to Margaret Colin's right to the teinds of these lands, with
a guarantee that Margaret shall not be molested in the peaceable
possession of them by John Mackenzie of Applecross or any other,
and Murdo Mackenzie of Sand and Margaret Mackenzie his
daughter thereupon accept of this infeftment so long as the lands
remain unredeemed in lieu of 3000 marks of provision.

52 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Next comes the agreement that the whole provision is to be
4000 marks, and to make this up Colin, in addition to infefting
his future spouse in his wadset lands, binds himself with John
Mackenzie of Applecross, his brother german, as his cautioner : —

" Be the adwyse off Kenneth Mackenzie of Garloch, Kenneth
Mackenzie of Cowle, and Murdo Mackenzie off Sand, or any twa of
them preceissely at the feast and terme of Whitsunday jaj. vie.
fyftie nyne yeers to wair and give out upon sufficient securitie off
land or annuell rent qrever the samme can be maist commodiously
haid within the Shyres off Inverness or Ross the said soume off
ane thousand merks Scots money and to take the securitie thairoff
to the said Coline and Margaret Mackenzie future spouses and to
the langest leuver off them twa and to the aires maill to be pro-
creat betwixt them quhilk failzieing to the said Coline Mackenzie
his nearest and lawfull aires maill and assignees qtsomever," kc.

The deed goes on to provide for changing the security as
occasion may require, and for reinvesting the 3000 marks if the
wadset should be redeemed, all which is to be done by the advice
of Gairloch, Coul, and Sand, who correspond in a manner to the
marriage trustees of the present day. There is a general clause
securing the widow in her terce of all property of which Colin may
die possessed, and in case there should be only heirs female of the
marriage, the provision for them is limited to 3000 marks should
there be more than one, or 2000 if there be only one, the eldest
in the case of a plurality always taking 2000 marks. The signa-
tures to the contract are witnessed by Hector Mackenzie of Assint^
Alexander Mackenzie of Pitglassie, Alexander Mackenzie, brother
german to the laird of Gairloch ; John Mackenzie in the Mill of
Aijne, and Mr Donald Bayne, writer of the deed.

Alexander Mackenzie, broth er-german of Gairloch, must also
have been brother of Murdo Mackenzie of Sand, if Murdo^a
genealogical position is that assigned to him in the clan history,
but if this relationship existed it is ignored in the marriage con-
tract, and as there is nothing to indicate that Murdo of Sand and
the laird of Gairloch were brothers in the bond recited below, to
which they are both paitics, I think it doubtful whether Murdo
may not after all have been of the stock of the original Duncan of
Sand, w^ho died of the cat's bite.

It may have been noticed, from the terms of the marriage
contract, that Colin seems to have had no ready money, for
though he was to receive 2000 marks tocher with his spouse, the
provision for her, in so far as his wadset lands were insufficient to

A Marriage Contract of 1657. 53

meet it, was an undertaking to find a thousand marks at a date
eighteen months distant. But in point of fact he did not receive
in cash the 2000 marks of tocher, for his father-in-law was as bare
of money as he himself was. The expression that the 2000 marks
had been " att the least sufficient! ie secured to the saide Coline
Mackenzie,'' receives its explanation in the terms of the following
bond (executed on the same date with the marriage contract),
which secures to Colin his pennyworth rather than his penny, for
even the thousand marks which Murdo of Sand is to pay down to
Colin eighteen months later, may, by the advice of the marriage
trustees, remain as a mortgage on the lands of Sand.

" I, Murdo Mackenzie off Sand, granntes me be the tenor
heroff to be justlie addebtit and restand owand to Coline Mac-
kenzie broyer germane to John Mackenzie off Applecross all and
haill the sowme off twa thousand merkes good and usuall money
off Scotland. And thairfoir I as prinll. and the Right honorable
Keneth Mackenzie off Garloch as caur. souertie and full debtour
with and for mee heerby bindes and obleisses us conjunctlie and
severally and our aires alsweel of lyne maille tailzie provisioun as
off conqueis successoures to us in our landes and heretages Exec'rs.
and Interores. with our goodes and gear qt. somever thankfully
and pleasantly to content pay and delyver to the said Coline Mac-
kenzie, his aires, Execs., or assignees, all and haill the number off
ffiftie good and sufficient kowes with calffe to be milk kowes that
yeer att the feast off Beltane in the veer of God jaj. vie. ffiftie eight
yeers, but langer delay fraude or guyle ; Quhairin j^iue wee failzie
wee bind and obleis us and our foresaides conjunctlie and severally
as said is to content and pay to him and his forsaides the sowme
off Sextene pundes money forsiiid fr. ilk aue of tlie said kowes
that shall be undelyvered be us to him in nianer and att the tyme
foresaid preceisly, without defalcaoun. off the said failzie, and this
towardes the payment off ane thousand nierks : And farder wee
the said prinll. and Caur. bindes and obleissos us and our foresaids
to refund, content, and pay to the said Coline Mackenzie and his
foresaides the sowme off ane thousand merkes haill and to^idder
in sufficient gold and money to comj)leat the said sowme off twa
thousand merkes, and that betwixt the dait hereof!" and the feast
and terme of Whitsunday jaj. vie. ffyftie nyne yecrs, but langer
delay fraude or giiyle, togidder with the sowme of thrie hundreth
merkes money foresaid ofl licjuidat expensses in caise off failzie,
togidder also with ane ordnar anuellrent for the said prinll. sowme
eonforme to the Act off Parliat. yeerly, termely, and continually

54 QaeliQ Society of Inverness.

dureing the not payment of the said prinll. sowme efter the tenne
oflF payment resiye [respectiye] above mentionat ; And that alsweel
not Infeft as Infeft and Saissed thairint, but any premonitun. or
requistun. to be maid thairin, and I the said Murdo Mackenzie off
Sand prinll. bindes and obleisses mee and my foresaids to warrand
Freith releive and keep skaithless my said Caur. and his foresaids
off the Caurie. above mentionat, and off all coast, skaitb, dammage,
expensses, and Interest that hee or they can sustaine or incurre
thairthrow in any sort : And for the mair securitie wee baith
prinll. and Caur. are content and consent thir prests. [presents] be
insertit and Regrat. in the high court bookes off Justice or any
uyer bookes competent within this natun. to have the strenth off
ane decreit off either off the Judges thairoff interponit Heerto that
Ires [letters] and exelles off homeing and uyers requisit may pass
hereupon in forme as effeires, and for regrating hereof constitute

Our Procurators and promisseing to
hald firme and stable, etc. In Witnes qroff (written be Mr Donald
Bayne nor. publick), we have subt. the same with our hands att
the day off November and yeer off God

jaj. vie. fyftie seven yeers befoir thir witnesses Rorie Mackenzie off
Dawachmiluak, Hector M*Kenzie off Assiiit, AUexr. M*Kenzie off
Putglassie, Allexr. Mackenzie, broyer germane to the laird of
Garloch, witnesses to the subtnn. off the said Murdo Mackenzie off
Sand at Dingwall ye twentie day off November jaj. vie. fyftie seven
yeers, the said Mr Donald Bayne writer hereof.

" Murdo M'Kenzie.

" K. M'Kenzie, Cautioner.

" R. M^Kenzie, Witness.

" A. M'Kenzie, Witness.

" A. M*Kenzie, Witness.

" H. M^Kenzie, Witness.

" Mr Donald Bayne, Witness. "

30th NOVEMBER, 1887,

At the meeting held on this date, Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A.,
read two short papers by the Rev. Mr Maclean Sinclair, Spring-
field, Nova Scotia, on the " Highlander Philologically Dissected "

A Highlander Phllologioally Disseoted. 55

•nd the " Clan Maclean," which is cast in Gaelic poetic form.
The following are Mr Maclean Sinclair's two papers : —

A HIGHLANDER PHILOLOGICALLY DISSECTED.

To find out to what branch of the human family a Highlander
belongs, it is necessary to dissect him philologically. He is not
likely to have changed the names given him by his mother for the
various parts of his body. If, then, his names for these parts are
tubstantially the same as those used by the Latins, Greeks,
Germans, Russians, Persians, and Hindus, we may conclude that
be belongs to the same original stock with these peoples.

The Indo-Keltic family of languages includes the Keltic, the
Latin, the Greek, the Teutonic, the Letto-Slavonic, the Zend, and
the Sanskrit. These languages are merely dialects of a language
once spoken in some part of Western Asia. They are thus sister
languages, children of the same mother.

The peoples who formed the various dialects of the Indo-
Keltic, introduced a great many changes into the words of the
parent-speech. They did not make these changes, however, in a
haphazard manner. They acted according to fixed laws, laws
wluch scarcely ever permitted a deviation. The Goths changed
k or c into h, and the Lithuanians into sz. The Welsh occasion-
ally tiunied it into a p. Both the Gaol and the Welsh as a general
rule cast the letter p away. The Goths and all other Teutonic
peoples changed it to f. The Kelts changed bh to b, the Latins
to f, and the Greeks to ph. The letters r and 1 were frequently
treated as if they were the same. Where the Hindus use r, the
western peoples frequently use 1. The old Persians, or those who
spoke the Zend, looked upon the letter 1 with horror. They would
have nothing to do with it. The Greeks occasionally prefixed an
o to a word. The Highlanders generally dropped the letter n
before t, and made up for its loss by lengthening the vowel before
it. Hence, whilst the Welshman says cant, a hundred, the High-
lander says c6t. The Latins changed vowel-flanked s into r, and
d into 1, in some instances.

It is perhaps only fair to our good brother, the Welshman, to
say that he denies having even in one instance changed the letter
k into p. WTiat he turned into p he tells us was qv. Well, he
may be right. He ought certainly to be better acquainted with
his own history than anyone else.

I do not know where a doctor would begin the work of dis-
secting. We may, however, begin with some part of the head,
and follow on down to the feet.

66 Gaelic Society of irtuerrtesa.

In old Irish au or o means ear. We find this word in Latin as
ausis or auris, in Greek as ous, and in Gothic as auso. Our word
cluas, the Welsh clust, exists in the Icelandic in the form of hlust.
It is from the root km or klu, I hear, and the Greek kluo. The
Gaelic cluinn, hear, is from the same root. Whenever, then, a
Highlander says, " An cluinn thu T he uses only such words as
Homer might have understood.

Bra is a Gaelic word, though it is not now in use. It means
eye-brow. It is clearly of the same origin with the Greek o-phrus,
the English brow, the Russian brove, and the Sanskrit bhru. It
is from the Indo-Keltic root bhur, to be active. The Gaelic suil,
eye, and the Latin sol, sun, are really the same word. They are
from the root sval, to glow, to shine.

The word for tooth in Old Irish is det, and in Welsh dant. In
Latin we find dens, genitive dentis ; in Greek o-dous, genitive
odontos ; in Gothic tunthus, in Lithuanic dantis, in Zend dauta,
and in Sanskrit dautAS. The Indo-Keltic people stuck well to this
word. They were evidently too much occupied with thoughts
about something to eat to waste time in inventing a new name for
the chief instrument they used in cutting their food. Deud in
modem Gaelic signifies not one tooth, but the teeth as a whole.

The Highlanders' name for tongue is teanga. The original
form of tliis word was probably denge. It corresponds with the
old Latin word dingua, and the Anglo-Saxon tunge. The Latins
changed dingua to lingua, and we have changed lingua to lingo.

The Gaelic uchd, breast, is probably of the same origin as the
Latic p-ect-us. Cioch, a woman's breast, agrees with the San-
skrit kucha. lomlag, navel, is the Latin umbilicus, and the
Greek omphalos.

The heart, or that which quivers with life within us, we call
cridhe. The Welshman calls it craidh. This word we find in
Latin as cor, in Greek as kardia, in Gothic as hairto, in English as
heart, in Lithuanic as szirdis, in Russian as szerdtse, and hi
Sanskrit as hrid. It seems that the Indo-Kclt always valued his
heart too highly to think of changing its name. The Sanskrit
hrid is nut just as Grimm would have maHe it. He would have
had it krid ; and probably it was krid at fii-st. If it was, it shows
that even the highly conservative Brahmans change things
occasionally.

Ciiaimh, genitive cnamha, is in old Irish cnam. It is related
to the Greek knenie, the sliin, and to the English ham, which
means literally the bend of the leg.

A Highlander Philologioally Dissected. 57

The Gaelic cul, back, the Welsh oil, which also means back,
and the Latin cuius, the posteriors, are clearly of the same origin.
Again, the Gaelic druim, back, and the Latin dorsum are the same
word.

It appears that among those Scottish lords who voted in favour
of the union with England in 1707 there were some who believed
that it is sweet to sell one's country. Iain Lorn charges Morair
Duplin with being one of these, and describes his joy, upon seeing
the gold he was to receive for his vote, in the following terms : —

" Mhorair Duplin, gun fhuireach,
Dh' fhosgail uinneag do sgomain,
Dh' eirich rosgal a' d' chridhe,
'Nuair chual thu 'tighinn an t-or ud ;
Shluig thu 'n aileag de 'n gheanach,
Dh' at do sgamhan is bhoc e,
Dh' fhosgail teannsgal do ghoile,
'S lasaich greallag do thona."

The last word of this terrific verse may perhaps be of the same
origin as the Latin word anus. But whence came the t ? Whence
came the t of tore, a boar ? May it not in both cases be merely
the t that we prefix to the nominative singular masculine of
words beginning with a vowel 1 We never say an athair, an each ;
we say an t-athair, an t-each.

The Gaelic lamh, hand, and the Greek pa-lame, are no doubt
the same word. The Welsh is Haw. It may perhaps be contended
that lamh is a loan-word from the Latin. The Latin palma means
palm of the hand, but this is not the moaning of lamh. The
GaeUc word for palm is dearn, which is probably of the same
origin with the Armenian word dsiem, hand. The Greek word
palame signifies generallj- the hand, as used in striking and
grasping. It thus agrees in meaning with lamh. The English
word palm is borrowed from the Latin, or rather from the Latin
through the French. The Anglo-Saxon word for ])alm is folme.
The original form of lamh was probably palauia. Palama was
changed into plama, and plama, by dropping p, into lamh.

The Gaelic for elbow is uileann, and the Welsh elin. To this
word correspond the Latin ulna, and the Sanskrit aratni. The
Icelandic alin, the arm from the elbow to the tip of the middle
finger, is also the same word.

longa, a finger-nail, is in Welsh ewin. We meet with it in
Latin as imguis, and in Greek as onux.

The Gaelic cas, leg, and the Latin coxa, hip, are from the
same source. Traigh, or troidh, is, in the old Irish, traig, and in

68 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Welsh troed. It is evidently from the same root as the Greek
word trechS, I run.

Bonn, sole of the foot, was originally bond. It is really the
same word as the Latin fundus, bottom.

We are now through with the work of dissection. What,
then, judging by the Highlander's names for the various
parts of his body, is the language that he speaks t It is quite
evident that, fundamentally, it is the same as the Latin, Greek,
Gothic, Slavonic, Zend, and Sanskrit. This being the case, we
may safely conclude that the Highlander belongs to the same
original stock as those who speak these languages. He is thus
really a full brother of the Italian, the Greek, the Englishman,
the German, the Russian, the Persian, and the Aryan Hindu.

CLANN-GHILLEAIN.
Fonu — " 3fios deireannach an Fhoghair.^^

Cia as a bha Clann-Ghilleain ?

Na sar cheathamaich 's na blaraibh,

'N d' thainig iad bho righrean Eirinn 1

No bho threin 'bha 'n tir nan ard-bheann 1
A.D. Thainig iad, a reir luchd-sgeula,
1100. Bho 'n fhear ghleusd' sin, Dughall na Sgainne ;

Seann triath eireachdail ro shealbhach,

'Bu mhor ainm am measg nan Gaidheal.

1 200. GiLLEAiN calm' a bha de shiol-san
Bha 'na tliriath an Earraghaidheal,
'S ard an uiTam mar fhear sgathaidh,
Le 'thuaigh-chatha 'n teas nam blaraibh.
Lean an sliochd a thainig bhuaithe
Hi ainm uasal mor gu laidir ;
'S Clann-Ghilleaiu iad le durachd.
Fine cliumhor nan glonn arda.

Mac Ghilleain, deadh Mhaol-Iosa,

Sheas gu dian le righ a dhuthcha ;
1263. Am Blar Lairge nan cruaidh bhuillean,

Nochd e 'urrantachd mar bhiuthaidh.

GiLLE-MoiRE, mac an triath sin,

Chaidh 'na leum le 'threin nach cubadh,
1314. Do bhlar fuileach Allt-a-Bhiin-Chnoic,

'S bu mhor ar air luchd an spuinnidh.

Clann-Qhilleain. aH

Dh' fhag Iain Dubh, mac Ghille-Moire,

Da laoch loinneil 'bha ro threubhach,

TAi»}ia.inn Liibanach an eagnaidh

"S JEachann Reagano/ch nan geur lann.

Ghlao iad Domhnallach nan Eilean,

'S thug iad air an I na cleire,

Fearann a thoirt daibh am Muile,

"S gun ghuth tuilleadh 'bhi mu dheibhinn.

Thug e do Lachainn a nighcan,

An oigh chridheil ghasda bhoidheach ;

Ogha Rob Stiubhairt, Rijrh Alba,

'S iar-ogh* 'Bhrusaich chahna, mhorail.

Thug e 'n t-atb-aite dha fhein da

'Na chuirt fheillidh an Aird-Thoimis,

'S mar cbeann-feachda 'n am bhi 'gluasad,

Le 'fhir fhuasgailteach do 'n chomhrag.

Fhuair Eachann, an sar cheann-uidhe,
Locb-a-Buidhe nan cluan boidheach ;
'S tha 'sbliochd fhathast ann an seilbh air,
Measail, ainmeil, mar bu choir dhaibh.
'S ann bhuaithe bha na fir chuirmeil
Bha 'n Gleann-Urchadain a chomhnaidh,
'S Mao-Mhic-Eachainn, an laoch gaisgeil,
'Chimiadh smachd air luchd an fhoimeirt.

Bha mac Lachainn 'na thriath biiadhail,
Eachann Ruadh nan cruaidh chath gailbheach ;
Sgaoil a chliu air sgiathaibh laidir,
Do gach ait' an rioghachd Alba.
Thogadh creachan leis an Eirinn,
'S rinneadh euchdan leis air fairge ;
Thuit e, 's gu'm b' e 'n t-aobhair broin e
1411. Latha doruinneach Oath Ghairbhich.

Lachainn Bronnach coir, a mhac-san,
1431. Bha le fheachd an ciad chath Locliaidh,
Fo Dhomhnall Ballach a bhuaireis
D* am bu dual a bhi 's a chomh-stri.
Dh' fhag e ceathrar mac ro chalma,
A bha sealbhach fhad 's bu bheo iad,
Lachainn Og, an trath 'bha ciallach,
DomhncUl, Niall, 's Iain Garhh nan comhrag.

60 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Thug Domhnall cuairt do dh' Aird Ghobhar,
Le 'ftiir fhoghainteach ro dheonach ;
Chuir e as do Chlann-a-Mhaighstir,
Ged nach d' rinn iad riamh air foirneaxt ;
'S ghabh e seilbh air an cuid fearainn,
'S chum e gu daingeann an coir e —
Ged 's ann bhuaithe 'bha mo mhathair,
Cha mhol mi gu h-ard a dhoighean.

Bho Niall 's an Ros a bha fuireach,
Bha na curaidhnean gun fhotus,
Sliochd ainmeil a chlaidheimh iarainn,
'Dheanadh riashidh amis a' chomhdhail.
Fhuair Iain Garbh, an connspunn corrach,
Coir air Cola 's Cuimhnis comhr ris ;
Smachdaich e Clann-Neill am Barra,
'S chum e 'm fearaun fhad ^s bu deoin leis.

Mac Lachainn Gig, Eachann Odhar,
Bu laoch foghainteach gu chul e ;
1513. Thuit e 'm Flodan dubh na truaighci

'S bu tiamhaidh a shluagh 'ga iondrainn.
Lachainn Catanach, a mhac-san,
Bu chuis mhaslaidh e d'a dhuthaich ;
Chuir e 'bhean aig^ air sgeir shaile,
Gus am bait' i leis na dluth thuinn.

Eachaixn Mor, mac Lachainn bheisteil,
Bha 'na threun 's 'na dhuine fiughail ;
Ach Ailean nan Sop, a bhrathair,
B' aobhar sgatha le 'chuid spuinnidh.
Bha da mhac aig Eachann loghmhor,
Eacijann Og a sgap a chuinneadh,
Is Iain Dubh a bha 's a' Mhurairn',
Gaisgeach colgarra ro thurail.

Mac Eachainn oig blia fior ainmeil ;
Cha robh 'n Albainn fear r'a fhaotuinn
A shoaisadh roimh' an am tarruing
Nan lann tana 'bu gheur faobhar.
'S iomadh blar anns an robh buaidh leis,
'S iomadh ruaig a lean a dhaoine ;
Mar bheithir guineach an adhair
Bhiodh a chlaidheamh anns a' chaonnaig.

Ctann-Ghilleain. 6t

1598. Thuit Sir Laohainn Mor, an sar ud
Ann am blar le saighid mhilltich ;
Ach thug Eachann Oq gu gaisgeil
A mach aichmheil mar mhac dileas.
Chuir e 'n ruaig air feachd Chlann-Domhnail,
'S lean e *n toir le uile dhicheall ;
'S loisg e, mar chinneach gun trocair,
Gach aite-comhnaidh 'bha 'n He.

Aig Sir Lachainn bha mac eile,
Nach biodh deireannach 's an torachd,
Lax^inn Og a bha 'n Torloisgte,
Nam fear oscarrach neo-strothail.
Ged a b' og e latha 'chruadail,
An la nbhuaileadh athair morail,
Chuireadh iomadh laoch le *ghairdean
"Thalia bhais a ghabhail comhnaidh.

Bha aig Eachann Og na gaisge
Ceathrar mhac 'bu taitneach doighean,
£achann Mor a chleachd an uaisle,
'S nach robh bruailleineach 'na chomhradh,
1645. Sib Lachainn 'bu triath na dheigh-san
Fear an fheum* an Inbhir-Lochaidh,
Domhnall Bhroluis^ cridh' an t-suairceis,
'S Iain 'bha 's an t-Suain a chomhnaidh.

An Sir Eachann Ruadh, mac Lachainn,
Bha Bar ghaisgeach smachdail gleusda ;
Ach bha nadur tuilleadh 's bras ann,
1651. 'S chuir sin as da *n Inbhir-Cheitcin.
Sheas e 'n uair bu choir dha teicheadh
Le 'fhir dheas a mach bho 'n teugbhail ;
Dh' fhag sin lag a chinneadh laidir,
Fhuair iad s^thadh a bha deistneach.

An deigh Eachainn bha Sir Ailkan
Fiuran allail 'bu mhath gluasad,
Dara mac Shir Lachainn greadhnach,
'Na cheann-feadhn' air laoich a' chruadail.
Bha Sir Iain, mac Shir Ailean,
'Na thriath barraichte fior uasal,
'S na laoch foghainteach fo armaibh
1689. Mar a dhearbh e la Raor Kuaraidh.

§2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Chaill e 'fhearann le 'chuid goraich,
Is le seoltachd a luchd-f uatha,
Is b' fheudar dba dol air fogradh
Ann an dochas ri la fuasglaidh.
1715. Sheas e ann an Sliabh an t-Siorra
Le ard chinneadh mar bu dual da,
Is sgrios e na gaisgich choimbeach
A bba roimbe 'sios mar luacbair.

Learn is duilich mar a lean e

An righ amaideacb iid, Seumas,

Nacb robh dileas a tboirt ceartais

Do na gaisgicb 'bhiodb 'na fbeimi leis ;

'S mar a lean e 'mbac a rithist

Le run cridhe gii luatb eibhinn,

Prionnsa nacb do choisinn urram

Mar dbeadb dhuine no mar tbreun fbear.

Cba lean mi na 's fbaide 'n eacbdraidb

Aig na gaisgich sgairteil chalma ;

Bba iad math le 'n claidhean gionach,

Anns an iomairt cba bhiodh cearb orr* ;

Bba iad fiugbantach fior aoibbeil ;

Bba iad caoimlineil ri 'n lucbd-leanmbainn ;

Bba iad seasmhacb, dileas, duineil,

*S ard an urram feadh nan Garbb-cbriocb.

October 10, 1887.

The names of chiefs are in small ca])itals, and of the heads of
families in italics.

For the origin of the Clan Maclean, see Skene's " Celtic Scot-
land," vol. 3, page 343, and also page 480. I prefer this account
of their origin to that given in Skene's earlier work, " The High-
landers of Scotland."

7th DECEMBER, 1887.

At the Society's meeting on this date, Mr Farqubar Macrae,
M.A., 4 Brougham Street, Edinburgh, was elected an ordinary
member of the Society. Thereafter the Secretary read a paper
contributed by Mr Lachlan Macdonald of Skaebost, entitled.

Qleaninga from Lord Macdonatd's Charter Chest 63

"Gleanings from the Charter Chest of Lord Macdonald." The
SjDowing is Mr Macdonald's paper : —

GLEANINGS FROM LORD MACDONALD'S CHARTER
CHEST.

The following gleanings from some old papers in the posses-
lion of Lord Macdonald, which he kindly gave me a reading
cf, refer to matters connected with the Isle of Skye in the 17th
wd 18th centuries. Considering the situation of this island, and
•ii€ monetary resources of Scotland before the union with England,
-X appears Skye in old days held a more satisfactory position
5iiancially, that is to say, in comparison with the rest of Scotland,
than it does now, a fact amply testified to by the various marriage
fccittlements, wadsetts, and other monetary transactions entered
into by Skyemen in the 17th century; indeed, it is surprising to
lead over the numerous old wadsetts. One can scarcely under-
Rand how so much money could have accumulated in the hands
of the Skye capitalists of those days, for it must be remembered
there was little or no export trade, certainly not sufficient to
account for a tenth of the money, nor need it be supposed that
cTen a large proportion of it was cash lifted from the Lowlands.
Probably it was; in fact, it must have been the accumulated
suvings of Skyemen who had ser\'ed in the armies of France and
Cmaany during the 16th and 17th centuries, and who returned
to their native island to spend the remainder of their days. The
possession of land being looked upon then as more of a symbol of
importance than it is now, and, without a doubt, the possession of
knd was more of a real source of power in the days of old than it
is now. So it may be supposed those who possessed capital would
be glad to apply it to those purposes from which they would
derive most benefit and influence, which is the only way to account
-or the numerous transactions in wadsetts or mortgages. The
^tem followed was exactly similar to what is the custom in some
una of India at the present day. When a proprietor wished to
^se funds, he would borrow on the security of a portion of his
^ds ; but not as he does now by going into the money market,
icd borrowing on the security of his rental. He would most pro-
tsibly borrow from one of his own dependents, and the sum
borrowed would be secured to the lender by a wadsett, or
mortgage, of certain lands, the yearly rental of which would cover
the amount of interest due on the loan ; for instance, a farm, the
Jearlj rental of which was, say, 250 merks, would command a loan

64 Qaelio Society of Inverness.

of 5000 merks, as 5 per cent, was the rate of interest generally-
paid, and this arrangement suited the borrower and lender very
well, especially the lender, as he had not only the rental of the
farm as security for his loan, but he had, besides, all other advant-
ages and proBts the possession of the farm might give him, in
addition to the bare interest for his money. If the rental of the
farm happened to be more than would cover the interest due on
the loan, the balance was refunded to the proprietor under the
heading of " feu duty," and when no such stipulation was made,
the law seems to have been sufficiently strong, or the common
sense of honour was so prevalent, apparently, that matters could
be adjusted without reference to the courts. In an old fragment
of the 17th century, there is part of the history given of a trans-
action entered into between Angus Macqueen, tacksman, of
Orasay, in North Uist, and Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleat, in
which it is narrated that, " The grandfather of the said Sir Donald
Macdonald granted to Kenneth Macqueen, the grandfather of
the said Angus Macqueen, on the 6th of February, 1619, set
on tack and assidation, 6 penny lands of Orasay, and 2 penny
lands of the threepenny lands of Raeback in the Island of
Uist, also 2 penny lands of Gallifaddie, and the farthing land of
Knockmowine in Trotomess, in the Isle of Skye, paying a yearly
rental of 80 merks, and 2 shillings Scots for the office of Bailiarie."
This tack was for two life periods, and three nineteen years follow-
ing, which meant that the lease was to continue during the life
time of the said Kenneth Macqueen, and during the life time of
his son, and on the death of his sod, the lease was to continue to
the said son's heirs for a period of 57 years — a good long lease
surely ! But the good folk of the 17th century were two hundred
years before us of to-day, and probably they thought the pro-
prietors were always to be in power. When the accounts were
adjusted afterwards, it was found that Angus Macqueen, the
grandson of Kenneth Macqueen, owed all and whole the sum of
four thousand seven hundred merks, usual Scots money, and of all
law and reason the said Sir Donald Macdonald ought to be paid
the same, so Angus Macqueen resigned to Sir Donald Macdonald
the sixpenny lands of Orasay, and the twopenny lands of Raeback,
for a period of twenty years, to enable Sir Donald to recoup him-
self, and this was done without the interference of any court.

The Macdonald estates were considerably involved in the 17th
century, which no doubt arose from the obligations imposed on
the chiefs of this powerful clan in wars undertaken in support of
the Crown, and perhaps from the strain put on their resources by

Gleanings from Lord MacdonalcTa Charter Chest 65

entertaining the members of their clan and others, and which may
account for the many wadsetts on various portions of their
elates ; but be this as it may, and though the cause of the exis-
tence of the wadsetts may not concern us in the present day, yet
the wadsetts themselves are interesting, as showing who were the
occupants of the lands two hundred years ago. They reveal the
fact that there were no crofters in those days, and that outsiders
imd capitalists took tracts of land then as they do now, that there
were new men and old acres, though not new names, in the 17th
fts in the 19th century. The Government seems to have been a
sort of oligarchy, consisting of the chiefs and their tacksmen, the
latter being intensely loyal to their chiefs. The following docu-
ment, docketed as " The Oath of the Friends," shows the spirit
that animated the leading members of the clan. It is dated from
Lhintulm. The orthography of this document, as of all those I
quote, is modernised, but the phraseology is strictly adhered to : —

*' Whereas the inevitable ruin of the family of the Macdonalds
of Sleat is evident, through the irrecilable dissensions betwixt Sir
James Macdonald and Sir Donald Macdonald, his son, with the
vast debts upon the estate, we the subscribers, for evitiug the
confusions, as having the nearest interest next after the aforesaid
persons, does hereby faithfully promise before God Almighty, with
all singleness of heart, and without any mental reservation or
equivocation whatsomever, for the preservation of the said family
tt3 the behoof of the said Sir James and Sir Donald Macdonald's, and
their lawful successors, to observe and keep inviolated these heads
following.

" First. All of us subscribers shall convene to consider of the
way to free this family of debt as often as Sir Donald Macdonald
or the greatest part of the subscribers pleases to call, and concur
personally, for the weal of the family, and ourselves, except such
as are sick only.

" Secondly. Since such of subscribers to whom this family is
owing sums of money, are not sufhciently secured, each of us shall
own one another's quarrels against all persons (His Majesty and
his laws excepted) who wrongs us to that effect till all of us be
sufficiently to our apprehensions secured in law.

" Thirdly. When any of us shall have our recourse to Edin-
burgh to secure these sums, or is cited there, or elsewhere, upon
any account, during this oath by the said Sir James or Sir Donald
Macdonalds, all of us shall contribute of money, to that person,
what the major votes of the subscribers shall think fit, and that
totis quotis, that any of us shall be cited.

5

66 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

" Fourth. When we shall convene, or the major part of ixs,
what shall be concluded by the greatest number for the good of
the family, and our own preservation, that to be unanimously
gone about, as well by the dissenters as assentors.

" Fifthly. To keep secret what shall be concluded by the major
votes to be kept so.

" Sixthly. This oath and these heads to continue until by th.e
consent of the subscribers or major number of them they shaJl be
void and made null. These written and subscribed the first of"
February at Duntuilme, the year one thousand six hundreth and
seventy-eight.

" Donald McDonald. " Sr. Ja. Mackdonald Mackdonald.

'' H. McDonald. " Rod. Mackdonald.

" Donald MkDonald. " Alexander McDonald.

" J. McDonald. "A. McDonald.

"James McDonald. "J. McDonald.

"J. M. D. "J. McLean.

" John McDonald in Grimines his mark following x
" Angus McDonald in Kirkibost his mark following x"

Each tacksman had of course a certain number of cottars,
some of them perhaps foster relations, who might have claims on
them. Society being thus marshalled, the word of the chief
would be law, but as for individual independence, there could have
been none. All the tacks and wadsetts gave the power to remove
and out put, and to put in, tenants at their pleasure.

The following extract from a tack dated 7th October, 1728,
from Sir Alexander Macdonald of that Ilk, with consent of William
Macdonald of Boronaskitaig, Donald Macleod of Talisker, Donald
Macdonald of Glentolton, and Norman Macleod of Greshomish,
his curators, to Donald Macdonald of Kingsburgh, for a tack of
Kiiigsbiirgh, gives a fair idea of the relationship between chief and
tacksman, and how the cottar was considered in those days : —

" The said Donald Macdonald has advanced and paid for the
granting of this present tack the sum of five hundred marks Scots
money, whereof the said Sir Alexander Macdonald grants the
receipt thereof, and for the yearly tack duty under the said Sir
Alexander Macdonald . . . sets to the said Donald Macdonald,
his heirs, or assigns (being of no highei* degree than himself), the
5 penny lands of Romisdall,
5 penny lands of Kingsburgh Mor,
And penny Cladich,
Penny lands of Corfine,

Gleanings from Lord Macdonald's Charter Chest 67

as the same as presently possessed by the said Donald Macdonald
and Donald McQueen in Kingsburgh Beg. . . . which the
said Donald Macdonald binds himself to make due and thankful
payment to Sir Alexander Macdonald . . . of the yearly tack
duty underwritten, viz., the sum of five hundred and seventy-seven
marks six shillings and eight pennies Scots money in full, not only
of the money rent and King's Mails, but also of the Farm Bolls,
butter, cheese, sheep, and wedders . . . and to free and
relieve the said Sir Alexander Macdonald of all cess, mins. readers,
and schoolmasters' stipends and salaries, and of all other public
biurdens . . . imposed or to be imposed on the said lands.
And to answer the said Sir Alex. McDonald, his Courts, and to
underlye and fulfill the acts, statutes, and amercements thereof,
and to arreage and carriage, and other usual service, which the
rest of the said Sir Alex. Macdonald's tacksmen and tenants of the
lands of Trotemes . . . and in like manner the said Donald
Macdonald binds and obliges him and his foresaids, at the expiring
of this tack, to flit and remove himself, his family, cottars, and
servants, goods and gear, furth and from the lands, and others
anent, that the said Sir Alexander Macdonald may enter thereto
without any warning or process at law, <fec."

A wadsett, dated 1673, from Sir Alex. Macdonald to Roderick
Macdonald, Castletown, for the

5 penny lands of Ord,

3 penny lands of Crossovaig,

2 penny lands of Tarskabaig,

6^ penny lands of Tarskabaig Mor,
as an advance of 10,000 marks, with a feu-duty of 280 marks
yearly, contains the following curious clause : —

" With this provision always, like as it is hereby specially pro-
vided and declared, that the not payment of the foresaid yearly
feu duty for the space of two, three, four, or more years, and
terms, shall be no cause of nullity or reduction of this present
contract ; but that it shall be leisome and lawful to the said Sir
Donald Macdonald and his foresaids, factors, and chamberlains,
in their names, having their warrant, to poynd and distrain the
readiest movable goods and gears be and upon it, ^fec."

From the above, it is apparent poinding was no uncommon
process in Skye, even in days when there were no marines or
soldiers !

In another wadsett, dated 1681, from Sir Donald Macdonald
to his brother James Macdonald, for the 9 penny lands of the Aird

68 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

in Sleat, in lieu of 5000 marks patrimony left to the said James,
by his father, Sir James Macdonald, with a feu-duty of £40 Scots
annually, the following precautions were taken : —

" Should the feu duty not be paid regularly for one or two
years, yet the same shall be no ground to the said Sir Donald oir
foresaids to quarrel or impugn or evict the foresaid right of wadsett
from me or my foresaids, but only shall be liable in payment of
the said sums allenerlie. "

This wadsett contains the usual clauses, and if redeemed, " to
be paid in the usual Scots money, all copper, brass, and base
money being excepted," and a warning of forty days necessary ;
and, in the event of not being accepted, the money to be consigned
in the hands of the most responsible gentleman in the parish of
Kilmore.

There being no banks, there was a regular system of bon'owing-
among the gentlemen of the North, which seemed to answer, for
all practical purposes, as w^ell as our present banking system does.
And such transactions were carried on in quite a modem business-
like way. If A borrowed from B, and afterwards happened to be
in want of money, he could, apparently, at once command it by
assigning the bond or wadsett to a third party as security for the
loan required. There are several such transferred bonds among
the papers I refer to, but I need only quote one case in exempli-
fication, viz., the assignation of five different bonds on the 13th
April, 1671, by Sir James Macdonald, in favour of Archibald Mac-
donald of Boronaskitaig ; of which

3 by Sir George Mackenzie, amounting to 13,000 merks.

1 by Lauchlan Mackinnon for 1 300 do.

1 by Mackenzie of Gairloch for 1 400 do.

1 by John Macleod, Drynoch, for 2000 do.

5 17,700

A great deal of money also passed hands in marriage contracts,
such as settlements and tochers, which were very common. The
settlements seemed to vary according to the positions of the
ladies, and the tochers according to the positions of the men. No
doubt, beauty commanded a price then as now. Sir James Mac-
donald married Dame Marie Macleod of Dun vegan, and settled
40,000 merks on her, a large sum then, considering the entire rental
of the Macdonald estate in Skye at the time did not exceed £1400
per annum. Some of the settlements were rather funny in their

Gleanings from Lord MacdonalcTs Charter Chest 69

rnvisions ; of course, it was common to specify what the widow
^Jis to have on the death of her lord and master. Donald Mac-
Ljnald of Sartil married Janet, daughter of John Macdonald of
Eronaskitaig, in 1710, and settled 4000 merks on her, and if she
iorvived Kim, she was to get all his goats and sheep, and a third
■i his moveable gear, with the second best horse, he possessed f
Friends also often contributed something, though not exactly in
:he shape of the wedding presents of the 19th century, nor would
ihe display of jewellery of an ancient bride be anything like what
we are accustomed to read of now-a-days, as given by friends and
ii^quaintances. In this caso. Sir James Macdonald gave the bride
a tocher of iBlOOO Scots, and Roderick Macneill of Barra gave her
c'-O merks. The settlements ranged from £2000 to X20 sterling,
&jcording to the circumstances of the individuals, but no further
jutances need be quoted, as the above are sufficient to exemplify
ne system ; but though the Skye people were marrying and
iving in marriage, and entering into many other monetary trans-
:i'tions at the time, it must not be supposed matters always ran in
-ach peaceful grooves ; stirring events occurred now and again to
vury the conmiercial-like monotony of every -day life.

In 1658 John Macdonald, the Captain of Clan Ranald,
suddenly visited Maister Martin Macplierson, the minister of Kil-
muir, and spulzied and carried away the following creach : —

20 Cows, with stirks, valued at 20 merks 400

20 Yield cows, do. 15 do 300

1 4 Three-year-old cows, do. 12 do 1 G8

60 Sheep, do. 2 do 120

28 Lambs, do. 10 do 21 7

13 Horses, do. 12 merks 156

Utensils, valued at 155

3 Bolls com, valued at 8 merks 24

Com and barley crop at 300

The whole teinds at 800

Burnt a kiln at 12

Add for expenses 176

Total merks 2632 7

The minister obtained a decree from the Sheriff Principal of the
Kles for the above sum, but it would appear the Captain of Clan
Pianald took little or no notice of the feeble efforts of the Invemess-
shire courts. So the power of the Court of Session was put in
motion against him, and in an order dated the 28th of August,

70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

1662 (four years after the creach), he is designated by that Coiii-t
as the said John Macdonald, rebel, who was at large, "and taking
no fear or regard, for he daily haunted, and frequented, and
repaired to kirk and market, and other public places, as if he were
ane free person, in high authority, and in proud contempt of the
laws ;" consequently, sheriffs and messengei's-at-arms w^ere
instructed to seize and imprison him, and to retain him in jail, at
his own charge and expense ; but liow the matter was ultimately
settled, and whether the Rev. Maister Martin Macpherson ever
recovered any of the spulzied property or the sum claimed is not
mentioned, but probably the Courts were unable to protect private
individuals from being creached, so the inhabitants adopted
practical measures for their own protection. The feudal system
may be blamed, but it could not have existed had the Courts been
sufficiently powerful to vindicate the laws in all instances. Here
is a copy of a feudal arrangement between the Clan Donald Reich
and Sir Donald Macdonald, which probably was a fair engagement
at the time. This document, though written two hundred and
fifty years ago, is in as good a state of preservation as if it had
only been written yesterday. It is as follows : —

"At Castle Cammis the 13th day of August, 1632, it is
appointed and agreed betwixt the Right Worshipful Sir Donald
Macdonald of Sleat, Knight, on the one part, and Mul* Callum
McConill Reiche, Donald McMulcallum, Neil McMulcallum his
son, John Mor McConill Reich, John Roy McMulcallum, John
Oig McConill Reiche, brother to the said Mul callum on the other
part. That is to say, for as meikle as the said Sir Donald obliges
him and his heirs to help and maintain the said persons in all
their lawful affairs and business, having the King's laws with them
for putting the same to execution, for the which the said Mulcallum,
Donald McMulcallum, Neil McMulcallum, and John Roy
McMulcallum, sons to the said Mulcallum, John Mor McConill
Reich, and John Oig McConill Reich, brothers to the said
Mulcallum, obliges them to acknowledge and accept the said
Sir Donald as their superior and chief, and by the tenor here-
of, acknowledges and accepts the said Sir Donald as our superior
and chief, obliging us, our heirs, and successor, to serv^e and
obey the said Sir Donald when we are charged thereto in any

* Mul Galium was iu old Gaelic synonymous with the present name,
Callum, or Malcolm, the prefix, Mul, meant shaved or tonsured ; see '* The
Place Names of lona," by Alexander Carmichael, in the Scottish Geographical
Magazine for May, 1887.

G/eanings from Lord Macdonald'a Charter Chest 71

kind of service that is lawful. And for the more security we
are content, and consent that these presents be inserted and
registered in the books of Council and Session, or Sheriff Court
l"X)k8 of Inverness, to have the strength of either of the said
judges decreed with executionals of homing upon a simple charge of
SI days' poynding, and warding to pass hereupon in form as effeii*s,
'isA to that effect constitute In witness whereof, sub-
scribed with our hands as follows, and written by Roderick Bayne,
Dotary public, day, year, and place foresaid, before the witnesses
Kenneth Macqueen, notary public ; Neil Mclandowie vie clearriche ;

snd Robert Moir of sic subscribitur.

"Sir Donald Macdonald of Sleatt.

"Kenneth McQueen, witness.

" Neil M. Fingon, magr., witness."

Public opinion in Scotland, at least as reflected by the upper
classes, realised the benefits of union with England as early as the
middle of the 17th century, consequently some of the Scottish
gentry had no objections to making matrimonial alliances with the
daughters of that land, and Skyemen soon followed the example
dven by their neighbours in the Lowlands. Mr John Baine wiis
Sir James Macdonald's Edinburgh agent fit that time, and the
letter from which I shall give an extract (but which bears no date),
was probably written about the end of 1657 or beginning of 1658,
18 ftirther correspondence in 1658 refers to incidents mentioned in
the undated letter. It seems Sir James was anxious that his son
Donald (afterwards Sir Donald, who ultimately married Lady
Mary Douglas), should marry some English heiress, but Mr Baine
had his doubts as to the prudence of such a stej), and when it was
discovered that in this instance, as in so many others, the coui-se of
trae love never did run smooth, the fjiithful agent congratulated
Sir James on the escape of young Donald, adding at the same
time consoling suggestions in the following strain : —

" And now I come at last to speak of your son's particular. I
annot say that your honour was to blame to send him sac bluntly
upon such ane expedition. It would have been expected that you
would have gone alongst with him yourself, however, this I daresay,
that he has not wanted for good council how to carry in that busi-
ness, and that himself can witness, for he has met with all in every
passage as if it had been prophetically foretold, and I daresay
more, he has, according to his breeding and years, acted his part
both prudently, calmly, and honestly, and done nothing unbeseem-
ing ane gentleman of his quality, though he has met with ane

72 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

repulse, and now it is quite oft'. The young lady would have
inclined to the motion, but the old lady is extreme high minded,
but I fear tlieir subtlety ; your son and ye has both reason to bless
Ciod for it. It is happiness for any to have adoe with them, for
they are infinite subtle out of measure. He now resolves to follow
your directions to go to England. . . . Indeed, our noblemen
and young gentlemen's late raiscaiTiagcs at London, does so work
on my thoughts, that I cannot (wishing him well) have any
freedom to advise him to go there. It was my judgment that he
should settle at home. He may als well and als nobly matched
presently, if you please to permit him, and if his ow^n inclinations
do lead him, he may have, in his choice, either the Earl of Athole's
sister, or the Earl of Murray's, both very pretty women, and well-
bred ; but, indeed, I would incline to the Earl of Murray's sister,
for the other is poor. He will get twenty^ thousand merks portion
or thereby, is very sure, and ane very noble and good lady
besides, all that your honour intends will be thereby effectuate,
for the Marquis of Argyll, if my Lord Lome's son live, will be, he
and your son's bairns, will be cousins gemians."

Though the Scotch were suj^posed to be very straight-laced
about this time, and though music was looked upon by some aa
one of the great vices, still, all music and other social accomplish-
ments were not entirely banished, or perhaps the reaction had set
in. Mr Baine mentions how certain sums were ex})ended in 1658
on dancivf/, and the accounts furnished later on in 1710, by Sir
Donald Macdonald's Edinburgh agent, give the various items in
detail of the expenditure incurred by Sir Donald Macdonald's
daughters, which show they were instructed in music and all the
other social accomplishments by the best masters of the day. It
seems to have been the custom, by way of finishing oft' an educa-
tion, to take a tour through the country to see the sights. A
detailed account of the expenditure of Sir Alex. Macdonald in a
tour taken through the south and east of Scotland, and extended
afterwards through the Highlands, is interesting, as it shows how
a young Highland chief travelled. "Tips'' to servants, porters,
and others, were as common then even as in these days of railway
travelling. It is generally supposed that the pipers in great houses
held a i)articular i)osition, which placed them above taking " tips,"
but the account referred to shows a "tip" of five shillings to
M*Crimmon, the piper at Dunvegan. There are no fewer than
545 entries in this account, and 144 of those items were "tips,"
mostly under the headmg of drink money. So commonly were

Gleanings from Lord Macdonald's Charter Chest 73

^' tips" given, that even the nurses in some houses came in for their
fcluLre, and they were really liberal ** tips," ranging from half-a-
'.lown to XI on occasions. Aqua vitoe was supplied to boatmen on
-1 occasions whec they were employed, but though most of the
" tips" were entered as drink money, it need not be concluded the
Doney would actually be spent on drink ; probably drink money
^is the way of expressing a "tip," a literal translation perhaps
Tom tlie French pour bo ire, and meaning no more or less than that
lerm does.

The following resolutions, taken by the Skye lairds at a meet-
ing held at Portree in 1744, show the state of matters at that time,
md the extent to which the luxuries had advanced even in those
♦lays, and how the proprietors viewed the same, and the 8te])8 they
txik in order to draw the inhabitants back to the old economical
ways of living. The paper is dated,

"Portree, 15th Augst, 1744.
*• At a meeting held here by Sir Alexander Macdonald of Mac-
nionald, Norman Macleod of Macleod, John Mackinnon of Mac-
kinnon, and Malcolm Macleod of Raasay, with the principal
tacksmen living upon their estates, the following resolutions are
inanimously entered into : —

" 1st. That we shall not in our own houses henceforth use any
brandy, nor in public-houses, except what at present is upon hand,
and that we will inform and assist the proper officera in order to
prevent its being run upon any i)art of our coasts, and that we
shall likewise assist the proper officers to seize any agua vitce
without regular permits.

** 2nd. That we shall henceforth use no tobaccos, but such as
come in a regular and legal way, and that we shall infonn and
assist the proper officer against tobaccos that are entered for
exportation, and intended to be re-landed. That none of us shall
purchase above one roll of tobacco at a time for his own proper
use, and that we shall use our utmost endeavours to prevent the
immoderate use of it for the future amongst the vulgar.

"3rd. That we ourselves shall henceforth drink no tea, and
that we will contribute what we can to lessen the use of it in our
families.

" 4th. That we shall purchase no meal from any vessel coming
upon our coasts, except from such iis are commissioned by the
heritors, they having undertaken to provide us in what is neces-
sary, except upon extraordinary emergency, after application made
to the heritor, or his factor.

74 Gaelic Society of Inuerneas.

" 5t]i. That henceforth we shall not give the smalle
encouragement, either in money or effects, to any thigsters i
beggars, but such as are inhabitants upon our respective pr
perties.

" 6th. That fox money shall be continued in the method no^
laid on in the Island of Skye, until a general meeting of tii
heritors and tacksmen think proper to take it off.

" That wlio kills a deer without permission from the herito
shall be fined in twenty pound Scots money.

" Dun vegan, 1st Octr., 1744.

" The above is a just copy of the resolutions taken at Portree
and, by order of the heritora, extracted from the principal by

William Tolmie."

The two following papers point to questions interesting to
all Macdonalds, viz., the crest and chieftainship of the clan.
The first — of which a facsimile is herewith submitted — is a bond
from Glengarry to Oliver Cromwell for £2000, for which The
Macleod of Macleod of that day, and Sir James Macdonald and
others were security. It runs thus : —

" Know all men by these presents, that we, Angus McDon-
nold. Lard of Glengany, as princii)al. Sir James McDonnold of
Sleatt, and Rorie McCloud of Dunve^in, Donnold Mcdonnold of
Mundort, Aller Mcdonnold of Morcr, Ranold Mcdonold, Beu-
bequla, John Mcdonnold of Stronewacke, do acknowledge ourselvea
to be tyed and lirmely bound unto his Highness, Oliver, Lord Pro-
tector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland,
and the dominions thereof, in the sum of two thousand pounde
sterling, to be paid unto his Highness, his successors, or assignes,
upon demand ; for the true and perfect payment of which sum we
bind ourselves, joy ntly and severally, ourheires, executors, admini-
strators, and assignes, and everie of them, finnely by these presents.
Sealed with our scales, and subscribed by us, at the Sconce, near
Inverness, the 12th day of March, 1655.

"The condition of this obligation is such that whearas, by
articles bearing date the 5th and 10th of June ('55), made, con-
cluded, and agree upon (by order from the Right Honourable
General Monke, Commander-in-Chiefe of all the forces in Scotland),
between the late Lieut.-Collouel Blunt, then Deputy-Governor of
Inverness, in behalfe of his Highness, Oliver, Lord Protector of the
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland on the one
part, and Angus Mcdonnold, lard of Glengarry, on the other part,
it was acp-eed that the said lard of Glengarry shall give good
security, bound in the sum of two thousand pounde sterling, to

74

enco^

to b6 -"^^-y

tector^ ^^
and fc>^*^*
sterlir:^-^^^
upon<
bind •
stratoj
SealecL ^
Inverr^-'^

articled

eluded^

Genersi-I

Invem^
Common

Gleanings from Lord Macdonald's Charter Chest 75^

the said late Lt.-Collonel Blunt (the said late Lt.-Collonel
Blunt being deceased) ; it is heareby further agreed that the said
lard of Glengarry shall give the above said security to Major Miles
Man, Depouty-Govemor of Inverness, for performance of several
|>articulars hereafter expressed and mentioned in the said articles ;
if, therefore, the lard of Glengarry, his clan, vassals, tenants,
servants, now dwelling, or that shall hereafter dwell, upon his
lands, shall, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, deport
themselves peaceably and quietly under the present Government,
and give all due obedience to his Highness Oliver, Lord Protector
of the Commonwealth aforesaid, or his successors, and to all others
duly requiring anything for the service or interest of the Common-
wealth of England, tkc, and neither directly nor indirectly act any
thing that may be, or prove prejudicial to the peace or interest
thereof, and that the lard of Glengarry sliall not build any house
of strenth within his bounds without leave from his Highness
Ohver, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth aforesaid ; and,
further, that he shall not suffer any of the enemies of the said
Commonwealth to reside or remain within his bounds, unless they
come with greater strenth than his clan is able to apose, and
likewise the said lard of Glengarry is to perform any other article
(not here mentioned) included within his capitulation ; that then,
upon performance of the premises, the bond is void, otherwise to
stand in full force, virtue, and power.
"Signed, sealed, and delivered by

Angus McDonnold,lard of Glen- " A. McDonald, Glengerie.

garry, Sir James McDonnold of " J. McDonald of Sleatt.

Sleat, and Rorie M^Cloud* of " R. McLeoid."

Dunvegine, in the presence of
"Geo. Bateman.
"Antho. Langrish.
« Will. Wilkes.

The next paper — of which a facsimile is also herewith given —
is a minute of agreement between Lochiel, Glengarry, and Keppoch,
showing the state of mattei*s in Lochaber in 1744 : —

"We, Donald Cameron of Lochiel, John McDonnell of Glen-
gary, and Alexander McDomiell of Keapoch, taking to con-
sideration that severals of our Dependents and followers are too

* The question has often been asked what is the proper way of spelling
Mae. Should it be written with three letters or with two, as Mc ? It is spelt in ,
both ways in many of the old documents referred to, and sometimes with four
lettere, as Mack^ but more generally contracted into Mc. I haye giyen the
) spelt in the originals in the above.

76 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

<,^uilty of theft, and depredations, and being sensible of the bad
effects and consequences of such pernicious practices, and in
order to put an entire stop to such villany, as far as Ij in our
power, Hiive jointl}' agreed and resolved upon the following
articles, which we faithfully promise upon honour to observe and
fulfil.

" Imo. That any of our Dependents, Tenants, or followers,
guilty of such tliefts as by law may be capitally punished, we
hereby oblidge ourselves jointly to contribute a sum of money
necessary to prosecute such person, or persons, and to convey him,
or them, to the next and most convenient county goall within
Avhose jurisdiction he resides, and there adduce such evidence
against him as may legally convict him, or be assolzied in coui'se
of process.

" 2do. That any of our Dependents, Tenants, or followers,
guilty of theft, receii)ting, or out hounding, so far as we judge the
same may infer a corjjorall ])unishment, are to be confined, and
incarcerate by us respectively within a lockfast and secure ward,
wliere we think most convenient to appoint, and such a criminall
be publickly scourged at siglit of a number of the neighbouring
tenants, so often as is thought sufHcient to punish him for his
crime.

*• 3tio. That we ai)point sufficient and sponsall persons, or men
of authority within proper districts of our estates (or where our
authority among our followers and Dependents will extend and
reach), to apprehend and incarcerate any ])erson or persons guilty
of the above crimes, and impowering our respective Deputes, to
use such crimhialls by scourging, jugging, stocks, and other punish-
ments in as rigorous a maimer as any of us their constituents
might have done ourselves, and this ])0\ver to continue no longer
with any of those our Deputes than he duly puts to execution
this our authority counuitted to him.

" 4to. That any notorious and infamous villain guilty of the
above crimes, flying from, and deserting any of us, to the pro-
tection of any of the other two of us, or privatly lurking within
any part of our estates, any one of us in whose estate such a
fugitive resides, is hereby oblidged, upon pro])er application, to
deliver him up to the one of us who has a right and title to punish
him.

5 to. and lastly. We hereby consent and agree that these, our
articles and resolution, are to be lodged in the custody of Sir
Alexander McDonald of McDonald, Baronet, with power to him
severely to rei)nmand up(»n the most publick occasion, one and all
of us failling in the strict observance of all and every the above

Gleanings from Lord MacdonalcTs Charter Chest 7T

es ; in witness whereof,
poch, the thirteenth day
hundered an I fourty-four years.

articles ; in witness whereof, we subscribe these presents at
Keappoch, the thirteenth day of October, one thousand seven

" Donald Cameron
" John McDonell off Glengary.
'' Alexr. McDonell.
"FollowB a list of deputies appointed in the following
districts : —

" By Lochiel : — John Cameron of Fasfem, for the lands of
Lochiel ; Dr. Archibald Cameron, for Locharkaig, Glenluy, and
Stralochy ; Glenevis and Callart, for Mamore, Glenevis, and Gar-
ghaick ; Dungallon, for Suinart and Ardnamurchan ; John McEvan-
ic-Allan, and John Ban Mclan ic Ian, for Morven ; John Cameron,
younger of Kinlochliven, and Donald Cameron of Clunis, for
Dochinassie ; Torcastle, for Ardgjour.

" Donald Cameron.

" By Glengary : — Donald McDonnell of Scothouse, and Coll
McDonnell of Barrisdale, for Knoydart, equally betwixt them ;
Allan and John McDonnells, sons to Scothouse, for Morror ; Donald
McDonnell of Lochgary, John McDonnell of Amabel, Angus
McDonell of Leeak, and Angus McDonell of Greenfield, for Glen-
gary and Abertarph.

" John McDonell off Glengary.

" By Keappoch : — Donald McDonnell, brother to Keappoch,
Donald McDonnell of Timadrish, Donald McDonnell of Crainichan^
and Alexander McDonnell of TuUoch, for the Braes of Lochaber ;
Bonald McDonell of Aberardor, for the Braes of Badenoch.

"Alexr. McDonell."

Though the two foregoing papers explain themselves, it must be
mentioned that seals are appended to the signatures of the three
chiefly responsible parties to the deed to his Highness Oliver.
Glengarry's seal is merely a large deer covering the whole of a
circular shield. Sir James Macdonald used what was evidently an
ancient seal ; it has a ground, or, quartered per cross. In the
dexter chief, an open hand (the laviJi dearg\ in the sinster chief a
lion rampant, and a fish and a ship in the bases dexter and sinister.
Initials J. M*D. on the scroll above the shield, but neither motto
nor crest. This seal does not correspond with any I have seen in
Heraldry Books. Perhaps, for all we know, it may have once
belonged to one of the ancient Lords of the Isles. It is parti-
cularly to be noticed it does not show the crosslet so conspicuous

78 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

on the present arms of mostly all the Highland Macdonalds. The
seal used by Macleod of Macleod was a classical-looking head of a
Roman type.

About the beginning of this century, Glengarry and Clan
Panald both laid claim to the chieftainship of the Macdonalck
In the minute of agreement entered into by Glengarry, Keppoch,
and Lochiel, it will be seen by the 5th clause that the said articles
and resolutions were to be lodged in the hands of Sir Alexander
Macdonald of Macdonald, Baronet. If Sir Alexander was not the
chief of the clan at that time, it is difficult to understand why he
should have been styled Macdonald of Macdonald in this document,
to which two of the leading members of the clan, viz., the Glen-
garry of the day and Keppoch, were contracting parties.

Uth DECEMBER, 1887,

At the meeting held on this date Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., read
a tale contributed by the Rev. John Gregorson Campbell, Tiree,
entitled *' Sgeulachd Gasa Cein"— "The Healing of Keyn's
Foot." Mr Campbell's paper was as follows : —

SGEULACHD CASA CEIN— THE HEALING OF KEYN'S

FOOT.

[This tale was at one time among the most celebrated of West
Highland tales, and seems to have had its origin in the time of the
Brian Family, Kings of Ireland, apparently an age of great
literary activity. The portion of the tale here given w^as written
from the dictation of Malcolm Sinclair, fisherman, Balephuill,
Tiree. Its being given in the words of the reciter makes it open
to be more fairly judged of. It is said that the late J. F.
Campbell of Islay got the whole of the divisions which constituted
the tale from an Islay man, resident in Paisley.

The runs between the difterent tales varied. Some said it
should be — " Stretch out your foot, Kcyn, until I put a salve of
herbs and healing to it. The poultice is melting and rotting in
my belt. Pressure and haste hard bind me, for I must hear maas
in the great Church at Rome, and be in Norway before I sleep.

" May it be no foot to Keyn, or a foot to any one after him, or
I be Keyn the son of MoUoy, if I stretch out my foot for you to
put a salve of herbs or healing to it, ckc, (kc.

The Healing of Keyn's Foot, 79

" The shadow of evils and mischances upon you. You were
ever an unfortunate man to fall in with, and you are still more
imfortunate to me.

"Mischief is upon you, and you are no son of Luck or Good
Fortune. That tale is long to tell, but I will tell you a short
romantic tale : —

" Sin do chas a Ch^in, gus an cuir mise biola lus agus leighis
rL Ceirein a meathadh 's a breothadh am chrios, 'teinnein 's
gnothach orm, 's e mar fhiachaibh orm fhin dol a dh' eisdeachd
aibhirinn do 'n Eaglais Mhoir 'san R6imh m^ireach 's a bhi 'n
Lochlainn mu'n cadail mi. Na na cas do Ch^in i, 's na na cas do
neach na dheieh i, 's na na 's mo mac Maol-Uamha mise ma shineas
mise mo chas gu thusa chur biol lus no leighis rithe, tkc, <kc.

" Sgle6 uilc 's uifhaidh ort; b' olc an c6mhalaich riamh thu, 's bu
mhiosa 'n comhalaiche dhomhsa thu.

" Tha'n rosad ort, 's cha mac fortain na rath thu, tlia naigheachd
sin fada ra h-innse, aeh innse mi ursgeul beag dhuit."

Another version says that it should be, " Salve and binding-
herb, and the poultice cooling, the worm is (channering), and I am
in haste to hear mass in the Great Church at Rome." " Ceirein
agus t^lus am pl^d a fuarachadh, a chnuimh a borbradh, agus
deifir orm a dhol a dh^ eisdeachd aifrinn san Eaglais Mh6ir san
R6imh"].

CIAN MAC AN LUAIMH.

Fear bh' ann an Eirinn ris an abradh iad 0'Cr6niceart, us b* e
aite c6mhnuidh a ch6iruisg, 's chosd e chuid uile ri mor mhaithibh
na h-Eirinn, gan toirt air chuid latha 's air chuid oidhche gus nach
robh aig ach scan tigh crom dubh 's seaua bhean 's sean each
bacach bin. 'Se smaoint thainig na cheann gun rachadh e gu
Righ Eirinn air chuideachadh fiach de a bheireadh c dha, bhuan e
bata glas-daraich ann an iomall na coille, 's shuidh e air muin an
eich bbacaich bhain, 's ghabh e gu siubhal roi' choille 's roi
mhointich 's roi' gharbhlach gus an d' rainig e tigh an Righ. 'Se
bhith bh' ann (mar bhith' 's an gnathachadh) gum biodh duine la
's bliadhna an tigh an Righ mun fairte dheth de ceann a thuruis.
An deigh dha bhith la 's bliadhna ann, thuirt an Righ ris,
" O'Crdniceart, cha 'n ann gun cheann turuis thaine tusa ann an
80." " Cha 'n ann," thuirt O'Croniceart," " is ann arson cuideach-
adh thainig mise ann an so, tha fios agaibh gur ann ri-pe 's ri m6r
mhaithibh chosg mi mo chuid gu h-uile." " Fanaidh tu," ars' an
Righ, "gus an d' thoir mi stigh a chlann ;" 's bha iad ann mar a
theireadh iad Murcha Mac Brian, 's Donncha Mac Brian, 's

80 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Torragheal Mac Brian, 's Brian Borr Mac Cimie,^ 's an sia co-
dhalta deiig Icis a h-iiile fear dhiu sin.

"Bheir niise," ars' Murcha Mac Brian, "ceud bo iaoigh dha."

" Bheir mise," ars' Donncha Mac Brian, " ceud bo sheasg dta,
eagal iad a bhi Iaoigh uile dh' aon bhliadhna air fad."

" Bheir raise," ars' Torragheal Mac Brian, " ceud capull
searraich dha."

" Bheir mise," ars' Brian Borr Mac Cimi, " ceud caora dha."

An deigli do O'Croniceart so fhaotainn cha robh e falbh-
Thuirt an liigh ris a bliith falbh, gun robh e duilich a threud
chumail air leth air a chuid-san 's e gan toirt leis, Thuirt esan ris
an Righ gun robh aon ni 'a t-seaUadh aige 's na 'm faigheadh e e
o'n Rigli gum b' fhearr leis e na na fhuair e gu h-uile.

" 'S cinnteach," ars' an High, gur h-e ni dona a thaobh-eiginn
tha sin 's fhearr dhuit innse, 's gum bithear gad leigeil air falbh"

" Se," ars' esan, " am measan a tha mach 's a stigh as deigh
na Ban-righinn, tha mi a miannachadh ;" 's fhuair e cead o'n Righ
a thoirt leis.

Thug e leis am measan, leum e air muin an t-sean eich bhacaich
bhain, 's ghabh e gu siubhal gun suil thoirt air an trend, roi
choille 's roi mhointich 's roi gharbhlach. Air dha dhol air
aghaibh treis *sa choille, leum boc-earba a mach as a choille, 's
dh' fhalbh am measan as a dheigh, 's ann an tiota bha iad as an
t-sealladh.

Goirid do 'n fheasgar, chunnaic e measan a tighinn 's Ian damh
feidh roimhe, 's leum am fiadh na bhoirionnach air ciii O'Croniceart,
a b' aillidh a chunnaic an t-suil o thus an domhan gu deireadh na
d\linn.- Rug O'Croniceart orra, 's dh'iarr i air a leigeadh as, s
thuirt e nach bu bhe6 dhcalachadh eatorra.

" Voill," ars' ise, " mun falbh mise leat feumaidh tu dol o thri
cumhnantan dhomh ;" agus gheall e dol o na cumhnantan dhi.

" 'S e cheud chumhnant, nach teid thu dh' iarraidh Righ
Eirinn no mhor mhaithibh air chuid lathana air chuid oidhche gun
innse dhomh. An ath-chumhuant, nach teid thu thigh sainnse
gim a chur am cheadsa. A<^us an treasa ni, nach tilg thu orm am
feasd gun d' fhuair thu ann am chreutair mi-chiallach ' ann 'sa
choille mi.'*

Rainig iad 'n so an scan tigh crom dubh, 's a bhean a dh-fha^
e ann bha i na cuaill chnamh ann an Ion snighe air meadhon an
urlair. Bhuain iad fiar ann an uraidhean 's ann an sglipheachan,
's rinn iad leaba 's chaidh iad a laidhe.

'S e bu dusgadh cadail do 0'Cr6niceart geumraich cruidh, 's
meilich chaorach, 's sitrich chapiil, e fhein ann an leaba 6ir air

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 81

chuiblean airgid, a falbh o cheann gu ceann do*n tur Bhaile-Chasteil,
a b' aillidh a chunnaic an t-suil o thus an domhan gu deireadh na
dilinn.*

"Cha b' iongantach," are' esan, "a leithid so, a dh'eiridh
dhomhsa dar fhuair mi ad chreutair mi-chiallach 'sa choille thu."

^* Co math 's a bhrist thu 'n cumhnanta sin, bristidh tu each ;
eirich is saodaich an sreud air falbh."

'Nuair chaidh e mach, cha robh aireamh aig lionmhoireachd a
threud, agus air latha do na laithean as a dheigh sin, 's e sealltuinn
air an treud, smaointich e gun rachadh e dh' iarraidh High Eirinn
's a mhor mhaithibh air chuid latha 's oidhche. Shuidh e air
muin an t-sean eich bhacaich bhain, 's shuibhail e roimh choille 's
roimh mhointich *8 roimh gharbhlaich, gus an d' rainig e tigh an
High.

Thuirt an Righ ris, " Am bheil thu idir, 0'Cr6niceart, brath do
chuid sreud thoirt leat 1 tha lad an diugh cho lionmhor 's nach
aithnich na buachaiUean iad seach mo chuid-sa."

"Chan 'eil, chan 'eil feum agam orra; tha barrachd sreud
agamsa 's th'agad fhein ; 's ann tha mis gar n-iarraidh fhein ^s air
mor mhaithibh air chuid latha ^s oidche."

Thairt an Righ ris, "Tha sinne, laochain, deonach falbh leat ;"
's bha iad mar a bheireadh iad Murcha Mac Brian, ^s Dounacha
Mac Brian, 's Torragheal Mao Brian, 's Brian B6rr Mac Cirai, 's a
shia deug co-dhdtan Icis h-uile fear dhiu sin. 'Nuair a bha iad
goirid do'n tigh ^s ann a chuimhnich 0'Cr6niceart gun d' fhalbh e
gun innse dh' ise. Thuirt e riu-san, a bhi tighinn gu h-athaiseach
's gun rachadh e thein air thoiseach dh' innse gun robh iad a
tighinn.

" Cha ruigeadh tu leas, bha fios agamsa gu ma gun d' fhalbh
thu ; thigidh iad air an aghaidh, tha na h-uile ni deas "

'Nuair a shaoil leis an Righ gun robh e seachd lathan 's seach d
oidhchean ag ithe 's ag 61 ann, thuirt e ri Murcha, a mhac, gun robh
an t-am aca bhi falbh. Agus thuirt ise ris an Righ gun robh an
t-am aige, " Tha thu seachd lathan 's seachd bliadhna ann an so. '*
" Ma tha," ars* esan, " cha ruig mise leas tille air m' ais ; chan
'eil duine no bed chreutair air mo chionn."

Bha co-dhalta aig Murcha Mac Brian ris an abradh iad Cian
Mac an Luaidh,^ 's ghabh e gaol air bean 0'Cr6niceart ; leig e air
gun robh e tinn, 's dh' fhan e as deigh chaich. Rinn ise deoch
dha, 's chaidh i leis an deoch gu ionnsuidh, 's an aite breth air
an deoch, 's ann a thoiseach e air breth oirre fhein gu toirt leis
do 'n leabaidh. Leum i na loithe ^ chapuil 's bhuail i breab air ;
's bhrist 1 chas, thug i leatha an tur Bhaile Chaisteil air ultach a

6

82 Gaelic Society of Inuerness

guaile 's air uallach a droma, 's dh' fhag i esan anns' an t-sean tigh
chrom dubh ann an l6n snidhe air meadhon an urlair.

Chaidh 0'Cr6niceart anns' an dealachadh a stigh do *n tigh
sbeinnse leis na mor mhaithean a dh' fhagail beannachd aca, 's ann
an sin a chuimhnich Murcha Mac Brian gun d' fhag e dhearbh
cho-dhalta, Cian Mac an Luaidh, as a dheighe, 's thuirt e nach bu
bheo-dhealachadh eatorra, 's gun tilleadh e ga iarraidh. D'fhuair
e 'n sin e 'san t^sean tigh crom dubh ann am meadhon an urlair ann
an Ion snidhe 's a chas brist, 's thuirt e gun deanadh an talamh
nead na bhonn no 'n t-athar nead na cheann mur a faigbeadh e fear
a leighiscadh cas Chian.

Thuirt iad ris gun robh an Ridire beag ann an Innis-da- there*
ann an Eirinn ; gun leighiseadh e chas Chian, na'm faigbeadh e 'n
ridireachd bh' aig athar, leis an luibh bha 'n eilein iomallach an
domhain dimhair.'^ Chuir iad a mach a bhirlinn bha seachd
bliadhna ga calcadh 's ga tearradh am braigh chladich. Thug iad
gii siiibhal a chuain uaibhrich, le soirbheas boidheach bheireadh
duilich a craoibh, seilich a beinn, 's fraoch og as a bhun 's as a
fhreumhaichan, 's ghearra e s\lein du coirce le du thoisich le ro
fheabhas 'sa stiuradh e i. Rainig iad an t-eilein iomallach, 's dar
chaidh iad air tir, cha b' aithne do 'n Ridire bheag an luibh, ach
gun robh fios aige gun robh i ann. Cheangal e ball mu mheadhon
Chian, 's bha e ga tharruing roimh na h-uile torn luibhean a
chitheadh e, 's na 'm beanadli i du chois gum bidh a chat
leighiste. Cha robh a chridho aige tille dhachaigh mur a leighist^
a chas, bho na ghabh e os laimh e ; 's is e smaoint a thainig na
chean gum f^gadh e Cian air a thaobh anns' an eilein, far nach
robh duiue no beo-chreutair ; 's gun abradh e gun do leighis e a
chas, ach gun d'thug onfliadh na fairge far buird e tighinn air an
rathad.

Blia Cian air a thaobh anns' an eilein gun duine gun bheo
chreutair. Ann an deigh a mheadhon latha, th' ar leis gun cual e
iomram, ach bha e 'g radhain ris fhein nach iomram a bh' ann 's
nach tigeadh gu brath. Treis as a dheigh sin bha e deanamh
dheth gur h-e iomram a bh' ann. Chunnaic e sin fear a tighinn
ag iomram curachan** le da ramh airgid. Leig e air tir i, 's leum
e mach aisde, 's tharruing e i seachd fada fhein suas am feur glas
i far nach dean macan fir a baile mor spurt no magadh orra.
(rhahh e nuas 's thuirt e ris, "Sin thusa mach do chas, 's curimim
'sa ceirein furtachd agus foil rithe." " Na na cas domhsa i 'a na
na cas a Chian i, 's na na 's motha 's mise Cian Mac an Luaidh,
m' a sh\neas mise mach mo chas a chur biol, luis no leigheas no
ceirein furtachd agus foil rithe, gus an innis thusa dhomhsa co

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 83

thu fhein a dh'islean no dh'uaislcan an t-saoghail a ohuir an
dragh 'a an t-saothair sin ad cheann tighinn a leigheas mo choi&-
sa."

" Miflg ifl miapadh ort, aghaidh t-uilo 'b t-urfhaidh ort, a bhi
cumail tuille furrich orm, innse mise sin dhuit.

I. "Is mise Manus M6r,° mac Righ Loohlin, 's tha agam ri bhi
o eibhneas^^ sagart anns' an Koimh 's cadal ann am baile m6r m'
athar fhein a nochd. Sin thus a nis mach do chas 's curimim 'sa
ceirein furtachd agus f6il rithe."

" Na na cas dhomhsa i 's na na cas a Chian i, 's na na 's motha 's
mise Cian Mac an Luaidh, m' a shineas mise mach mo chas a chur
bid luis no leigheas rithe, gus an innis thiisa dhomhsa cia de
chuir baile m6r t athar fhein gun eibhneas sagart."

" Misg is miapadh, &c.

" Bha scan eaglais ann am baile m6r m' athar, 's cha bhiodh
macan fir a baile m6r a thigeadh nach biodh a spurt 's a magadh
orra. Smaointich mise gur h-i clach a b' ^irde clach a b' isle dhi.
Chuir mi mach a bhirlinn a bha na seachd lathan 's na seachd
bliadhna ^ tearradh 's ga calcadh am braigh a chladaich, a dhol
a dh' iarraidh saoir, clachair, 's sgliatair, thogadh eaglais am bade
mor m' athar. Thog mi gu siubhal a chuain uaibhraich. Chaidh
mi air tir an an diithaich fhad, fhiadhaich, Ian coille, garbhlaich,
's mointich. Cha robh duine no beo-chreutair a tachairt ruim.
Dar a chaidh mi pios math air m' aghaidh amis' an t\r thachair
triuir dhaoine rium. Chuir iad failt orm 's iad ga 'm
aithneachadh. Thuirt mise riu, * Tha aithne agaibh orm,
nach 'eil agam oirbh.' *Tha sin againn ort,' ars' iadsau, *'s tha
fios againn de ceann do sheud 's do shiubhal ; tha thu 'g iarraidh
saoir, clachair, 's sgliatair thogas eaglais ann an baile mor t-athar ;
's ma tha iad agad fo cheithir raunaibh ruadh an t-saoghail, tha
iad agad ann an so.' Thill mis 's na triuir dhaoine sin learn, 's
thug iad latha 's bliadhna ann an tigh m' athar mun deachaidh
iad a steidheadh na h- eaglais. An ceann la 's bliadhna chaidh mi
mach leo dhol a thoiseachadh air an eaglais ; thug an clachair a
mach pronnan chlach as a phoca 's chaith e air an lar e, 's bha
balla na h-eaglais ullamh. Thug an saor a mach sliscagan as a
phoca 's rinn e 'n tomhas ceudna, 's bha 'n ceann air an eaglais.
Rinn an sgliatair an tomhas ciadna, 's bha 'n eaglais ullamh.

" * Nis,' ars' iadsan, * thoir a mach do phiuthar 's do mhathair ;
cuir te stigh air gach dorus dhiu, ma gheibli iad coire do dh'obair
na h-eaglais, cha bhi i paidheadh ; mar faigh iad coire, bitheadh i
paidheadh.'

" Thug mise mach mo phiuthar 's mo mhathair. Chaidh iad a
stigh te air gach dorus ; dhuin na dorsan as an deigh.

84 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

" Thog iadsan leo an eaglais air ultach an guailin 's air uallach
an droma, 's mo phiuthar 's mo mhathair innte."

" Sin thusa mach do chas, &c., gus an innse thu dhomhsa an
deachaidh tu air toir do phiuthair no do mhathair tuille."

" Misg, <fec. Innsidh mise sin duitsa.

II. " Thuirt m' athair rium, * 'S nkrach dhuit fhein 's gur tu
treasa^ ^ gaisgeach an domhaiii air fad nsich rachadh tu air toir do
phiuthair 's do mhathair.*

" Chuir mi mach a bhirlinn a bha seachd bliadhna gu tearradh
's ga calcadh am braigh a chladaich, 's bha mi dol seachad air
duthaich fad fhiadliaich bha sin, 's chimna mi cath 'a comhrag gun
cheill air t\r, fear ann 's e comhrag ceud^^ leis fhein. Smaointich
mi dol air tir agiis comhnadh leis bho no bha e na onrachd.
Tharruing mi suas a bhirlinn a seachd fada fhein suas am feur
glas i far uach dean macan fir a baile m6r spurt no magadh orra.
Thoisich mise anus' an dania ceann 's e fhein anns' a cheann eile,
's mun d'thainig am feasgar bha mo leth-cheud fhein marbh
agamsa, ^s thainig am feasgar mun robh a leth-cheud fhein marbh
aige-san. Cha d' thug e dhomh cuireadh dol leis a dh* ionnsuidh
an tighe, 's bho nach do bhac e mi lean mi e. Shuidh e aig a
bhiadh, 's cha d'thug e cuireadh dhomh na bu mho agus 'o nach do
bhac e mi shuidh mi aige comhla ris. 'S e b^ongantaich learn na
daoine mharbh sin an de bhi maireach glaodhaich ris tighinn a
mach a dh' iarraidh cath 's comhrag. Chaidh e mach 's thoisich e
'san dama cean diu 's thoisich mise 's a cheann eile. Dar a thainig
am mcadhon la bha mo leth-cheud fhein marbh agamsa, 's thainig
am feasgar mun robh a leth-cheud fhein marbh aige-san, agus
smaointich mise gum fanainn air mo chois an oidhche sin fiach de
bha toirt air na cuiq) bha sinn a nuubhadh bhi 'g diridh a ris
'g iarraidh dol a chath *8 a chomhrag. Leig mi mi fh\n am
shineadh an iomall na h-araich, 's chunua mi boirionnach a tighinu
's a miad thar ch^ich, sleagh ghearr agus trosdan na laimh dheis,
st6pan t-ath-bheothaich air a coraig chli. Rinn i ormsa 'n toiseach
agus chuir i miar am bhial, agus na rug mise air dhe 'n mhiar bha
e agam. * Tha thu be6 fhathast,* ars' ise ; * cirich agus cum an
t-sleagh ghearr 's an trosdan, no ath-bheothaich na daoine.'
* Cumaidh mise,' ars* esan, * an t-sleagh ghearr *s an trosdan fhein.*
Mar a chrom ise a h-ath-bheothachadh a cheud fhir dhiu, thilg mi
dhi an ceann. Rinn mi mo shlneadh far an robh mi roimhe fiach
an robh an corr toireachd a tighinn, agus goirid o bhial an latha
chunna mi fear a tighinn agus chithinn an saoghal a mach eadar a
dha chois le mheadachd, *s sleagh ghearr *8 trosdan na laimh dheis
'a at6pan t-ath-bheothaich na laimh chl\. 'S ann ormsa rinn e 'n

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 85

toiseach 's chuir e mbiar na 'm bhial, 's na rug mi air do'n mhiar
bha e agam. Tbuirt e ruim, * Tba tbu beo fhathast ; eirich agua
cum an t-sleagb gbear 's an trosdan, no ath-bheothaich na daoine.'
* Cumaidb mise an t^sleagb ghearr ^s an trosdan.' Mar a cbrom
esan a b-atb-bbeothacbadb a chcud fhir dbiu, tbilg mi an ceann
dheth. Tbainig an latba 'a cha d' thainig an corr toireachd, cba
do gbluais na cuirp, luidb iad mar a bba iad. Am fear a b'abbaist
a bhi comhrag riu thainig a mach. * Failt ort, a Mhanuis, 'a
fh^a c'n na bha e 'san tairgneachd [maneadaireachd] gur tu
bheireadh a chiad chlos domhsa — theid thu learn 's suidhidh tu
aig do bhraiceas comhla ruim an diugh/ * Is maith leam fios bhi
agam co thu an toiseach.' * Is mise Macan Nic a Glun-duibh a
Cathair na Camruisg.' Chaidh mi leis dh' ionnsuidh mo bhraiceia.
Thuirt e ruim, * tha ni agam ann an so nach do leig mi fhaicinu do
dhuine riamh, leigidh mi fhaicinn sealladh dhuit dheth ; m' athair
'a mo lahathair agam ann an so anns' a chruth anns' an d'fliag iad
an aaoghal gan gleidheadh suas/ Leig e fhaicinn iad dhomh 'a
dh' ath-bheothaich mi dha iad, 'a sliuidh iad aig am braiccas maille
ruinn. Thuirt e ruim, * A Mhanuis, tha fhios agamsa gu math
ceann do abend 'a do shiubhail, tlia thu dol air toir do phiutlmr 'a
do mhathair, ach tha thu lag, bog, leanabail, a dhol air aghaidh.
Nan do dh' fhan thu gu ceann da bhliadlma bu tu dama gaisgeacli
an domhain. 'S ann aig darna gaisgeach an domhain tha do
phiuthar 'a do mhathair 's aig Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge ; bheir
miae br6gan duit ann an S3 's bheir iad astar shoachd bliadhn' thu
ann an aon latha, 'a bi tu an tigh peathar dhomh fhin a nochd, 'a
cuiridh i sin na's fhearr air ceann an rathaid thu.' Rainig mi 'n
tigh aice chuir i faillt orm 'a i g'am aitlincachadh. * 'S fhad o'n bha
e 'aan tairgneachd gur tu bheireadh chiad chlos do 'm bhratbair-sa.
'S math 'a aithne dhomhsa ceann do thcud 's do shiubhail — tha
thu dol air toir do mhathair 's do phiuthair, acli tlia thu lag, bog,
leanabail, a dhol chumail cath ri Mac Hiirh na Sgeith Deirge.
Tha da chreutair rcmhad aig geata a hhailo nach s«;ath arm sam
bi crra, le iad a bhi Ian sligiiich, ach da spot tha fiiidh 'n amhaich
'a ann ann tha 'm bas nan amaiste ann an sin iad. 'S e 'n ainm
Borg agus Binneag.' R^ine mise, 's bha 'n da chreutair roiuham.
'Shleagh ghearr 'a a throsdain, cha 'n fliiach dhomh bhi gar
giulan ma'a dean sibh comhnadh leam, 's cha hiaithe bha 'm facal
air a r^hainn na mharbh iad an da chreutair bha romham. Ghabh
mi air m' aghaidh. Bhuail mi beum-sgeithe gaisgich air faiche
bhaile mhoir. Cha robh seann obair ann nach do thuit no obair
or nach do chrac^^ ; chuir scan duine cheann mach air uinneig,
dh' fhioeraich e dhiom ciod bha air m' aire. Thuirt mi ria, mo

86 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

phiuthar 's mo mhathair cbuir amach am ionnsuidh no ceile
comhraig. * Cha cheilo comhraig dhuit mise ; that mo mhac anns'
a bheinn t-seilg. Thig a stigh, tha do phiuthar 's do mhathair an
80.' Chaidh mi stigh, cha b' fhada gus an d' thainig a mhac as a
bheinn t-seilg *s dh' fheoraich e co 'm beadagan balaich bha co
mhi-mhodhaii, 's gun do mharbh e 'n da chreutair bha dion a
bhaile. Thuirt athair ris, gun do mharbh Manus mac Righ
Lochlin, 's mur a ghiaiseadh tusa ceair air roimhe so, cha do
shaothraich e air an turns so an diugh. *Bheir thu leat do
mhathair, a Mhanuis,' ars' Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge, *ach
f^gaidh tu agam fhin do phiuthar.' * Cha'n ann mar sin a bhitheas,
ach bheir mise learn i, 's theid thusa learn, 's ma bheir Righ Lochlin,
a h-athair dhuit i, cha chum mise bh' uait i.'

" Chuir sinn mach a bhirlinn bha seachd bliadhna ga tearradh
's ga calcadh am braigh chlaidaich, 's dh' fhalbh mi fhin, 's mo
phiuthar, 's mo mhathair, 's Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge innte.
Bha sin dol seachad air duthaich fhad fhiadhaich an sin, 's chunna'
sinn cath is comhrag air tir. Dh' fhiosraich mi de 'n cath 's an
c6mhrag bha sid. Thuirt Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge, * 'S
fhurasd aithneachadh nach d'fhag thu tigh riamh gus a so; thug
mise seachd lathan 's seachd bliadhua toirt a mach Nighean Righ
an Domhain, a cath 's a comhrag, 's cha d'rinn mi dad dheth. * 'S
fheaiT dhuinn,' ars' Manus, * dol air tir ann.' " Is ioma gaisgeach
th'ann na 's fhearr na thu,' thuirt Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge.
' Theid sinn air tir co dhiu,' ars' Mauus. Ghabh e suas, rainig e
n caistcal, chunnaic e ise sealltain mach air uinneig ; leum e 's
bhuail e le ciil a bhoise i, 's ma'n d'rainig e 'n l^r bha i aige, s
thug e sios do'n bhirlinn i. 'Nuair a dh' fhalbh mi leatha, thuirt
mi rithe, * Nach mi gaisgeach b' fliearr thainig as do dheigh riamh.*

* Leumadh tu gu matli,' ars' ise, * ach cha 'n fhaca mi dad ao d'
ghaisge.' Dh' iarr e bhirlinn chur mini cuairt, 's thill e air tir air
ais. Thoisich e fhcin 's an darna ceann, 's an t-sleagh ghearr 's an
trosdan 'sa cheann eile. Bha fear air leth-chois, 's fear air leth-
laimh, 's fear air leth-shuil, 's ged bhiodh deich teanganna fichead
an ceann an fhir a bhiodh be6 's an ag innse uilc fhein 's uilc
chaich uile a bhiodh e. Thuirt Mac Righ na Sgeith Deirge ris —

* Mhanuis, bheir thu dhomhsa Nighean Righ an Domhan, 's
bithidh do phiuthar 's do mhathair agad fhein.' * Shleagh ghearr
's a throsdain, cuiribh bloigh air gach taobh de 'n bhirlinn deth.'
Cha luaithe bha sid air a radh na bha e air a dheanamh. Rainig
mise an sin baile mor m' athar, 's mo phiuthar 's mo mhathair *s
Nighinn Righ an Domhain agam."

" Sin thusa nis do chas 's cuirimim 'sa ceirein furtachd agus
foil rithe."

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 87

" Na na c4s dbdmhsa i 's na na c^ a Chian i, 's na na 's motha
's mise Cian Mac an Luaidh, ma shineas mise mach mo chas a
chuir biol Ixiis mo leighis no ceirein f urtachd agus foil rithe, gus an
innis thusa dhomhsa 'n d' thainig toireachd air Nighinn Righ an
Domhain tuille."

HI. " Latha dc na lathan chunnacas cabhlach a ti 'n mu'n
cuairt bailc mor m' athar-sa, Thuirt m' athair ruim, * Bi mise air
mo sgrios air do sgath 'n diugh, 's ann air toir Nighinn High an
Domhain tha iad so.'

" Dar a chuala mise so, chuir mi mach a bhirlinn, <kc. Chuir
mi Nighinn Righ an Domhan aig a stiuir, bha mi fhin a fearas-
urlair air a feadh ; nuair fhuair mi taobh mach a chablach ghlaodh
mi gun robh mise an sid, Manus, Mac Righ Lochlin, 's Nigliinn
Righ an Domhain agam air bord 's aon sam bith bha air son mo
leantuinn, iad a bhi tighinn. An fheadhainn bha lag de chrew
dhiu cha robh iad ach a cur nan tuagh air na cabuill a leanailt as
mo dheigh. Thainig an oidhche oimn, 's cha bu leir do 'n dama
aon againn an t-aon eile, 's dar thainig a mhaduinn an la V na
mhaireach cha robh gin againn is t-shealladh. Chaidh sinn air tir
ann an duthaich nach fhaca sinn duine be6 fhads' a shiubhail sinn
air a feadh. Chuir sinn suas ann an uamh. 'S e bu I6n domh
bhi 'g iasgach 's aig ianach. Fhuair mi dithis mhac anns' an
uamh o Nighean Righ an Domhain. Bha mi la tighinn dachaigh
's na balaich air f^ meadhonach m6r, chunna mi fear a falbh, 's i
aig air a bhois 's na balaich caoincadh as deigh a mathair. Lean
mi dh* ionnsuidh chladaich iad dh' fharaid e dhiom c' ait an robh
mi dol. Thuirt mi ris gun robh mi airson Nighinn Righ an
Domhain thoirt bhuaithe. Rug e orm agus chuir e gum dha
ghualain mi ann am mul chlach. Thug mi iiine mhor de 'n latha
an sin gus an do chuir na balaich na clachan air falbh uam 's an
d' fhuair mi as. Goirid as deigh sin, dar dheanadh na balaich
beagan air an son fhein, chuir mi mach a bhirlinn bha seachd
bliadhna ga tearradh 's ga calcadh am braigh chladaich, 's thug sinn
gu siubhal a chuain uaibhrich, <kc. R^inig mi 'n ath duthaich 's bha
'n c&bhlach bha aig baile mor m' athar an sin romhaim air stad
ann a muir tiachd.^* Chaidh mi air tir; chuir mi suas tent^ mi
fhin 's na balaich ; a chath 's a chomrag ann. A h-uile latha
bhiodh fear a tighinn a seinn ciuil a bhi gar cuir a chadal. Latha
do na lathan thainig an cadal orm, tlminig Marcaich an Eich
BhAin. Thuirt e, * Eirich, a Mhanuis, * tha thu air do robadh,
tha do shleagh 's do throsdan air an toirt bhuait. Fhalbh thusa
a chath *s a chomrag comhla riumsa,'s theid mise chath ^s a chomrag
comhla ruitsa rithis. Cha b' fhada bha mi cath 'sa comhrag

88 Gaelic Society of Inuerness^

maille ris, 'nuair a mharbhadh mo chompanach Marcaich an Eich
Bhan. 'Nuair a chunna mise gun do mharbhadh mo chompanach
Icig mi mi-fhin am sh\neadh measg nan corp san ^raich. Cha
b' fada gus am faca mi fear as a dheigh sin a tighinn ^s long airm, a'n
tri aitheamh thaoid air a mhuin 's an t-aite bu doimh'n e bha 'sa
chuain cha ruige e ach ploc na cruachan dha, thoisich e air taghadh
nan ciurp a chuid bu reamradh dhiu ga'n cuir 's an luing. Thilg e
mi-fhin innt' an toiseach, '• mo chompanach Marcaich an Eich
Bhain a ris. Leig e as aig bial uamh iad ; chuir e nighean mhor
ruadli mach airson a chuid bu rcamh dhiu los gum biodh iad aig
aig a dhinneir. 'S ann orm fhin rug i toiseach, * Tha thu beo
fliathasd/ 's thilg i gu taobh mi. An ath fhear air an d'rug i
Marcaich an Eich Bh^in. Thug i glaodh caoineadh aisde 'g innse
gur h-e brathair a bha ann. Thuirt mise ri, * Fuirich samhach, o'n
's e do bhrathair tha ann, ath-bheothaichaidh mise e.' Rinn mi so,
's cha bi duals a b' fhearr thug c dhuibhne. Nach no leig leis clos
an taobh a chaidh e. Dar a chunnaic sinn sid thug sinn as na
bh' ann. Thug i stigh mi gun fhios da-san, 's chuir i folach mi an
ceann sliios na h-uamh. Dur thainig an oidhche thainig esan
dhachai 's gad do bhradain 's an dama laimh 's cailleacha marbha
's an laimh eilc. Thoisich e air an rostadh airson a shuipearach,
'nuair ghabh e sin chadail e. Bha sgonnan chraobh aig air an
teine, 'nuair tharngeadh e ris auail, bhiodh iad an ceann bhos na
h-uamh 's luuiir chuireadh e mach i bhiodh iad 's a cheann eile.
Dh' eirich mise ruer mi air a rols iarrun bh^ aige, loisg mi mo
lanihan cumail nan sjT:ounan maide air a mhuin gus an d' rinn mi
dearg e. Cha rol)h aigo ach an aon suil an clar an aoduinn ; stob
mi a rois iarruin na shiiil. Bha e ga shadadh fhein feadh na
h-uamh an sin gus na thuit e marbh. Thug mise 's an te ruadh
seachd lathan 's seachd bliadhna mun do chuir sinn amach as an
uaimh na pliiosan e. Fhuair mi mac bhn 'n te ruaidh as an uaimh
's dh' fhan mi comhla ri gus an deanadh e rudcigiun do chuideachd
dhi. Chuir mi mach a bhirlinn bha scaclid bliadhna ga tearradh
's ga calcadh am braigh chladaich. Thug sinn gu siubhal a
chuain uaibhrich le soirbheas bcag, boidhcach bheircadh duilleach a
craoibh, seileach a beinn 's fraoch og as a bhun 's a^ a fhreumaichan,
's ghearra e silein cruaidh du coirce le du tlioisich le ro fheabhas
'sa stiuradh e i.

" Haine mi Eirinn, 's co bha romham sin ach mo dha mhac
fhein bha agam o Nighinn Righ na Sgeith Deirge, a cath 's a.
comhrag a toirt a mach a mathair. Thoisich mise comhla riu.
Thug sinn seachd lathan 's seachd bliadlma an sin, 's cha robh
sinn deanadh dad. Latha dona laithean chunnaic sinn fear a

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 89

tighinn 'a bhuail e beum sgeith, 'g iarraidh Nighinn Righ an
Domhain chuir amach ga ionnsuidh na ceile comhraig. Cha robh
8ean obair nach do thuit na obair ur nach do thrack, anns' an spot
bha i air a cur amach da ionnsuidh. Bha so mac na te ruaidhe
air tigh'nn as an uaimh."

" Sin do chis a Chein gus an cuir mise biole lus agus leigheas
n.

" Na na c^ domhsa i 's na na ck% a Chian i, ^s na na 's motha
's mise Cian Mac an Luaidh, m' a shineas mise mach mo ch^ a
chuir biol luis no leigheas rithe,

rV. " Mar a h-innse thu dhamhsa co dhiu dh' fhalbh thu le
Nighean Righ an Domhan no chaidh thu leis an te ruaidhe do'n
uamha."

KEYN THE SON OF LOY.

There was a man in Ireland whose name was O'Cronicert, and
his dwelling place was Corr-water, and he spent all he had on the
great nobles of Ireland, bringing them for day's entertainment and
for night's entertainment, till he had nothing left but an old
tumble-down black house, and an old wife, and an old lame white
horse. The thought that came into his head was, to go to the
King of Ireland for assistance, to see what he would give. He
cut a cudgel of grey oak in the outskirt of the wood, and sat on
the back of the old lame white horse, and set off at speed through
wood, and through moss, and through rugged ground, till he
reached the King's house. The custom was, that a man should
be a year and a day in the King's house before being asked the
object of his journey. After being there a year and a day, the
King said, "O'Cronicert, it is not without a cause for your
journey you have come here." " It is not," said O'Cronicert, " it
is for assistance I have come here. You know it was for yourself
and your great nobles I spent my pro})erty entirely." *' You will
wait," said the King, " till I bring in the children ;" and they
were there, as men called them, Murdoch MacBrian, and Duncan
MacBrian, and Torgill MacBrian, and Brian Borr MacCimi,^ and
his sixteen foster brothers with every one of them.

" I will give," said Murdoch MacBrian, " a hundred milch cows
to him."

" I will give," said Duncan MacBrian, " a hundred farrow cows
to him, in case they should be in calf all in one year."

" I will give him," said Torgill MacBrian, " a hundred brood
mares."

90 Gaelic Society of Inuemess.

**I will give him," said Brian Borr MacCimi, "a hundred
sheep."

After O'Cronicert got this, he was not going away. The King
told him to go away ; that it was diflBcultto keep his herd separate
from the King's own, and to take it away. He said to the King
that he had one thing in view, and if he got it from the King, he
would prefer it to all he had already got.

" It is certain," said the King, " it must be some bad thing or
other ; you had better tell it, that I may let you away."

" It is," he said, " the lap-dog (measan) that is out and in after
the Queen, that I wish for ;" and the King gave him permission to
take it with him.

He took the lap-dog, leapt on the back of the old lame white
horae, and went off at speed, without one look at the herd, through
wood, and through moss, and through rugged ground. After he
had gone some distance through the wood, a roe-buck (boc-earba)
leapt out of the wood, and the la|>dog went after it, and in an
instant they were out of sight.

Close upon the evening, he saw the lap-dog coming, and a
royal stag (Icln damh feidh) before it, and the deer started up as
a woman behind O'Cronicert, the handsomest that eye had ever
seen from the beginning of the universe till the end of eternity-
(o thus an domluin gu deireadh na dilinn). O'Cronicert caught
her, and she asked him to let her go, and he said there would be
no separation in life between them.

*' Well," said she, "before I go with you, you must come under
three conditions to me," and he promised to come under the con-
ditions.

*' The first condition is, that you will not go to ask the King
of Ireland or his great nobles for a day's or a night's entertainment
without telling me. The next condition is, that you will not go to
a change-house without putting it in my option ; and the third
thing, that you will never cast up to me that you found me an
unwise animaP (beotkach mi-cheillidh) in the wood."

They reached the old tumble-down black house, and the wife
he had left there was a faggot-bundle of bones in a pool of rain-
drip in the middle of the floor. They cut grass in clefts and
ledges of the rocks, and made a bed, and laid down.

O'Cronicert's wakening from sleep was the lowing of cattle and
the bleating of sheep, and the neighing of mares, while he himself
was in a bed of golcl on wheels of silver, going from end to end of
the Tower of Castle Town, the finest eye had seen from the
beginning of the universe till the end of eternity.

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 91

** It is no wonder," he said, " the like of this should happen to-
me, when I found you an unwise animal m the wood."

" As well as you broke that condition you will break the rest ;
rise, and drive the cattle away to pasture."

When he went out, there was no number to the multitude of
hia flock ; and on a day of the days after that, while looking at
the flock, he thought he would go to ask the Kiug of Ireland for
a day and night's entertainment. He sat on the back of the old
lame white horse, and went through wood and moss and rugged
ground, till he reached the King's house.

The King said to him, " Do you at all intend, O'Cronicert, to
take your flock with you ? They are to-day so numerous that the
herdsmen do not know them from my own."

" No ; I have no need of them. I have a larger stock than
yourself ; and what has brought me is to ask yourself and nobles
for a day and night's entertainment."

The King said to him — "We are ready, my good fellow, to
go ;" and there were there, as men called them, Murdoch Mac-
Brian and Duncan MacBrian and Torgill MacBrian and Brian Borr
MacCimi ; and his sixteen foster-brothers with every one of them.
It was when they were near the house, O'Cronicert remembered
he had left without telling her. He told them to make their way
slowly, and he himself would go before, to tell they were coming.

" You did not need ; I knew very well that you went. Let
them come ; everything is ready."

When the King thought he had been seven days and seven
nights drinking there, he said to Murdoch, his son, that it was
time for them to be going. She then said to the King that it was
high time for him. " You have been seven days and seven years
in this place."

•* If I am," said he, " I need not go back ; there is not a man
or living creature awaiting me."

Murdoch had a foster-brother, whose name was Keyn the son
of Loy* (Cian Mac an Luaimh\ and he fell in love with O'Croni-
cert's wife. He pretended to be ill, and he remained behind the
rest. She made a drink for him, and went with it to him ; but,
instead of taking the drink, he laid hold of herself to take her to
the bed. She suddenly became a filly, ^ and gave him a kick, and
broke his leg. She took with her the Tower of Castle Town as an
armful on her shoulders and a light burden on her back, and left
him in the old tumble-down black house in a pool of rain-drip in
the middle of the floor.

In the parting, O'Cronicert ^ent to the change house to bid
the party good-bye, and it was then Murdoch MacBrian

92 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

remembered he had left his own foster-brother, Keyn the son of
Loy, behind, and said there would be no separation in life between
them, and he would go back for him. He found Keyn in the old
tumble-down black house, in the middle of the floor in a pool of
rain water, with his leg broken ; and he said the earth would
make a nest in his sole, and the sky a nest in his head, if he did
not find a man w^ho would cure Keyn's leg. i»

They said to him that the little Knight of Innisturk* in
Ireland would heal Keyn's leg, if he got the hereditary rights
which his father had, with an herb to be found in the most remote
isle of the wide imi verse. '^ They launched the galley that was
seven years being tan-ed and cjiulUed above the beach. They took
to traversing the proud ocean with a gentle breeze that could
shake the leaves off the trees, take the willow from the hill, and
uproot the young heather from its base. It could split a black
grain of oats with its black prow from the excellence with which
he steered it. They arrived at the remote isle, and when they
went ashore the little Knight did not know the herb, but only
knew it must be there. He tied a rope round Keyn's waist, and
was dra;^^2:ing him through every clump of herbs that he saw ; so
that if the herb touched the le^ it would be healed. He durst not
return home if he did not heal the leg, as he had imdertaken to
do ; and the thought that occun*ed to him was that he would
leave Keyn on his side in the island, without man or living
creature, and that he would say that he had healed the leg, but
that the heaving of a billow had taken him overboard on the w^ay.

Keyn lay on his side in the isle without a man or living
creature. In the afternoon he thought he heard the rowing of a
boat, but he said to himself that it was not the sound of rowing,
and that that would never come. A while after that he w^as con-
vinced it was the sound of rowing he lieard. He then saw coming
a man rowing a coracle'* with a pair of silver oars. He brought it
to land, and leaj)t from it, and drew it up seven times its own
length on the green grass, where no man's son from any large
town would make it an object of sport or ridicule. He came
forward, and said to him — " Stretch out your leg that I may put a
jjoultice to relieve and soothe to it." "May it be no leg of mine,
or leg to Keyn, nor may I be Keyn the son of Loy, if I stretch out
my leg to put a salve of herbs or healing or poultice to relieve or
soothe to it until you tell me who you are of all the world's
people or nobles who put the trouble and the labour in your own
head to come to heal my leg."

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 9S

" Confusion and stupor overtake you. The foreshadowing of
evil and hard fortune hang over you for placing more hindrance
in my way. I will tell you that."

I. " I am Manus® Mor, son of the King of Lochlinn, and I have
to hear mass^ ° in Home, and sleep in the capital of my father's
kingdom this night.

" Stretch out your leg that I may put a poultice to soothe and
relieve to it."

" May it be no leg of mine, or leg to Keyn, nor may I be
Keyn the son of Loy, if I stretch out my leg to put a salve of
herbs or healing to it until you tell me why your father's great
city had not a priest's mass of its own." " Confusion and
stupor," &c.

" There was an old church in my father's city, and there was no
man's son from any large town that did not make sport and
ridicule of it. I thought that the highest stone of it should be
the lowest. I launched the galley that was seven days and seven
years being tarred and caulked above the beach, to go in search of
a joiner, a mason, and slater to build a church in my father's
capitaL I betook me to traversing the proud ocean. I landed in
a long, wild country, full of wood, rugged ground, and bogs.
Neither man nor living creature met me. When I had gone a
good piece into the country, three men met me. They saluted
me, recognising me. I said to them, * You have of me a recogni-
tion, which I have not of you.' * We have,' they said, * and we
know the purport of your journey and travel. You are in search
of a joiner, a mason, and slater to build a cliurch in your father's
great town, and if they are to be found in the four red quarters of
the earth, you have them here.' I returned, and those three men
with me, and they were a year and a day in my father's house
before they went to lay the foundation of the church. In a year
and a day I went out with them to begin the church. The mason
took a handful of small stone fragments out of his pocket, cast
them on the ground, and the walls of the church were ready. The
joiner took shavings out of his pocket in the same manner, and
the church was roofed. The slater did likewise, and the church
was finished. ' Now,' said they, * bring out your sister and
mother, put one in at each door; if they find fault with the
building, the church will require no payment, but if they do not
find fault, the church will require payment.' I brought out my
sister and my mother. They entered one at each door. The
doors closed after them. They lifted the church as an armful on
their shoulders, and alight burden on their back, with my sister
and mother inside."

'94 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

" Stretch out your leg, &c., until you tell me whether you ever
went in search of your sister and mother."

" Confusion, <kc. I will tell you that."

II. "My father said to me, * It is to you a disgrace to be the
third ^^ best hero in the whole universe, and not to go in search of
your sister and mother.'

" I launched the galley that was seven years being tarred and
caulked above the beach, and as I was passing a long, wild
country that was there, I saw a fierce fighting and combat on land.
One man alone fighting a hundred. ^ ^ I thought I should land
and help him, since he was alone. I drew up the galley seven
times her own length on the green grass, where no son of man from
any large town could make it an object of sport or ridicule. I
began at one end and he himself at the other, and before the
evening came I had killed my own half-hundred, and evening
came before he had slain his own half-hundred. He did not invite
me to go with him to the house, but since he did not forbid me, I
followed him. He sat at his food to which he did not invite me
either, but as he did not forbid me, I sat down along with him.
What surprised me was that the men whom we had slain yester-
day should come next day asking fighting and combat. He went
out and began at one end, and I began at the other. When mid-
day came 1 had my own half-hundred slain, but it was evening
before he had slain his half-hundred. Then I thought that I
would watch all that night to see what caused those men whom
we had slain to rise again demanding combat and conflict. I lay
down in the furthest off part of the battlefield where I saw a
woman coming, of more than ordinary height, a short spear and
crutch in her right hand, and a small stoup of revivification on her
left finger. She first made for me, and put her finger in my
mouth, and what I caught of the finger I kept. *You are still
alive,' she said, *riae and hold the short spear and crutch, or
revive the men.' * 1 prefer,' said I, * to hold the short spear and
crutch.' When she bent to revive the first man of them, I threw
off her head, I then laid down where I was before to see whether
any further search would come, and shortly before daybreak I saw
a man coming, between whose legs I could see the whole world
from his great size, and a short spear and crutch in his right
hand, and the small life-restoring sto\ip in his left hand. He made
first for me, and put his finger in my mouth, and what I caught
of his finger I held. He said to me, * You are still alive ; rise and
iiold the short spear and crutch, or revive the men.* * I will hold
♦the short spear and crutch,' I replied. When he bent down to

The Healing of Keyn'a Foot 95

restore the first man, I flung oflf his head. The day dawned with-
out further disturbance. The corpses did not move, they lay as
they were. The man who used to combat with them came out.
* Hail to you, Manus, it has been long foretold that you would be
the first to bring peace to me. You will come and sit with me at
break&st to-day.' *I would like first to know w^ho you are.* *I
am the son of the daughter of Black-kneo from the seat of Wind-
ing Streams' [Camruisg], I went with him to breakfast. He said
to me, * I have a thing here that no one ever saw before, I will
give you a sight of it ; I have my father and mother here pre-
served in the self-same form they had when they left this world.'
He showed them to me, and I restored them to life for him, and
they sat at breakfast with us. He then said to me, * Manus, I
know well the purport of your journey and travel. You are going
in search of your sister and mother, but you are weak, soft, and
childish for the undertaking. If you had delayed for two years
longer, you would be the second best hero of the universe. Your
flister and mother are with the second best hero in the universe —
the son of the King of Red Shield. I will give you shoes that I
have here, and they will carry you seven years journey in one day,
and you will be to-night in the house of a sister of mine, and she
will put you better on the road. ' I arrived at her house, and she
recognising, me welcomed me. * It has long been predicted that
you would be the first to give rest to my brother. Well do I
know the purport of your journey and travel. You are going in
search of your sister and mother, but you are weak, soft, and
childish to go to combat with the son of the King of Red Shield.
There are two creatures before you at the gate of the city that no
weapon can pierce, as they are covered all over with scales, except
two spots below the neck, in which their death wounds lie, if one
could only light on them. Their names arc Roar (Borg), and
Rustle (Binneag).' I arrived, and the two creatures were there
before me. * Short spear and crutch, you are not worth carrying
if you will not assist me.' The word was no sooner uttered than
the two creatures that were before me w6re killed. I went on,
and struck a gage of battle on the green of the great town. There
was no old work there that did not fall, nor new building that did
not crack. ^' An old man put his head out of a window and
asked me what I meant. I said to him 'to send my sister and
mother out, or to send equal combat.' * I am no subject for
combat with you ; my son is in the hunting hill, come in, your
mother and sister are here.' 1 went in, and before long his son
returned from the hunting hill, and asked who the impertinent

96 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

boy was that had the audacity to slay the two creatures that
guarded the city. His father said to him that Manus, the son of
the King of LochHiin, slew them, * and if you had not before now
acted wrongly by him he would not have made such a toilsome
journey now.* * You will take away your mother, Manus,' said
the son of the King of Red Shield, * but you will leave your sister
with me.' * It will not be so, but I will take her also with me,
and yo\i will go with us, and if her father, the King of Lochlinn,
gives her to you I will not keep her from you.'

"We launched the galley that was seven years being
tarred and caulked above the beach, and we went on board,
I and my sister, my mother, and the son of the King of
Red Shield. We were passing a wide, wild country, and we saw
on land combat and conflict. I enquired what combat and conflict
that was. The son of the King of Red Shield said, * It is easily
seen that you never left home before until now. I was for seven
years and seven days striving to win the daughter of the King of
the Universe in combat and conflict, and I made nothing of it.'
* We better,' said Manus, * go ashore.' * There are many better
warriors there than you,' said the son of the King of Red Shield.
' We will, at all events, go ashore,' said Manus. He went
forward, and on arriving at the Castle he saw her looking out of a
window. He jumped up and struck her with the back of his
hand, and before she reached the ground he caught her. He then
carried her to the galley. When I went away with her I said to
her, * Am I not the best warrior that ever sought you ? ' * You
can jump well,' said she, * but I have not seen any of your
prowess.' He ordered the galley to be put about, and he returned
to land again. He began at the one end and the Short Spear and
Crutch at the other ; there was a man on one leg, another with
one arm, and another with one eye, and although the man left
living had thirty tongues iu his head, it would be telling his own
ills and the ills of all the rest he would be. The son of the King
of Red Shield said to him, ' Manus, you will give me the daughter
of the King of the Universe, and you can have your mother and
sister to yoiurself.' * Short Spear and Crutch, split him, and put
a half on each side of the galley.' That was no sooner said than
done. I then arrivec at the capital of my father's kingdom, and
my sister, mother, and the daughter of the King of the Universe
along with me.

" Stretch now your leg that I may put a poultice to relieve and
soothe to it." ** May it be no leg of mine, nor a leg to Kep,
neither may I be Keyn the son of Loy if I stretch my foot to put

The Healing of Keyn*8 Foot 97

a salve of herbs or healing or poultice to relieve or soothe to it,
until you tell me whether any search was ever made for the
daughter of the King of the Universe."

III. " After some time a fleet of ships was seen approaching my
father's capital city. My father said to me, * I will be entirely
destroyed this day on your account. It is after the daughter of
the King of the Universe that those have come.'

" When I heard this, I launched the galley, (fee, <kc. I put the
daughter of the King of the Universe at the helm, while I was a
full complement of hands in its middle. When I got outside of
the fleet of ships, I called that I, Manus the son of the King
of Lochlinn, was there, and that I had on board with me
the daughter of the King of the Universe, and any one who
wished to follow me was to come. Those of them who were short
of a crew were only putting the hatchet on the cables to follow
me. The night overtook us, and the one could not see the other,
and when morning came none of them were in sight. We landed
in a country where no living man was seen, so far as we travelled
through it. We put uj) in a cave. My livelihood was fishing and
hunting. Two sons were born to me in the cave by the Daughter
of the King of the Universe. 1 was coming home one day, when
the boys had grown somewhat big, and I saw a man going away
with her on the palm of his hand, and the boys weej)ing after
their mother. I followed them to the shore. He asked me where
I was going. I said to him that I wanted to take the Daughter of
the King of the Universe from him. He caught me, and thrust
me up to my shoulders in a heap of stones. I was kept there a
great part of the day, till the boys removed the stones and freed
me. A little after that, when the boys were able to do somewhat
for themselves, I launched the galley that was seven years being
tarred and caulked above the beach, and we took to sailing the
proud ocean, dbc, kc. I arrived at the next country, and the fleet
of ships that was at my father's capital was there before me, at a
stop in the thickness of ocean. ^ ^ I landed and put up a tent
along with the boys for combat and conflict there. Every day a
man came making music that sent us to sleep. On a certain day
I fell asleep, and the Rider of the White Horse came. He said —
* Rise, Manus, you have been robbed ; your spear and crutch have
been taken from you. Coifie with me to combat and conflict, and
I will go with you to combat and conflict again.' I was not very
long fighting and combating along with him, when my companion,
the Rider of the White Horse, was slain. When I saw that my
companion was killed, I laid myself down among the slain on the

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battlefield, and before long I saw a man coming, with a ship in
three fathoms of rope on his back, and the deepest place in the
sea only reached to his hip- joint. He began to choose among the
slain, putting the fattest on board, his ship. He threw myself in
first, and my companion, the Rider of the White Horse, next. He
left them at the mouth of a cave. He sent out a big red-headed
girl for the fattest of them, that he might have them for hia
dinner. She first caught me — * You are still alive,' and she threw
me aside. The next that she caught was the Rider of the White
Horse. She gave a loud cry of sorrow to tell that he was her
brother. I said to her, * Be quiet ; as he is your brother, I will
restore him to life.' I did so, and it was not the best thanks he
gave us for not letting him lie in peace the way he had gone.
When we saw that we took out of him all that was in him,
she brought me in without his knowledge, and hid me in the
innermost end of the cave. At nightfall he returned with a withy
of sahnon in the one hand and foxglove in the other. He began
to roast them for his supper, and when he had eaten them, he
slept. He had pieces of wood on the fire ; when he drew in hia
breath they would be at this end of the cave, and when he let it
out they would be at the other. I arose and caught the iron
roaster that he had, and b\irnt my hands keeping the pieces of
wood above it until I made it red-hot. He had only one eye in
his forehead. 1 stuck the iron roaster in his eye. He was then
hurling himself against the cave until he was dead. The red-
headed girl and I were seven days and seven years before we put
him out of the cave in pieces. A son was born to me by the
red-haired maid in the cave, and I remained with her until he
could do something to help her. I then launched the galley that
was seven years being tarred and caulked above the beach. We
took to traversing the proud ocean with a soft gentle breeze that
would take foliage off trees, willow from the hill, and young
heather from its roots and base. It could split a black ear of
oats with its black prow from the excellence with which he steered
it

" I reached Ireland, and who should be there before me but my
own two sons, who were bom to me by the daughter of the King
of Red Shield, fighting and combating to recover their mother.
I began with them. We were seven years and seven days there,
and we were making nothing of it. On a certain day we saw a
man coming, and he struck a gage of battle on his shield, demand-
ing the daughter of the King of the Universe to be lent out to
him, or equal conflict. There was not an old building that did

The Healing of Keyn's Foot 99

not fall nor new building that did not crack. She was sent out to
him on the spot. This was the son of the red maiden, who had
come from the cave.

" Stretch out your leg, Keyn, that I may put a salve of herbs
and healing to it." " May it be no leg of mine, or leg to Keyn, nor
may I be Keyn the son of Loy if I stretch out my leg to put a
salve of herbs or healing to it,

IV. "Until you tell me whether you went away with the
daughter of the King of the Universe or with the red-headed
maid to the cave."

NOTES.

^ Brian Borr MdcCimi. — In Gaelic tales, Brian B6rr is
represented as the father of Murdoch Mac Brian and Duncan Mac-
Brian, and is probably the same as Brian Baroime and Brian
Borraidh, Under the latter designation, or Brian " in his swfll
attire," he forms the subject of a recitation of great interest to
the antiquarian. This recitation was preserved among the papers
of the late Reverend Mr MacNicol of Lismore, Argyleshire, and a
copy of it was sent to the writer by the late well-known J. F.
Campbell of Islay. MacCimi is a designation of the Lovat family.
The writer can give no explanation of it beyond the probability of
its being the same as Jamicson. During the existence of this
Brian family Gaelic poetry and lore seem to have attained their
most Augustan age.

* Dilinn may mean the cessation of the progress of the ages,
or "when time shall be no more." Di is the want or total
absence of anything.

* Mirchiallachf an insensate creature. Cial is the highest
faculty of mankind, even higher than tur (sense). Se tur a
fhadaidheas tein ach se cial a chuireas as e (common sense can
kindle fire, but it is reason that can put it out).

* Mac-an-Luaimh is the same as Molloy, and means the recluse
of the cave. In the Highlands of Scotland, Ci^n is used as a sub-
stantive to denote a tiresome, wearisome person, Na/:h tu an Cian
(what a plague you arc), and the length to which these tales,
about the healing of Keyn's leg, extended make the unhappy man
who broke it amply deserving of the name. When the tales were
fully told, they were said to bring the white light of day into the
middle of the floor, and to have extended to twenty-four or more
in number. This, to a sleepy audience on a long winter night in
the Highlands of Scotland, would try the patience of even the

100 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

most wakeful. MacNicol, in his remarks on Johnson's tour, sajs
of it that 'Mt is long enough to furnish subject of amusement for
several nights running."

* Loth. — The metamorphoses of fairy women into deer and also
into fillies is referred to in the tale of Macphie's Black Dog (Celtic
Review).

• Innis da thorc. — Innisturk, an island in Mayo, oflf the west
coast of Ireland.

^ Damhair is here probably the same as extreme or thorough,
and seems to mean that the island was in some fabulously-remote
comer of the universe, " close upon old ocean's utmost bounds."

® Curachan, Coracle, is a boat made of wicker work covered
with hides. It is still in use in Bantry Bay and other parts of
Ireland, and also is known in Wales. It was in such a boat that
Cscsar crossed the Rubicon. The principle of it is also to be found
in the canoes of the Esquimaux, and its security even in the
stormiest waters can readily bo conceived.

• Manus or Magnus, King of Norway, is a well known historical
character. Christianity was established in Norway by Olaf I.
about 998, while in Ireland its introduction seems to date from
the earliest age, even from the persecution which arose on the
death of Stephen, when " they that were scattered abroad went
everywhere preaching the word."

* ® EibhnU, perhaps also the same as Aifrin, given in Lhuyd'a
Archroologia as meaning mass.

^ ^ Treasa. — A third party is frequently referred to in Gaelic
lore, thus, Diarmid was the third best hero of the Fian host.
The wonders of Scotland are said to be three in number.

*2 Cexid. — Murdoch MacBrian, in his conversation with the
daughter of the Heir of Bailecliath [Inghean Oighre Bhailecliaih\
whom he met and asked for a drink as he returned sorely wounded
from battle, said —

" Gxis an diugh gu^n diondain ceud
Le m' chlaidheamh geur a^s le m! ghath.^^ *

(Till to-day I could overcome a hundred
With my sharp sword and javelin."

^ ' Chrack. — This word is so akin in pronunciation to Gaelic
words, as, e.g , cnagy a wooden pin, that it has readily become
assimilated, and is a word in common use.

** Muir Tiach is the common name for jelly fish, which are
sometimes numerously thick in the Western Islands.

Teann Sios a Dhomhuill Oig. 101

eist DECEMBER, 1887,

At the meeting of the Society held this evening, Fitzroy C.
Fletcher, Esq. of Letham Grange, Arbroath, wiis elected a life
member of the Society. Thereafter the Secretary read an interest-
ing Graelic tale, contributed by the Rev. Mr M*Rury, Snizort,
entitled "Teann Sios a Dhomhuil Oig." The paper was as
follows : —

TEANN SIOS A DHOMHUILL OIG.

This tale is of value as a specimen of the Gaelic spoken at
present in the island of Benbecula. I took it down, word for word,
from the dictation of a Benbecula man (my brother, John
E. M*Rury, commercial traveller), last September, and I now
give it exactly as I got it. When writing it out for the Society, I
took special care not to use any vowel or consonant which the
reoiter's method of pronounciation did not warrant me to use.
For example, the Gaelic for Donald and Ranald in Benbecula is
DomhtUl agus Raoghtdl (mh and gh being silent), not Domhnull
agu8 RaoghnuLly the common way of spelling these names. I am
not going to say here which is right and which is wrong. But as
the " n " sound is never used in these proper names in Benbecula,
I, of course, could not use them. I often heard of Clann
bomhuUl Ghruamaichf the children of Donald Gruamach, or
Gloomy Donald, but never of Clann Domhnuill Ghruamaich, This
last form would mean, The Gloomy Macdonalds ; but I do not
think the Macdonalds, as a clan, were gloomy. Again, I never
heard the words niaith and focal used in common conversation in
any part of the counties of Ross, Inverness, and Argyll. The
words used were math and facal, I need not multiply examples
in illustrating what I mean. It will be suflScient only to say that
every one who reads the tale is expected to look upon it as a
specimen of the Gaelic spoken in a certain district, showing the
idiom and the spelling peculiar to the said district. Might not
the Gaelic Society try to get similar specimens from various other
districts, and in this way be able to compare the merits of the
Gaelic spoken in Ross, Inverness, and Argyll, before finally decid-
ing on the best method of spelling the Gaelic (if such a method is
still unknown), as proposed by the Gaelic Society of London. I
have no doubt many members of the Society will, like Domhull

102 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Og, excuse themselves by saying that they have no tale to give ;
but, as Domhull Og's host said, if they have not got a tale ready
to tell, let them make one.

An uair a bha seana Mhac 'ic Ailein a' comhnuidh ann an
seann Taigh a' BhaiP Aird, am Baile-nan-Cailleach, m' an do
thogadh na taighean a th' ann an diugh, thachair gu robh
gocairaeach beag buachaille aige do 'm b' ainm Domhull 6g. B' e
dbreuchd mar bhuachaille an aire 'thoirt do*n chrodh sheasg o
latba Fheill Padruig gu latha Samhna. Bha 'n crodh seasg 'g an
toirt gu clar-aghaidh a' bhaile aig an Fheill Padruig — agus aig an
t-Samiiuinn chuirte a mach iad gu ruige Roisinnis — cul-cinn
Bhaile-nan-Cailleach, far am biodh iad gu Feill Padruig. B' e
tuarasdal Dhomhuill 6ig air son na buachailleachd, feurach mairt,
agus obair eich air clar-aghaidh a' bhaile. B' e bhiadh fad an
t-Samhraidh 's an Fhoghair bonnach math e6ma^ agus bainne
mairt a h-uile latha ; agus fad a' Gheamliraidh 's an Earraich, b* e
bhiadh gach latha bonnach math e6ma, agus pinnt bhrochain. A
bbarrachd air so bha 'roinn aige ri 'fliaotainn a dh' iasgach 'a a
dli' fhculach a* bhaile ; *s e sin ri radh, an uair a thigeadh m6ran
do na cudaigean no de na suidheanan do'n Chuilidh, 's a' ghlacadh
sgalagan a' bhaile m6ran diubh leis na taibh, gheibheadh Domhull
6g a roinn diubh. Mar an ceudna na 'm faigheadh crodh no
caoraich bt\a Ic dosgaidh bha roinn aige ri 'fhaotainn diubh.

Bha Domhull 6g posda, ach cha robh duine cloinne aige, agus
bha 'n taigh aige 's an Aird-fhada. Bliadhna de na bliadhnachan
a bha Domhull 6g 'na bhuachaille thaiuig an t-Samhuinn mar a
b* ^bhaist, agus b' eiginn da falbh leis a' chrodh sheasg gu ruige
Roisinnis. Dh' flialbh e gu h-eutrom, aigeannach, uallach, le
'chuaille math, daraich 'na dhorn, a dh' iomainn na spreidhe a
dh'ionnsuidh an ionaltraidh Gheamhraidh. An uair a rainig e
Roisinnis chunnt e 'n scalbhan do 'n bhuachaille. 'Nam measg
bha 'n aon bh6 aige fhein ; oir, o 'n a bha i scasg air a' bhliadhna
ud, b' fhearr leis a cur do 'n bheinn na bhith 'ga beathachadh aig
a' bhaile. An uair a fhuair e greim bidh an taigh a' bhuachaille, 's
a dh' innis e naigheachdan a' bhaile dhaibh, rinn e air son tilleadh
dhachaidh do Bhaile-nan-Cailleach air chois-cheum cheudna.
Rkinig e dhachaidh am beul an anamoich. Bha bhean agus
ouagairneach math de bhonnach e6nia deiseil aice air a choinneamh,
agus Ian a' chumain chart do bhrochan. An uair a ghabh e de 'n
bhiadh so na thiiinig ris, rinn e air son dol a chadal mar a b' ^bhaist.
Rud nach b'ioghnadh, bha Domhull bochd sglth an deigh a
thuruis ', agus o 'n a bha uallach na spreidhe an dels a thogail

Teann Sios a Dhomhuill Oig. 103

dheth re a' Gheamhraidh 's an Earraich, chaidail e cho trom ri

cloich gus an robh a' ghrian an ^irde nan speur an Ur-na-

mhAireach. Ach an uair a bh 'ghrian a' teannadh ri cromadh

thainig teachdaireachd d' a ionnsuidh gu 'n do theich a h-uile gin

de 'n spr^idh a Roisinnis tbun a' bhaile, agus gu feumadh e bhith

grad fhalbh le6. Cha robh null no nail ann ach a bhith 'truisealadh

na briogais, a' cur uime nan cuaran, 's a bhith grad fhalbh leis aii

spr^idh air ais gu ruige Roisinnis. Cho tapaidh 'a ga robh

Domhull bha 'dhiol aige ri 'dheanamh an crodh a thilleadh air ais

do 'n bheinn 'na 6nar. B' i bh6 aige fhein an aon bu duilighe dha

de 'n t-sreud, do bhrigh gu ^n do chleachd i bhith 'n ceangal aige

re a' Gheamhraidh air a' bhuabull an taobh shios de 'n teine. Ach

a dh* olc no dh' ^iginn gu 'n d' fhuair e r4inig e Roisinnis le6 greis

an d^is do 'n oidhche d6rchnachadh. An uair a chunnt e'n spreidh

air ais do'n bhuachaille eile, 's ann a rinn e air son 'aghaidh a chur

air 'iuil 's a chul ri 'an-iuil. Ach sid rud nach leigeadh an buach-

aille eile leis. 'S ann a dh' fheuraadh e fuireach comhladh ris fheiu

an oidhche sin. An uair a chaidh iad a steach do 'n taigh bha

teine briagha aig bean a' bhuachaille air a chagailt mar a b' abhaist.

Dh' iarradh air Domhull 6g suidhe air iior cheanu shuiis na beingc ;

agus shuidh fear-an-taighe an taobh shuas de 'n teine. Rud nach

b'ioghnadh bha Domhull 6g sgith, agus dh' iarr bean-an taighe air

a' chuarain a chur dheth 's a chasan a gharadh. Rinn e sin, 's leig

e 'uileann air balg de mhin ghradanaidh a bli' air ceann shuas na

beinge, 's thoisich noradaich chadail ri tighinn air. Dh'

fhaighneachd fear-an-taighe dlieth an robh naigheachd ur

sam bhith aige o 'n bhaile. Thuirt Domhull nach robh dad

a dh' annas naigheachd aige-san ach na chuala iad an

de. Bha 'g ulluchadh na suipearach — brochan-cail is

fe6il is aran, agus dh' iarr i air o nach robh naigheachd ur 'sam

bith aige, e gabiiail sgeiilachd gus am biodh am bruthaiste bruich,

's am faigheadh e rud a bhlaiticheadh e. Thuirt e nach robh

e-fhein riamh math air na sgeulachdan, agus nach b' urrainn da

sgeulachd a ghabhail. "Mur'eil sgeulachd agad a nochd," arsa

fear-an-taighe, "bidh sgeulachd agad mu'n teid thu thun a' l)haile

miireach. Cha robh air sin ach sin fheiu. Tlijiiuig an cadal ni

bu truime air Domhull 6g. Bha teine m6r, briagha air a bheiil-

thaobh g' a gharadh, agus balg sleamhuinn, min lonia-lan de mhin

ghradanaidh fo 'leth-cheann, 's a shuilean a' glomadaich an uair a

chuala e, ar leis, farum chas a' tighinn thun an doniis. Thug e

sail air an dorus, agus ciod a b' iongantaiche leis na spalpaire mor,

briagha de dhuine 6g a thighinn a steach, agus e ann an eideadh

ro shuaicheanta. Sheas e cho d\reach ri crann sia-ramhaich air

104 Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

bathais an urlair, 's chuir e fkilte cridheil, chaoimbneil air fear-an-
taighe 's air bean- an-taighe, margu'm biodh e cho e6lach orra o 'n a
nigadh e 'b a bha 'n cat air oir na luathadh. Gun abadb gun
aobhar ghabh e ceum suas thun na beinge far an robh DomhuU 6g
'na leith-shineadh, agus rug e gu dalma air ghualainn air, 's thuirt
e, " Teann s\os a Dhomhuill 6ig," agus shuidh e 'n taobh shuas
dheth air a bheingidh. Cha robh e 8i6n saoghalta ach air a mhiis
a bhualadh fodha air a' bheingidh an uair a nochd an ath spalpaire
6g a steach, agus g^ire air 'fhiacail. Chuir e failte chridheil,
chaoimbneil air fear-an-taighe 's air bean-an-taighe mar gu 'm
b' aithne dha riamh iad. Gun tuilleadh a r^dh ghabh e suas, agus
rug e air ghualainn air Domhull 6g, agus thuirt e ris gu dalma,
" Teann sios a Dhomhuill 6ig," agus shuidh e 'n taobh shuas dheth
air a' bheingidh. Theann Domhull 6g s\os mar a dh' iarradh air.
Anns an t-suidhe dha chuala e turp mu'n dorus, 's thug e suil thar
a ghuaille, agus ciod a b' iongantaiche leis na 'n treas ceathamach
a nochdadh a steach, air eideadh anns an aon se6rsa earraidh ri
cacli, agus mur b' e bu chridheile 's bu chaoimhneile 'chuir fiilte
's furaiini air fear-an-taighe 's air bean-an-taighe cha V e dad bu
ghniamaiche. Gun abadh gun aobhar ghabh e suas, agus rug e air
ghualainn air Domhull 6g, 's thuirt e, " Teann sios a Dhomhuill
6ig," agus shuidhe e'n taobh shuas dheth. Bha Domhull 6g
an uair sin 'na shuidhe air fior cheann sMos na beinge, agus
bha 'n gnothach a bh' ann a' cur anabarr ioghnadh air.
Thug e suil thall 's a' bhos feuch am faiceadh e 'dh^
chuaran 's a chuaillc math daraich 's gu 'n togadh e air thun a*
bhaile. An uair a chuir e 'dhj\ chuaran mu cheannaibh a chas, 's
a rug e air a' cluiaille 'na dhorn thug e 'aghaidh air an dorus gu
falbh. Ach ciod a b' iongantaiche leis na 'n ceathramh spalpaire
a phlacadh a steach mu 'n aodann air. Chuir e failte air fear-an-
taighc 's air bean-an-teighe mar a rinn each, agus shuidh e air a
bheingidh. Sheall Domhull 6g a mach as an taigh, ach bha 'n
oidhche car dorcha agus fuar leis air son a dhol thun a' bhaile.
Bha h-uile rud a bh' ann a' cur anabarr ioghnaidh air ; ach ged a
bha, rinn e suas' inntinn gur ann a dh'fhuiricheadh e fad dugan na
h-oidhche far an robh e. Thill e steach, agus leig e e-fhein 'na
8h\ncadh air torr feoir a bha 'n iochdar an taighe. Ach a chur an
Bgeoil an aith-ghearrachd thainig fear an deigh fir a steach gus mu
dheireadh an robh da fhear dheug dhiubh a staigh. Agus bha
h-uile fear riamh dhiubh a' cur na h-aon fhailte chridheil,
chaoimbneil air fear-an-taighe 's air bean-an-taighe. Bha h-uile
mac mathar dhiubh air an Eideadh ann an earradh na h-aon ddth-
chadh, agus sin a' comharrachadh a mach, ge b' e duthaich do 'm

Teann 8io8 a Dhomhuill Oig. 105

buineadh iad gu robh a luchd-aiteachaidh a cheart cho fad a air
aghaidh ann am fiosrachadh 's a bha 'n duthaicb do buineadh
Domhull 6g e-fhein. Bha gach aon de 'n da fhear dheug a' cur
cheisdean air fear-an-taighe 's air bean-an-tighe, agus bha gach fear
dhiubh ag aithris a sgeoil fhein. Cha robh dad de choltas gu
falbhadh iad an oidhche sin. Bha Domhull bg air a leth-thaobh
anna an fheur ag eisdeachd ris na chluinneadh e, agus ag amharc
air na chitheadh e, gu bog, balbh, s^mhach, mar gu 'm biodh
balgum fala 'na bhiaL Dh'fhaighneachd a' cheud fhear a th^inig
steach de bhean-an-tighe ciod a bh' aice anns a' phoit a bh'air an
teine, agus thuirt ise ris gu robh na bha 'dh' fheoil an taobh a
Btaigh de 'n dorus ann gu suipeir a dheananih do Dhomhuill 6g, a
dh' fhear-an-taighe, agus dhi fhein. ** Thut a*s droch uair," ars'
an dama fear a th^inig a steach, " cha mhor a's fheairrde cuideachd
e 'b bu rudeiginn a dh' aon duine e." " Is mithich a bhi bogadh
nan gad," ars' an treas fear, " is beag eis a riugeas siune leas a
bhith oimn, is iomadh feoil a thug Domhull 6g o 'n bhaile a nochd.
Cha bheag an t-sreud spreidhe a dh'fhag e air a' chnoc ud thall."
" A chladhairean," ars' an ceathramh four, " bithibh a gabhail a
mach, agus thugaibh a steach an so an ceithir-cha^ach a's fhearr
'a is raimhre 's a' bhuailidh." Leum ceathrar air am buinn cho
«alamh 's ged a thuiteadh sgeith-rimnaig hhar aghaidh nan speur,
agus cha robh aig Domhull 6g ach sealladh a chul nan sailtean aca
a mach an dorus. Cha robh iad fad a muigh an uair a chualas
gn6sadaich, is stiphaich is upraid a teachd a steach. Co bha 'n so
ach an ceathrar spalpairean a chaidh a mach, agus an t agh bu
bhriagha 'bha 'm buaile Mhic-Ic-Ailein aca, dithis 'g a dhraghadh,
agus dithis 'g a phutadh. Thug am fear a bh' air ceann shuas na
beinge suil thar a ghuaille, agus thuirt e riutha nach b' e sid am
beathach ceart. Thuirt fear eile gu'm b' e. Thuirt an ath fhear
b' fhaisge dha air ceann shuas na beinge nach b' e, each gur ann
a bha 'm beathach ceart ann mart culach, tapaidh le Domhull 6g ;
sail! air a dniim 's geir air a broinn, 's i 'na laidhe 'na h-6nar sh\os
an idchdar na buaile. Ma 'm briogadh tu cu6 chaidh an ceithir-
chasach a bh' air an urlar a sheoladh ris an dorus. Cheart cho
luath lis na seabhaig bha ceathrar eile air am buinn agus a mach
a ghabh iad 'nan deannaibh dearg air th6ir b6 Dhomhuill 6ig. Bha
Domhull 6g bochd 's an fheur 's gun diog a' tighinn as a oheann,
agus an anail an kird a' chl^ibh aigel eis an eagal. Mu 'n gann a
shaoil e gu 'n d' r^inig iad bha iad air an ais, agus a' bh6 eatorra.
Dh' fhaighneachd am fear a bh' air ceann shuas na beinge a dh*
fhear-an-taighe c'aite an robh a' chore 's gun deanadh iad an grad-
lubadh air a' bhoin. Fhuaradh a' chore, ach bha i cho maol 's

106 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

nach tugadh i strioch air a seicidh. Thuairt am fear a bha ri
'thaobh gu'm bu neo-choireach dhaibh a bhith 'g a faocnadh air an
doigh ud, gu robh deagli sgian gheur ann am p6caid Dhomhuill
dig air an torr fheoir an lochdar an taighe, agus gu 'm bu gboirid
bu ch6ir dhaibh a bhith 'g a toirt uaith. Thug fear dhiubh dudar
leum as sios thun an torr fheoir, 's chuir e 'lamb am p6caid
Dhomhuill 6ig, ag\is mu ^i gann a dh' fhairicli e as aonais i bba i
air a s^thadh ann an 8g6man na ba aige fhein. Leis an tipraid a
bh' ann chaidh Domhull bg gu crith 's gu gairisinn, agus rinn e
air son an dorus a thoirt air. Shliagair e mach mar a b' fhearr a
dh' fhaodadh e ; ach an uair a thug e 'shailean seachad air an f had-
bhuinn bhuail an t-eagal e ni bu mh6 na rinn e riamh. Thug e
suil ann am bun na gaoithe, agus chunnaic e gu robh 'n iarmailt
a' teannadh ri glanadh suas ri buuacha-bac. Ar leis gu robh e 'n
uair sin a' dlathachadh air a' mheadhain-oidhche. Bha na fir a
bha 'staigh an uair sin ann am mullach cluich air teis-meadhain
an urlair. Dh' fhalbh c ceuui air cheum 's e 'n dochas gu 'm biodh
e aig a' bhaile nm 'u ti<;cadh canihanaich an latha. Bha e dol air
aghaidh mar a b' fhearr a dh' fiiaodadh e, 's e 'gearradh shurdagan
thar gach feithe, a clieart cho aijj:eaiinach ri tiadh air a reubadh
gus an rui)h e smaoiiiteau gu robh leth na slighe 'na dheigh.

Ged a bha'n oidliche car dorcha, blia beachd math aige air gach
cnoc agus slochd, air gach lag, is loch, is allt, is feithe, gus an
d'thainig e gu bonn Kuaidhmhail. An uair a chaidh e null air
Amhuinn-a'-Clirc)g dhirich e suas air gualainn cnocain bh6idhich
fhraoicli, agas Icig c c-fliciii air uilinu 's an fhraoch a leigeil analach.
Ged a l)ha e gun fh<^ghluui blia c 'iia mhairnealaiche anabarrach
math, 's thug e siiil uiu'n cuairt air ccithir airdibh an athair, a
dhearcadh air na 7'oultaibh, au'us air na fir-chlis, a bha teannadh
ri danu.sadh uni h-aigeanuach ami an cridlie na h-airde-tuath. Bha
'n oidhclie, lo (loarr^sadh nam fcar-clis, ni bu shoillcire na bha i an
uair a dh' fhalbh c a Koisinuis, a^us blia 'n Seachdaran a' gabhail
a chuairt gu scimh a dh' ioniisnidli na h-jiird an eara-dhcas. Cliuala
e gloc aig coileach na circe fraoiche a' Icum a torn fraoicb air
bruaicli na h-aiiuhue, aicus a' chaillcach oidhclie a' brunndail dhi
fhein air an taobh eile ae 'n amhiiinu. Ar leis gu 'n cuala e
monabhar bniidhne, agus diasganaich anns an aird-an-ear-thuath
air. Agus mar a b' fhearr a dh' eisdeadh e ar leis gu robh
a' bhruidhinn 's an diosgan a' teannadh ni bu dluithe air. Ged
nach robh 'bhruidhinn ro thaisbeanach dheanadh e mach beag air
bheag gu robh 'n comhlan ni bu mho na bha e 'n toiscach an diiil.
Coma CO dhiu, bha 'chuideachd a sior theannadh air, air chor 's mu
dheircadh gu 'n d' rinn e mach gin- e torradh a bh' ann. 'S e

Teann 8io8 a Dhomhuill Oig. 107

bhuail san inntinn aige gur e torradh a thainig bhar cuain a
bh' ann, agus gur ann leis a bha na fir chalma, sgairteil a chaidh
do thaigh a' bhuachaille ann an Roisinnis mu 'n d' fhalbh e. B' i
cheisd bu dluithe air 'inntinn, ged a bha e 'g eisdeachd ri 'n c6mh-
radh, cia mar a cbuir iad eolas air buachaille Roisinnis 's air a
mhnaoi. An uair a bba iad a' cromadh a nuas a dh' ionnsuidh na
h-aimhne thuirt fear de na bh' anns a' chuidcachd, a* cheathrar a
y aotruinae dhiubh a leiim a null air an amhuinn a chnm gu 'n
gabhadh iad an giulann. Anns an fhacaFs iad a'gearradh s\ntcig thar
na feithe chuala e brag aig tc dhe na speicean a' briseadh. " Thiit
a's droch uair," arsa fear dhiubh, "is olc a dh'^irich e dhuiun ;
cha ruig sinn Cladh-Chaluim-Chille a nochd." "A chladhaire
bhochd," arsa fear eile de 'n chuidcachd, " is olc a' mhisneacli a
th* agad. Is math an speic a ni 'n cuaille math daraich a th' aig
Domhull 6g air taobh thall na h-airahnc, a thug Mac-'ic-Ailein
thuige an uiridh a Arasaig." Ghrad leum fear de 'n cheathrar a
bh' air taobh a bhos na h-aimhnc far an robh Domhull 6g, agus
8pi6n e 'n cuaille as a laimhe, agus cliuireadh fo chasan na ciste e.
Cha robh aig Domhull 6g ach a bhith 'g eisdeachd ris na bha e
cluinntinn. Cha bu luaithe 'thainig iad a nail air an amhuinn na
chualas an ath bhrag, aig an speic a bha fo na guaillean a^
bristeadh. " Thut a's droch uair," ai-sa fear dhiubh, " is bochd
mar a dh' eirich dhuinn. Tha sin a nis ni 's miosa dheth na bha
sinn riamh. Ciod air an t saoghal a ghabhas deanamh ?" " Ni
sinn a' bheairt a's fhearr de na bheairt a's miosa," arsa fear eile.
" Is math an speic a ni Domhull 6g fhein dhuinn — cnagairnear-h
gasda de bhodach laidir mar a tha e. Gabhadh cathrar dliibh far
am bheil e, 's thugaibh a nuas an so e, 's c^iribh guaillean na
cisteadh air a chaol-druim aige." Cha bu luaithe a labhradh na
rinneadh mara dh' iarradh. Chaidh Domhull 6g a sparradh fo 'n
chistidh, agus rug dithis air chasan air agus dithis eile air lamhan
air, 's dh' fhalbh iad leis a' chistidh gu h-eutrom, aigearniach
uallach. Bha Domhull 's an cridhe gu tighinn a mach air a bheul
leis a chudthrom a bh' air a dhruim, agus leis an eagal a bha 'na
chom. Cha b' e 'n cudthrom bu duilighe leis ach mar a blia na
deilg a bha 'n cul-thaobh na briogais an impis a dliol troimli uilt
an droma aige.

Thuirt am fear a bh'air deireadh ris an fhear-iuil nach robh iad
a' gabhail an rathaid cheairt, gur ann a dh' fheumadh iad tilleadh
air a' chois-cheum cheudna timchioll Ruaidhmhail, agus gabhail a
h-uile ceum ri cois cladaich, feuch am faigheadh iad a mach ciod
an neart a bh' ann an Domhull 6g mu 'n ruigcadh iad Cladh-
Chaluim-Chille.

108 Gaelio Society of Inuernesa.

Ge b' fhada bha Cladh-Chaluim-Chille uapa cha b* fhada bba
iad *g a ruidhinn. An uair a rainig iad an Cladb cbaidh an ditbis
bu sbinne feuch an deanadh iad a mach c' kite am bu choir dhaibh
an uaigh fhosgladh. Sheas an comhlan leis a' ghiulann agus
greim aca air lamhan is casan Dhomhuill 6ig a cheart cho teann 'a
ged a bhiodh iad ann an teanachair a' ghobha. Theireadh fear gur
ann an aid bu choir an uaigh fhosgladh, agus theireadh fear eile
gar ann an so bu choir an fosgladh. Lean iad air an fheicheantas
80 cho fada 's nach robh fhios aig DomhuU 6g, ach gann co dhiu a
bha e beo no marbh. Mu dheireadh thall shonraich iad air aon
aite. Acb gu tur dona an deigh dhaibh s6nrachadh air an aite so
cha robh spaid no shiasaid aca a threachaideadh an uaigh. Thuirt
fear gu'm bu bhochd an rud a bh' ann nach robh d6igh aca air an
uaigh a threachaid. Thuirt, fear eile gu robh deagh shluasaid 'na
seasanih ri ceann taigh Fir-Bhaile-Mhanaich, agus gu'm bu ghoirid
bu ch6ir a dh' fhear dhiubh a bhith 'ga h-iarraidh. Dh' fhalbh
fear cho luath 's a leigeadh a chasan leis, agus cha robh e fada gun
tilleadh. Tlioisich fear ma seach ri cladhach na h-uaghach. An
uair a bha iad seachd sgith 'ga cladhach thuirt fear gu robh i
domhain gu leor, agus thuirt fear eile nach robh. Arsa 'n treas
fear, 's e 'freagairt, *'Clia'n eil an uaigh domhain gu le6r fhathast ;
oir feumaidh seachd ^irde na cisteadh a bhith innte agus iirde
Dhomhuill 6ig." Mu dheireadh thall dh' aidich a h-uile fear riamh
gu robh i domhain gu leor. Fad na h-uine a bha iad ag iarraidh
na sluasaid, agus a' cladhach na h-uaghach bha 'ciste air dniiiii
Dhomhuill oig mar a blia i roimhe ; oir cha 'n fhaoidte a leagail
air an talamh gus an leagtadh anns an uaigh i.

An uair a biia Domhull 6g a' saoilsinn gu robh e gu bhith saor
's an cudthrom a bh' air a dhruim, 's ann a th6isich diaii-
chonnsachadh eadar am fear a bh' aig casan na cisteadh agus am
fear a bh' aig a ceann, fear ag radh nach ann an so bu ch6ir an
tiodhlacadh a dheanamh idir, agus am fear eile ag radh gur h-ann.
Mu dheireadh thall an uair a thug a h-uile fear riamh seachad a
bharail mu 'n cliuis, dli' aontaich an iireamh bu mh6 dhuibh gur
ann an Cladh-Mhuire, ann am Baile-nan-Cailleach bu ch6ir an
tiodhlacadh a dheanamh. Thog iad orra, agus ghabh iad timchioU
Heidhidh agus mu 'n cuairt Rudha-lachdunn-ua h-Airde gus an
d' rkinig iad Cladh-Mhuire. An uair a bha iad seachd-sgith a*
connsachadh mu 'u kite anns am bu choir dhaibh an U£dgh
'fhosgladh 's ann a chuimhnich iad nach robh spaid no sluasaid
aca gus a treachaid. Thuirt fear dhiubh nach ruigeadh
iad a leas a bhith fada gun sluasaid agus deagh shluasaid 'na

Teann Sio8 a Dhomhuill Oig. 109

seasamh ri taobh an t-sabhail aig Mac-ic-Ailein. Cha robh fear de
DA bha lithair fada ga b-iarraidh agus thbisicb fear ma seacb
dhiubh ri cur na smdidean os an cionn a' cladbacb na b-uaghacb.
An uair a db' aidicb iad uile gu robh i dombain gu le6r, 's e sin gu
robh seachd iird na cisteadh, agus ^irde Dhomhuill 6ig air doimh-
neachd innte, thoisich dian chonnsachadh eadar am fear a bh'aig
ceann na cisteadh, agus am fear a bh' aig na casan. Bha fear ag
radb gur ann an Cill-Amhlaidh, anns an lochdar, bu ch6ir an
tiodhlacadb a dheanamh, agus bha fear cile ag radh nach ann ach
ann an Cladh-Mhuire. An uair a thug iad uile greis mhath air an
obair so db' aontaicb an aireamh bu mho dhuibh gur ann an Cill-
Amhlaidh bu choir dhaibh an corp a chur fo 'n talamh. " Ma
ghabbas sibh mo chomhairle-sa," arsa fear de'n chuideachd, "bheir
sibb leibh an -t-sluasaid, agus bhidh i deiseil dhuibh air son an
uaigh a threachaid an uair a ruigeas sibh Cill-Amhlaiilh." " Cha
b' e mo cbomhairle dhuibh," arsa fear eile, " ach fear no dithis
dhibb a dhol a db* iarraidh sluasaid Dhomhuill 6ig. Tha i 'na
seasamh ri taobh an doruis, agus cha 'n eile arm eile cho acarra
rithe eadar Cille-Bhrighde agus Leac-bhan-a'-Chaolais." Dh'aontaich
a mb6r-chuideachd gu robh so gle cheart, agus dh' fhalbh an dithis
bu luaithe a bh* anns a' chuideachd a dh' iarraidh na sluasaid. An
uine gle ghoirid bha iad air an ais 's i aca. Chaireadh air muin na
ciste-laidhe i. Le leum d^ bhuinn thog iad orra, agus dh' fhalbh
iad leis a' ghiulann. Ma bha 'n truaighe roimhe air a' chudthrom
a bb' air druim Dhomhuill 6ig, bha na seachd truaighean a nis air.
An dheigh dhaibh Cladh-Mhuire fhagail ghabh iad sios lag-na-
marbh ri cois a* chladaich, seachad a' Chuile, Gearraidh-Ghrlminis,
Poll-nan-crann, an Lagan, Beallach-nan-each, Slthein-Bhuirgh,
C6rdal, agus an Lub-Bhan, gus an deachaidh iad a null air an
fbaogbail-iochdraich aig ceann Theastamail. Agus uaith sin gabh
iad tarsuinn air amhach na Guaille, sios an Garbh-bhagh gus an
d' riinig iad Cill-Amhlaidh. Cha bu luaithe chaidh iad a steach
do 'n chladh na th6isich iad air an dian-chonnsachadh mar a bha
iad ann an Cladh-Chaluim-Chille, agus ann an Cladh-Mhuire. An
uair a bha 'n connsachadh so a' dol air aghaidh bha Domhull 6g a*
smaointean gu'n d'fhairich e 'n uine o 'n a chaidh a' chiste-laidhe a
chur air a dhruim cho fada ri seachd bliadhna de 'bheatha. A
chum Bgeul aithghearr a dheanamh dheth, thachair a cheart ni
ann an Cill-Amhlaidh 's a thachair an Cladh-Mhuire. Ghabb iad,
rompa k Cill-Amhlaidh gu ruige Hogh-mor, 4 Hogh-mor, gu ruige
Aird-Mhicbeil, k Aird-Mhicheil gu ruige Tallunn, agus 4 Tallunn
gu ruige Orosaidh-Bhaoghstail, agus anns gach aon de na h-aitibh
adblaic so thachair a cheart ni 's a thachair ann an Cladh-Chaluim-

110 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Chille, agns ann an Cladh-Mhuire. An d^is dhaibh Orosaidh
Bhaoghstail a ruidhinn 's an uaigh a threachaid dh' aontaich a
h-uile mac mithar dhiubh gu'n d' rinn iad mearachd anabarrach
m6r an uair nach do chuir Lad an corp fo 'n talamh ann an Cladh-
Chaluim-Chille, agus 's e bh* ann gu 'n do thill iad ball-gacha-
direach air ais gu ruige Cladh-Chaluim-Chille, ann an Baile-
Mhanaich, agus cha b' e sin an t-astar beag. An uair a rainig iad
an Cladh ghrad thug iad a' chiste 'dh' ionnsuidh na h-uadhach,
agus dh' fhaighueachd fear dhuibh c6 dhiu chuireadh iad Donahull
hg anns an uaigh fo 'n chistidh, no air uachdar na cisteadh. Dh^
aontaich iad uile gu'm bu choir a chur fo 'n chistidh o 'n a bha e
foidhpe o dh' fhalbh iad o ghualla Ruaidhmhail. Thugadh o 'n
chistidh e 's theannadh ri shineadh anns an uaigh. Sgith agus
claoidhte 's mar a blia e, cha robh e deonach a thiodhlacadh beo,
agus an uair a chaidh triuir no ceathrar de na fir 'na dhiil a chum
a shineadh anns an uaigh mu 'n leigeadh iad sios a' chiste innte,
th6isich e ri sprcathartaich cho math 's a b' urrainn da. Ach mo
thruaighc, bha na ceatharnaich a blia 'n sks ann tuilleadh is Ikidir
air a shon. Rug iad air 's thilg iad air a bhial 's air a shroin anns
an uaigh e. Ghiulainn e gu foighidneach leis a h uile inradh
troimh 'n deachaidh e gun fliacal a thighinn as a bheul ; ach a nis
cha b' urrainn e cumail air fhein ni b' fhaide. Leig e amh-rin as,
agus c'^ite an d'fhuair e e-fhein ach 'na shineadh ach eadar a' bheinge
agus an teine ann an taigh a' bhuachaille ann ann Roisinnis !
*' Cha chreid mi, Dhomluiill oig, mur a robh sgeulachd agad
roimhe nach 'eil sgeulachd agad a nis," ars' am
buachaille. "Ma ta, 's ann agamsa tha sin," arsa DomhuU
6g, '*clia'n iaiainn do m' dhearg-namhaid ach a dhol troimh 'n
fhicheadamh earrann de na chaidh mi troimh o 'n a th^inig an
oidliche." " Ma ta," ars' am buacliaille ris, "bheir mise comhairle
ort, ma bhios tu gu brath tuilleadh air chuid oidhche ann an taigh,
agus gu 'n iarr fearan-taighe no bean-an-taighe ort sgeulachd a
ghabhail, gabh i ma bhios i agad ; agus mur bi te agad feuch ri te
dheanamh." Dh' innis e facal air an fhacal mar a thachair dha o
thus gu deis, fhad 's a' bha e 'n a chadal. Agus an uair a chrioch-
naiuh e an naigheachd thuirt e, " Cha mhor nach 'eil mi cinnteach
gu robb mi aca fo 'n chistidh, oir tha mo chaol-druim gu bristeadh."
Thug fear-an-taighe suil thar a ghuaille 's thuirt e ri DomhuU og,
" Cha'n ioghnadh leam-sa do dhruim a bhith goirt, oir bha ceann
a' mhuilt ghlais a mharbh mise feasgar an taice ri d' chaol-druim
fhad 'a e hha thu na d' shineadh, agus 's e *n adhairc aige a bha 'g
Ad ghoirteachadh."

Teann Sios a Dhomhuill Oig. Ill

N0TB8 ON TBANN SIOS A DHOBfHUILL 010.

1. " Gocaimeach" means a short, stout, straight, bold, deter-
mined-looking man.

2. " Sgeith-runnaig" (Lit., the vomit of a star), is the name
commonly given to meteors, or shooting-stars in general.

3. "Sealbhan" means stock. The word is not often used
noTc-a-dajs, but it is well known.

4. " Cul-cinn" (Lit., back of head), means hill pasture. " Cul-
cinn" and " clar-aghaidh" here mean very much the same thing as
" beinn" and " baile."

5. " Bruthaiste" means here hodge podge, though its original
meaning seems to be brosc.

6. " Faocnadh" means trying to skin an auimal with a blunt
knife.

7. " Bunacha-bac" means the horizon. The first part of the
word shows that it is plural, and therefore means the horison all
round. The singular of it is " bun-bac," and means only a portion
of the horizon. " Bun-bac" is the name given to that portion of
the roof of a house which is next the wall. As the Highlanders, in
common with the great majority of people, believed that the world
was flat, and that the sky was a roof, or dome, they called where
the earth and sky appeared to meet " bunacha-bac.'* They called
the zenith "muUach an athair," or "druim an t-saoghail."

8. " Maimealaiche" means a weather-prophet, a prognostigator.

9. " Speiceain" means the pieces of wood on which the coffins
were carried to the grave. In Argyleshire " speicean" are called
** lunnan ;" but in the greater part of Long Island, " lunn" means
that part of the oar which rests on the gunwale of the boat. The
blade of the oar is called " liadh."

10. " Treachaid na h-uadhach" means opening the grave. The
word "treachaid" is to this very day oftener used than " clad-
hach" when speaking of opening a grave. It carries with it the
idea of care in work, and neatness in finish. Every Highlander
knows how very carefully and neatly a grave is opened in the
Highlands. (If would be a good thing if they were equaliy careful
about the keeping of churchyards in order). When a man sees a
piece of ground well tilled and neatly finished, his remark generally
is, " Nach math a tha *n talamh sin air a threachaid !"

112 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

17th JANUARY, 18S8,

SIXTEENTH ANNUAL DINNER.

The sixteenth annual dinner of the Society was held in the
large dining hall of the Imperial Hotel, which was beautifully
decorated with clan tartans and stags' heads in honour of the
event. A series of shields, bearing appropriate mottoes in Gaelic,
were tastefully arranged round the room, which was further
adorned with festoons of heather and deer's grass. Sir Henry
Cockburn Macandrew, Provost of Inverness, occupied the chair,
and there was a large and representative gathering, about eighty
gentlemen being present. Sir Henry was supported by Colonel
Stockwell, C.B. ; Mr Macdonuld Cameron, M.P. ; Major Chalmers,
of the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders ; Rev. Gavin Lang, of
the West Parish Churcli ; Dr A it ken; Mr A. Mackenzie, Silver-
wells ; l^ieut. Forbes, of the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders ;
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., Kaininir's School ; and Mr Mackintosh, the
secretary of the Society. The croupiers were Mr E. H. Macmillan,
manager of the Caledonian Pank, and Mr Duncan CampbeU, editor
of the Northern Chronicle. Among the general company present
were : — Kx-Bailie Mackintosh, Hailie W. G. Stuart, Bailie Duncan
Macdonald, ex-Bailie Thomson, Treasurer Jonathan Ross, Mr Alex.
Machardy, chief-constable; Mr A.F. Steele, agent. Bank of Scotland ;
Mr Roderick Maclean, factor fur Ardross ; Dr Moir, president of the
Aberdeen Gaelic Society ; Councillor Lyon, Aberdeen ; Mr Morti-
mer, Aberdeen ; Mr Ross, ])ostmaster, Invergordon ; Mr John
Macdonald, superintendent of police ; Rev. Mr Sinton, Invergarry ;
Rev. Mr Mackay, assistant. High Church ; Mr James Cook, com-
mission agent ; Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor ; Mr A. S. Fraaer,
solicitor ; Mr D. Mactavish, corn merchant ; Mr Mitchell, solicitor ;
Mr James Macbean ; Mr Macfiirlane, Caledonian Hotel ; Dr Mac-
fadyen ; Mr J. A. Gossip, Muirtown Nurseries ; Mr John Mac-
donald, Exchange ; Mr Wm. Gunn, draper ; Mr T. S. Macalister ; Mr
Miller, auctioneer ; Mr Paterson, of the Oriental Bank, Calcutta ;
Mr Burgess, banker, Gairloch ; Mr Alex. Allan, chemist ; Mr Thos.
Macdonald, builder, Hilton ; Mr William Mackenzie, Caberfeidh
House ; Mr Duncan, commercial traveller ; Mr Cockburn, Royal
Academy ; Mr Henry V. Macallum, Union Street ; Mr Cameron,
bookseller. Bridge Street ; Mr Paul Eraser, Huntly Street ; Mr
William Macdonald, contractor, Innes Street ; Mr Wm. Macdonald,
sheriff-clerk depute ; Mr Paterson, town-clerk's office ; Mr Medlock,
jeweller ; Mr Alex. Mactavish, ironmonger ; Mr John Whyte,

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 113

librarian ; Mr Maclean, schoolmaster, Culloden ; Mr M* Walter,
music-seller ; Mr Brodie, Glenalbyn Hotel ; Mr Mackenzie,
manager, Moy Hall ; Mr Ramsay, Poor Law Office, and others.

After an excellent dinner, during which the piper of the Society
— Pipe-Major Alex. Maclennan — played selections of Highland
music,

The Chairman proposed, in a few neat sentences, the toasts of
the Queen and the Prince and Princess of Wales, and the other
members of the Royal Family, which were pledged with enthusiasm.
In proposing the Army, Navy, and Reserve Forces, Sir Henry said
he was very glad to associate with it a soldier who was able, from
the position which he held, to reply for all branches of the service,
commanding as he did the whole forces in the northern district,
and who possessed the great qualification of having been himself
the commander of a Highland regiment which bore as glorious a
record as any in the army — Colonel Stockwell — (applause).

Colonel Stockwell, speaking humorously, said when he was
requested and had agreed to attend this dinner, he ransacked his
library with the view of qualifying himself to reply to the toast
associated with his name in the Gaelic language — (laughter) — but
it was no use, and he had to bethink himself of the experience he
had gained while soldiering for 31 years in a Highland regiment.
He recalled with much pleasure the many fine qualities which
adorned the Highland character, for he had never appealed to a
body of Highlanders in a case of emergency without meeting at
once with a cordial response, and willing support — (applause).

Mr Duncan Mackintosh, the secretary, then read the annual
report, which stated that the past session had been a successful
one, as would be seen from the large volume which in a few days
woiild be issued to the members, and the first copy of which had
been banded to the Chairman. The accounts of the Society for
the past year, which had been audited by two of the chieftains,
showed the following results : — Total income during the year,
including £23 9s 8d carried forward from the previous year, £150
68 2d ; expenditure, £83 4s 8d, leaving a balance at the credit of
the Society's account with the Bank of Scotland, at 31st December
last^ of £67 Is 6d — (applause). Out of this balance, however, had
to be paid the expense of the volume of Transactions now about
to be issued. During the year 63 new members joined the Society,
and 16 volumes were received as donations to the library. There
were 343 members on the roll, and the library consists of 262
volumes — (applause). The large size of the last three volumes of
Transactions had been a heavy drain on the funds of the Society,

8

lU Gaelio Society of Inverness.

and it was very desirable that ladies and gentlemen interested in
its objects should contribute to the funds as liberally as possible.

Mr Mackintosh also intimated that apologies for non-attendance
had been received from the following members : — Sir Kenneth S.
Mackenzie, Bart, of Gairloch ; Mr Duncan Forbes of Culloden ;
General Sir P. Grant, Royal Hospital, Chelsea ; Mr Allan R. Mac-
kenzie, yr. of Kintail ; Mr R. B. Finlay, Q.C., M.P. ; Mr Charles
Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P. ; Mr R. Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P.;
Major Rose, Kilravock Castle ; Captain Chisholm, Glassbum ;
Captain J. F. Macpherson, Edinburgh ; Mr A. H. Cameron, Liver-
pool ; Mr C. S. Jerram, Petworth, Surrey ; Mr John Mackay, C.E.,
Hereford ; Sheriff Nicolson, Greenock ; Lieut. Mackintosh, Fort-
George ; Mr D. Davidson of Drummond ; Mr Duncan Maclauchlan,
of Messrs Maclauchlan <fe Stewart, Edinburgh ; Mr James Barron,
editor, Inverness Courier ; Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh ; Mr
Geo. F. Black, Edinburgh ; Mr A. Macpherson, solicitor, Kingussie ;
Mr J. B. Grant, Erchless ; Mr P. Burgess, Glen-Urquhart ; Mr D.
Cameron, Woodville, Nairn ; Mr John Home, H.M. Geological
Survey ; Mr J. M. Gow, Union Bank, Edinburgh ; Rev. D. F.
Maclennan, Manse of Laggau, Kingussie ; Mr A. Mackay Robson,
Trinity, Edinburgh ; Mr P. Cameron, Blair-Athole ; Mr D. R.
Macdouald, distiller. Fort- William ; Mr A. Mackintosh, Chapel
House, Fort-William ; Mr A. Morgan, Crofter Commission, Edin-
burgh ; Mr J. Macrae, M.D., Laggan, Kingussie ; Rev. A. Bisset,
Stratherrick ; Dr Miller, Fort-William ; Mr Archibald Chisholm,
Lochmaddy ; Mr Alex. Ross, Milton Cottage, Alness ; Mr Duncan
Robertson, Arisaig ; Mr Finlay Macdonald, Drudaig ; Mr Neil
Macleod, Edinburgh ; Mr Simon Chisholm, Flowerbum ; Mr R.
Strickland, Clutha Cottage ; Mr D. Cameron, Blarour ; Rev. Mr
Cowan, Fort- William ; Mr John Macrae, solicitor, Dingwall ; Rev.
Mr Thomson, Fodderty ; Mr James Ross, solicitor ; Mr D. David-
son, Waverley Hotel ; Mr Kenneth Macdonald, town-clerk ; Bailie
Gibson ; Dr Ogilvie Grant, Inverness, &c.

The Chairman, after moving the adoption of the report, and
congratulating the Society on the state of affairs which it disclosed,
said — In proposing success to the Society, I am asking you to
drink to something like an accomplished fact. The Society has
now been in existence for sixteen years, and it has, during all that
time, faithfully done the work that it set before itself. The
volume of Transactions which the secretary has just handed to me,
and which will be in the hands of all the members immediately,
in a great measure will show that in no year during its early
career has the Societv done better work than in the one now

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 115

ended — (applause). You will find papers in this volume about to
be issued which will give assistance and instruction to anybody who
reads them, and which must long be of use to anybody who under-
takes to write the future history of their country — (applause). In
all the departments which fall within the scope of such a Society
there are papers of great value and great ability. In the depart-
ment of history, the social habits and customs of the people, their
language and lore, and in poetry, you will find that a great deal of
useful information has been admirably put before you. You will
find also that one great Celtic subject is conspicuous by its absence
from this volume, viz., that of Celtic art. Unfortunately, Mr
Smart was not able to complete for the Transactions now published
the papers he read on Celtic art, but although we now suffer a
loss, I hope these papers wiil appear in the next volume, and I am
sure everybody who reads them will be charmed with the amount
of information they embrace regarding the contributions of the
ancient Celts to the art of their country. With reference to this
subject, I may mention a little incident, which shows that the
work of the Society branches out in very many ways. In the
course of his preparation of the papers, Mr Smart obtained from
the Kensington Museum fac-similes of beautiful illuminations of
the old Celtic missals. While drawing up an address for the
Queen on the occasion of Her Jubilee, it occurred to some of us
that we could not possibly illustrate it better than by ornamenting
it in the style of these old missals. Mr Smart kindly undertook
to do the work, and he executed it in a very excellent manner ;
and I have it on very high authority that Her Majesty was
especially pleased with the illumination of this address, and has it
constantly with her — (laughter and applause). In all these
departments the Society has done excellent work ; and another
result that has been brought about by that is, that the Chief of
this Society has been incited to try to induce the members to under-
take a little more study in that direction, by offering a prize of
£10 for an essay on the subject of the social history of the High-
lands for the period from 1800 to 1887 — (applause). This is a
very handsome offer, and I hope we shall get a great many essays
on the subject. There can be nothing in which the Society can
more usefully employ itself, or members can more usefuUy devote
themselves, than a record of the social history of the country. We
have histories recording the names of kings, battles, plagues, and
great events of that kind ; but anybody studying this subject will
find it very remarkable the little that is known about the social
habita and customs, and every-day life of the people of fifty or

116 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

sixty years ago — (applause). It is often painful to think, after all
we know of the great and striking events in the external life of the
country, we know so little of the internal life, the life of the house-
hold, which existed in the country in days past. It is a singular
fact that we know more of what went on a hundred years ago
than our ancestors did fifty years ago, for attention has been
directed to the subject as never was the case before. Every year
and every day the records which might give us information upon
the subject are becoming fewer and fewer, and, consequently, the
more valuable for history. I say we could not devote ourselves to
a better subject than to record the social life of the country in
times which are within memory and within reach. Nothing can
be more valuable tlian a record of the mode of life of our ancestors,
and nothing can be more valuable for those who come after us
than a history of what is passing before us. We are apt to regard
the common everyday things of life as uninteresting, and to think
nothing of them ; but we must remember that a record of these
common things would possess a value for our successors a hundred
years hence, and it should be found in the Transactions of the
Society — (applause). As I have said, this Society is an acknow-
ledged and accomplished success. It has been doing a great work.
We have now^ a great many volumes of Transactions, which, I am
glad to say, are not confined to the mere province in which we
live. They are beginning to be known by scholars as making a
real mark in the subjects to which they are devoted. Many of the
contributors are scholars who are making for themselves a name in
the country in the special departments to which they devote them-
selves. I may mention our friend, Mr Macbain — (applause) —
whose contributions will always be valuable to students of folk-lore
and philology, I can only wish that the Society will go on as it
has been doing. Interesting itself more in the past than in the
present, it has been labouring \o bring before us, and preserve to
our successors, the life and condition of the people, and labouring
also, as I think, in the Highlands the tendency ought to be, to
preserve all that was best in the life of the past — (applause). In
the Highlands we live in a small country — we are the remnants of
a people confined to a naiTow and not very fertile space, and the
things which are bright and honourable in our history should be
preserved. The Highlanders, if anything, are an imaginable
people ; they always bore an ideal in their minds ; but now-a-days
everything is very much materialised. Material comfort is looked
upon as the one sole end ; but I think a Society like this should
try and keep before us the ideal that our fathers had before them

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 117

— (applause) — and spread and teach and preach the fact that life
is not merely material ; that a high ideal is the highest thing we
can place before ns ; to look to something higher and better than
our own comfort — to that which was the chief glory of High-
landers in the past, and which only can preserve them as a people
worth noting in the future — (applause). I ask you to drink con-
tinued success to the Society in the excellent work to which it
devotes itself — (applause).

Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Silverwells, proposed the toast of " The
Members of Parliament for Highland Counties and Burghs." The
toast I have the honour to propose, he said, is the health of the
Members of Parliament for the Northern Counties and Burghs —
(applause). I venture to say that at no time in the annals of our
British Parliament could we wish that our northern representatives
should have better health, both mentally and physically, than in
the present session, so as to enable them to endure the heavy and
arduous duties devolving upon them, as they shall have night
after night to attend, and take part, in the interest, not only of
their constituencies, but of this great nation — (applause). It
would be out of place on this occasion to refer to any of our
members in particular. They are all the representatives of large
and important constituencies, and were sent to Parliament by the
decisive voice of the people. They are the elected members of an
institution having the greatest power in Europe. We look to
them for just laws, protection of property, and wise administra-
tion. We believe they are all actuated with an earnest desire to
do everything in their power for the welfare and well-being of Her
Majesty's subjects and the unity of the British Empire — (applause).
Whatever political views or opinions we may hold as individuals,
as a Society we have none. We are all true patriots and loyal
subjects of our beloved Queen — (applause) — our aims being the
preservation and cultivation of the language, poetry, music, and
songs of the Highlands, the advancement of Celtic literature and
education, and whatever may promote the social condition of our
countrymen — (applause). Our Parliamentary representatives can
do much to further our interests. The hon. member for Inverness-
shire, and the hon. member for the Inverness group of burghs, are
both life members of our Society, and have in this way rendered
material assistance — (applause). We are delighted to have present
with us this evening the hon. member for the Wick burghs, Mr
Macdonald Cameron — (applause) — and I have much pleasure in
associating his name with this toast.

118 GaeiiQ Society of Inuerness.

Mr Macdonald Cameron, who was cordially received, said he
had many pleasant recollections of the Gaelic Society and of the
town of Inverness. Many of the founders of the Society were his
best friends, and it was in Inverness he received whatever com-
mercial education he possessed — (applause). It was this instruc-
tion which gave him his iBrst impulses in business, and it was here
that he received the training to which he owed whatever progress
he had made in life — (applause). And it was in Inverness he
courted his wife — (laughter) — and it was in Inverness he wnn her
— (cheers) — and there was not a walk or lane in the neighbour-
hood that was not full of pleasant memories to him — (cheers).
Councillor Mackenzie had paid a high compliment to the members
of Parliament for the Northern Counties and Burghs, and he would
say this, that as a result of close observation during one Parlia-
ment, and of the one which was now going on, and which he might
say he hoped would continue for some time — (cheers) — for mem-
bers did not like elections to come often ; and when a great ques-
tion arises upon which the constituencies differ, he thought it was
right that the country should have time to weigh these questions,
and give the best verdict they can upon them — (cheers). He
could assure them that after close observation he did not believe
they could be better represented. He had the acquaintance of
their burgh member ; and the member for the county was an old
and valued friend of his — a gentleman who had never been lacking
in giving his opinion on Highland questions when they arose —
(applause). Unfortunately he did not quite agree at present with
their burgh member, but he would speak of him as a gentleman
who w^ould be a credit to any constituency — (applause). He (the
speaker) had had the advantage of a scientific education himself ;
but Mr Finlay made his mark in a profession and arrived at a
position in it before he entered upon his present career, which
many a man would have envied — (cheers). But he threw it up
and went to the bar, and he had no doubt of his success, and was
confident that in the near future he would have at his command
the best prizes of that profession — (cheei*s). He appreciated Mr
Mackenzie's prayer for health and strength to the northern mem-
bers, for all they could possibly possess w^ould be necessary if the
hours of Parliamentary business were continued as they w^ere at
present. But he hoped in the coming session the first thing the
Government would do would be to introduce a rule, w^hich has
already been recommended, whereby the shutters should be put up
at half-past twelve — (applause). He did not think the country
got any great benefit from these long and weary hours, for there

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 119

were those who, if they knew there was anj amount of time, took
advantage of it to an extent which should not be permissible —
(applause).

The Chairman stated that Mr Wm. Morrison, Dingwall, who
was to have proposed the toast of '' Gaelic Language and Litera-
ture," had at the last moment been prevented by illness from
attending, but he had thoughtfully sent in his speech, which Mr
Whyte would read.

Mr Morrison said : — Among the obstacles to social improvement
detailed in an elaborate report on this northern part of the High-
lands, by a Highland laird, about the beginning of the century, I
find, somewhat to my surprise, the following. This gentleman, a
man of high character and attainments, as a man of the world and
as a scholar, remarks : — " I rejoice, however, that those who, from
very mistaken notions on the subject, are desirous to support the
Gaelic language, have announced their anxiety to have professors
to teach it in some of the universities and academies. There
cannot be a stronger proof of the decline of the language, and
every true lover of his country will hail the appointment of a pro-
fessor as the signal of the language being either dead or dying."
You will not be surprised, after hearing these frank words, that I
have withheld the gentleman's name. I am not concerned with
the question as to the motives which led to the uttering of such
words. It does, however, look as if it were tlie prophecy of a
cynic. Was it the consciousness that the Gaelic language was
dying that moved us in these latter days to get up a Celtic Chair
in Edinburgh ? Well, we have, I make bold to say, some 250,000
of our Scottish people who habitually use Gaelic. How many
more have a knowledge of it and of English both, at home and in
the Colonies, I cannot very well say. One professor of the Gaelic
Language and Literature is, in that case, not to be " hailed as a
signal that the language is either dead or dying." The appoint-
ment of my learned friend, Professor Mackinnon, to the Celtic
Chair of Edinburgh need not be deemed, therefore, a death-bed
repentance of dying Gaelic-speaking Highlanders throughout the
world. A note truer than the above was struck about the same
time by the Rev. Alexander Stewart, " minister of the gospel" at
Dingwall — the author of the best, because the most philosophical,
Gaelic grammar we have. This gentleman says : — " They who
reckon the extirpation of the Gaelic a necessary step toward that
general extension of the English, which they deem essential to the
political interest of the Highlands, will condemn every project
which seems likely to retard its extinction." The question discussed

120 Gaelio Society of Inuerneaa.

in Mr Stewart's time, nearly a century ago, has been left just as it
was then. He argues, just as all do now who wish to see their
fellow countrymen in possession of an English education, that the
shortest and surest way to that goal is by the medium of the
Gaelic language. Let me give Mr Stewart's own words : — " To
those who wish for uniformity of speech over the whole kingdom,
it may not be impertinent to suggest one remark. The more the
human mind is enlightened the more desirous it becomes of further
acquisitions in knowledge. The only channel through which the
rudiments of knowledge can be conveyed to the mind of a remote
Highlander is the Gaelic language. By learning to read, and to
understand what he reads, in his native tongue, an appetite
is generated for those stores of science which are acces-
sible to him only through the medium of the English
language. Hence an acquaintance with the English is found to
be necessary for enabling him to gratify his desire after further
attainments." Professor Mackiunon remarked not long ago, that
no event since the battle of Culloden has stimulated " remote"
Highlanders to acquire English more than the social upheaval in
the North-West, and too well known to us as the crofter agitation.
Whether or not much that is objectionable in that movement
could not have been averted, or at least controlled, were the wise
suggestions of Mr Stewart and other friends of " remote" High-
landers in their day carried into effect, is a question which may
well be considered, seeing we have not, on the whole, altered our
attitude in this respect to our people one whit since. But this is
a matter which properly falls under the toast of Highland Educa-
tion. So much, then, for the present state of the Gaelic language.
Time would fail me — as doubtless would your patience also — were
I to go back into the past, even had I the skill to do so, which I
have not, to trace the history of Gaelic up the stream which philo-
logists have explored to its head-waters in the " Roof of the
World." The analogy of a stream is scarcely true to fact. It
would be more strictly true to speak of Gaelic as one of the
branches springing from one of the main boughs — of which
Sanscrit is one — of that trunk of speech known as the Indo-
European or Aryan ; the cognate branches being those tongues
spoken by such nations as the Slavonic nations of the East of
Europe, the Latin races of the South, and the Teutonic nations of
Central and North-Western Europe, and their descendants else-
where all over the world. It is an interesting fact that the
people speaking Sanscrit in India and those of the Gaelic division
of the Celtic people were the pioneers respectively of the great

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 121

Aryan host in clearing the way among the prehistoric races of Asia
and of Europe. That fact is doubly interesting when we think of
the part our Highland fellow-countrymen took in the building of
our Indian Empire. The Celtic serpent symbol of the head seizing
the tail seems to have had here its meaning in one respect ful-
filled. At any rate Celts and Saxons may, on philological as well
as on political grounds, join hands with their remote and dusky
kinsmen on the banks of the Ganges, and find in them their long
lost brothers. It is rather a gratifying tribute to philologists that
this most unexpected practical outcome of their researcheb has
already been expressly recognised by several of the ablest journals
of India as a bond of union. Another interesting historical fact of
no less importance, though mentioned after that, is this — that the
Gaelic language is the vehicle which, after Roman times, bore the
Gospel not only to Britain — from Ireland, the true home of the
Gaelic race— but to the Continent of Europe. The Culdees from
lona bore the message of the Cross not only to this country, but to
the Continent, and right across the Alps into Northern Italy. The
Celtic glosses found at St Gallen, in Swit7,erland, aro an interesting
memorial of early missionary enterprises. It is with a feeling of
pain, I think, that, owing to the criminal neglect of Gaelic in
schools, not only will the lyrics of Rob Donn, Alexander Mac-
donald, Donnacha Ban, William Ross, and others, become meaning-
less, but that even the Scri])tures may become a sealed book — at
least the affections touched through Gaelic may become closed to
the influence of the highest truths, and to objects of beauty and
goodness. If happiness be the multiplication of agreeable con-
sciousness, as Dr Johnson put it, then it is incumbent on us not to
lessen that happiness to our people if we would multij)ly to our-
selves our own happiness. English literature, it has been well
remarked, owes possibly all that is of permanent value in it — the
poetical — to the Celtic spirit which has informed it in the process
of the upbuilding of that composite race — the English — a race as
composite as their speech. They may have taken their thews and
sinews, their ruddy cheeks, and their stolid moral character, from
their Anglo-Saxon forefathers, but what of poetic feeling there may
be in them they certainly owe to whatever strain of Celtic
blood they may have in them. I do not say a strain of Gaelic
blood — for the burly Saxon, it seems, never came to dw^ell with
the Gaelic race as a friend. I suppose the Dane did, but we
absorbed him, language and all. Let us, at least, give a practical
proof of our regard for the Gaelic language and literature, by
seeing that the knowledge of both is upheld for the sake of the

122 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

secret springs in the inmost recesses of our being, which this know-
ledge alone can touch and unlock. One word of Gaelic from one
stranger to another in a foreign land certainly makes the Gael
know the Gael. We know that such meetings at once suggest a
reference to their native hills. Whether Gaelic be destined to live
many generations beyond ours or not, one thing is certain, which
is, that it has lived, or rather outlived — unless Greek be excepted
— all the European languages which started in life with it. The
following lines by the late Rev. D. Macrae, of Ness, Lews, which I
got from the Rev. D. Murray, of Tarbat, refer touchingly to this
longevity of Gaelic, notwithstunding all its maltreatment : —

" 'S e rinneadh dh' ise lagh na daltachd
Muime fhuar a bhi ga h-altrura,
'S mur bu treise i na 'n darach,
*S fhada o'n a chaidh a call."

I have much pleasure in coupling the toast with the name of a
gentleman well able to give a good account of himself as well as of
the Language and Literature of the Gael — Mr Duncan Campbell,
of the Noi'thern Chronicle — (cheers).

Mr D. Campbell, in replying to the toast, said — Many people
believe that Gaelic is dying out. With some who say that it is
doomed quickly to disappear, tlie wish is father to the thought ;
but I don't think that Gaelic is in any immediate danger of dying
out. I did believe, when the Highland Railway was made, that
by this time the old language would be in a weak, exhausted state,
if not quite killed. But on coming back to my native land, after
twenty years' absence, I found the signs of recovery stronger than
the marks of decay, and for the last seven years it has been my
happy experience to find myself a sort of centre for a rising school
of Gaelic writers — some of whom, I firmly believe, are equal, if not
superior, as prose writers, to the very best the Highlanders have
had for forty years at least. Gaelic is difficult to kill. It was
dying out eight hundred years n'^o in the reign of Malcolm Ceann-
mor, when Saxon became the language of the court, and the
native church and nobility began to be superseded by foreign
ecclesiastics, and an Anglo-Norman nobility. The process of kill-
ing it out w^as continued for two hundred and fifty years, but
Bannockburn — the victory of the Gaelic race, chiefly — gave things
a new turn, and it was not till after Harlaw that the killing
process was once more renewed. In the time of Buchanan it was
going on vigorously, and that renegade Highlander wished it
success. Although the Gaelic of Galloway, still a living language

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 12S

in 1583, finally died out during the Covenant War, the Highland
boundaries within which Gaelic is still spoken remain just what
they were in the time of Buchanan. Upon the whole, therefore,
it is just as likely as not that a language which has taken so much
killing in the past, and is still in very good health, may be alive
and kicking eight hundred years hence. As for Gaelic literature,
if we include Irish Gaelic literature, the subject is a wide one, but
if we restrict ourselves to the literature of the Scottish Gael it
becomes a small one. The Picts must have got some knowledge
of letters from Columba and his monks and their successors, but if
they had any written literature afterwards, it all perished, except
the " Pictish Chronicle," written by the monks of Brechin in Latin
long after the Pictish Kingdom had merged into the Scottish
Kingdom of Kenneth M*A1 pin's dynasty. The Scots were com-
paratively a cultured race, but if they wrote much in Gaelic all
has been lost, except the Gaelic bits found in the Book of Deer,
and a few other fragments. The Dean of Lismore's book, in which
there is nothing that by internal evidence can be proved to be of
later date than 1510, is the first written collection of Gaelic poetry
of which the Highlanders can bosist. This collection is in some
respects very valuable, but at the same time very disappointing.
It contains upwards of four thousand lines, double lines most of
them, but in all that wealth of verse there is only one obscure
reference to a King of Scotland, the King referred to being James
the First. Wonderful indeed is the divorce between history and
the mass of Gaelic poetry gathered by Sir James Mactrregor
and his brother. The so-called Ossianic poetry is evidently the
work of Irish bards of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and sixteenth
centuries, and of Highland bards, who accepted the heroes of
Eirinn, and forgot those of their own land — Bruce and Wallace
among the rest. Poetically the Dean's collection indicates a poor,
artificial, and conventional mode of dealing with heroic traditions,
and of praising or satirising contemporary persons. Perhaps the
two most spirited and natural pieces in it are a song in praise of
the Macdonalds — " Ni h-eibhneas gun Chloinn Domhnuill" — and a
clever satire on a pilgrim stroller by Sir Duncan Campbell of
Glenorchy — " An Ridire Math" — who fell at Flodden. We may
be sure that the music counted for quite as much as the verse in
those old centuries, when Irish bards strolled separately, or in
** cleith-sheanchain " bands, over the Highlands. Their reign
terminated with the Reformation, and then, all at once, native
poetic genius burst its bonds, and broke out in the noble strains
of his widow's lament for Grigor Macgregor, beheaded in 1570, of

124 Qaelio Society of Inverness.

the " Duanag Uallamh," and of the " Comhachag " — three lays of
very different kinds, which, in their respective ways, will compare
with the best lyric poetry of any age or country. I think native
Highland literature may almost be said to begin with the Reforma-
tion, which terminated the long era of the strolling bards. An
Irish brand was on mostly all the earlier literature which has
reached us. Bishop Carswell, who published his Gaelic transla-
tion of Knox's Prayer Book in 1567, had suflBcient reason for
denouncing the strolling bards, who imposed their Irish metrical
tales upon the people of Alba, to the loss or confusion of their
native ballads and stories, and who mendaciously praised the men
who treated them with prodigal liberality, and exhausted the
power of satire to denounce those who had the courage to despise
their hireling muse, and to treat the dissolute sturdy beggars aa
they deserved. At anyrate, it was after the Irish bards were got
rid of that the Gaelic muse of Scotland broke out into her highest
strains of war and love songs, of merry words to dancing music,
and of psalms and hymns. We get then at last to reality and
high-class poetry, and the volume of song, in many metres, swells
higher and higher until the beginning of the present century, when
a foiling off began. Nature-fetding peeps out pretty frequently in
the Dean of Lismore's collection. Several of the songs of that
collection are thickly strewn with phrases or short interjectional
sentences descriptive of scenery. Still, although ever present,
nature-feeling remained always a subordinate accessory, until
Duncan Macintyre sang the praises of *' Ben-doran" and " Coire-
cheathaich," some twenty years before Sir Walter Scott was
bom. As a describcr and passionate adorer of mountain scenery
Donnachadh Ban excelled his future rival. Fluent and
graphic as Scott's scenery descriptions are, the minute
touches and daintily trij)pin;j: metres of the forest bard
surpass anything possible in Kn;j:lish, although English was never
more plastic than in the hands of Scott. Perhaps Highlanders are
too much disposed to forget the contracted scope of Gaelic poetiy,
and to exaggerate its merits, but there is no doubt at all about
the capabilities of their language for gliding smoothly into all sorta
of poetic measures. Our love songs are by far the purest love
songs in Europe. They have scarcely a trace of the grossness
which characterised Lowland songs until the time of Bums, and
from which Burns himself is by no means free. The suggestive
libertinism of '* Moladh Moraig " is a thing by itself. It is far
more like a French piece of artistic mockery of staid morality than
a British production, but the creaking lyre of France could never

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 125

have yielded such sparkling and mellifluous strains. The fiery
force and singing rhythm of our war songs are magnificent, but up
till near the beginning of the present century they were deficient
enough as expressions of national patriotism, for they were mostly
all dedicated to clannishness and sectionalism. Little is heard of
the Covenanters, and not much of Montrose, in the fierce songs of
lain Lorn, but much of the clan hostilities of the Macdonalds, the
Campbells, Gordons, and other clans. It is even under the
wretched sectional or clannish guise that the Jacobite muse pre-
sents to us the struggle of the '45. Still, the glorious part taken
by the Freiceadan Dubh in the battle of Fontenoy had even then
done something to lift Highlanders out of the clannish rut and to
inspire them with the broadening idea of national patriotism. My
friend, Mr Duncan Macgregor, late schoolmaster of Petty, whom
we buried last week, was one of the sons of the poet-schoolmaster
of Dull, in Perthshire, who, at the beginning of this century,
furnished his Gaelic countrymen with an " Oran nam finneachan,"
which possessed the true " Rule Britannia " roll without any mis-
take, as the following two verses amply testify : —

" Suas eiribh anns an am so,
Gach ceannard tha fo'n chrun ;
Cumaibh thall na Frangaich,
Na leigibh 'm feasd a nail iad ;
Ged robh sibh ann an teanndachd,
Na tionndaibh 'ur cul,
Gus an coisinn sibh Ian bhuaidh,
'S am faigh sibh duais is cliu.

" Gleidhibh taobh na fairge

Is earbaibh ris na siuil ;

Bi'bh trie gu clis ga'r dearbhadh fein,

Nach tig iad ann an anmoch oirbh,

Gus an ruig na sealgairean

gharbh-bheantan uan stuc ;

'S iad na Cinnich as gach ionad

A philleas iad gu dlu."

Rev. G. W. Mackay, assistant, High Church, on rising to pro-
pose the toast of "Highland Education," was heartily received.
Highland education, he said, was a subject which should lie very
near the hearts of every true and genuine Highlander — (applause).
He spoke of the importance of teaching Highland children English
through the medium of their native Gaelic, and deplored the

126 Gaelic Society of Inuernesa,

ignoring of Highland history in the schools. Every child should,
he thought, be taught the history of the Highlajids, and parti-
cularly the history of his own county — (applause). Gaelic singing
had also been too much neglected ; nothing was better or more
pleasing than the ability to render a Gaelic song. He advocated
the establishment of a training college at Inverness for Gaelic
teachers, and the granting of pecuniary encouragements, with the
view of retaining their best men in the Highlands ; at present they
went to the Lowlands, where they obtained better salaries. He
alluded to the disposition of Highland proprietors, such as Lochiel,
The Mackintosh, and the Marquis of Stafford, to give their children
a knowledge of Gaelic, and said it would have been a grand thing
for the Highlands if these classes had paid more attention to the
language in times past — (applause).

Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A., Raining*s School, said — It must
at once be confessed that educational matters in the Highlands are
not in an altogether satisfactory state, but the condition of matters
is not at all a gloomy one notwithstanding, for education in the
north is in a state of transition and expectancy, and we are likely
in a few years to have matters fairly solved and successfully
settled. The expectations held of the Highland Minute of 1885
have not been fulfilled in any great degree, and this, with the
advent of the New Code, has struck a heavy blow at the hopes and
the interests of many Highland School Boards and their teachers.
The relief to the rates has not been appreciable, and the latest
returns, under the rigours of a code which is difficult for country
schools to work, though easy enough to town schools, are not
reassuring. The Island of Lewis has made itself especially
prominent in this matter of education, as in others of a more
material kind, and I must say that I admired the skill and com-
pleteness with which the Stornoway School Board a fortnight ago
addressed Lord Lothian on their general grievances. They pointed
out the grievous burden of debt under which they labour for
school buildings ; the extreme difficulty of raising and maintaining
the attendance, so as to get any higher grants under this score ;
the rigours of the new Code ; and th« absurdity of making no use
of the Gaelic tongue in the learning of English. I was also glad
that the absurd charge of favouritism on the part of the Inspectors
was not hinted at, though it was suggested that they did not try
to mitigate the harshness of the Code and its conditions. But it
must be remembered that these Inspectors are mere appraisers of
work, and they cannot but go by their rules and their Code. It
is the Code itself that is to blame. I should not hke the idea of

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 127

lowering the standard of pass in the Highlands; that means
inferior education. A Standard VI. boy in Lews ought to know
about as much as the Standard VI. boy in Inverness or Edinburgh.
But their ages need not agree. More time should be given for
children in the Highlands to pass their standards. They should
not be asked to begin standard work so early as in the south
or in towns. The Highland Minute has failed to do good where
good was wanted — that is, on the West Coast and in the Isles. The
schools of Easter Ross are reaping a great harvest of it ; while in
Lews, of the 55 schools there, only oue-half got any extra grant
under the attendance head, and of the rest eight made the bare
65 per cent, needed for the first rise of a shilling. Then this extra
grant on attendance is hedged in by some galling conditions.
Every child of school age must be kept on the register, whether in
school or not ; this keeps up the number on the roll, while the
average attendance is the same, and it is on the rates of the one
to the other that the grant is calculated. These annoying condi-
tions should be done away with. Then, the question of the teach-
ing of Gaelic has been at a stand-still for the last two years. The
famous Gaelic schedule, on the basis of which the higher standards
were to be taught Gaelic as an extra subject, has not yet been
issued. As a consequence, only four schools, as far as I know,
have taken the subject. How far boards are employing Gaelic-
speaking pupil teachers to instruct the young children and explain
the English by the Gaelic, I cannot tell, but it must not be sup-
posed that this will add much to the supply of Gaelic-speaking
teachers, so sadly lacking at present. For it will be mostly girls
that will be employed to teach the younger children ; and so in
practice the clause may shut out the employment of male Gaelic-
speaking pupil-teachers. But the whole subject of Gaelic teaching
must be dealt with in a more generous spirit. The Gaelic should
be employed from the very first in teaching the children English ;
and in the senior standards the children should be able to read
both languages with ease and fluency. Bilingual books should be
used at all stages, according to my idea. An immediate difficulty
will be found in the lack of Gaelic-speaking teachers, and this can
never be set right until we have in Inverness a Normal School for
the training of Highland teachers. At such an institution, the
peculiar difficulties of northern education could be met and
obviated. At present, few, almost no, Gaelic-speaking pupil-
teachers get into our training colleges. In regard to secondary
education, which is not in a very flourishing condition, much is
expected of the central secondary schools which are to be mainly

128 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

supported by the funds of the S.P.C.K. It is to be hoped that
the scheme will do the good anticipated ; there is need for it —
(applause).

Mr Alex. Mactavish, ironmonger, Inverness, proposed " The
Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the Highlands," and in
doing so alluded to the letter published in the Inverness Courier of
that day on the position of sheep farmers in the North. He (Mr
Mactavish) had checked the statistics with regard to wool, and he
could speak to their correctness ; and he had no doubt the figures
with regard to sheep were also correctly stated. The writer of the
letter in question showed that an average reduction of at least 30
per cent., but varying according to individual cases, was necessary
to enable tenants who entered on leases prior to 1884 to carry on
their farms, while to place them on the same footing as regards
profit as they were prior to 1884, a reduction of 60 per cent,
would be necessary. That showed how great was the depression
through which sheep farmers and agi'iculturists were now passing,
and ought to gain for them the sympathy and assistance of all
classes — (applause). There was another class of gentlemen who
did not get sufficient consideration, and that was the landlords.
A glance at the valuation rolls would show how the rent-roll of
many a great and noble estate had been reduced within the last
few years, and he thought they ought to entertain a deal of
sympathy for them. The majority of the landlords had come for-
ward and faced the difficulty, and assisted their tenants in no
small degree, and it would be well if they followed the example
set by the writer of the letter he had referred to, and shared the
burden as far as they could with the landlords — (hear, hear).
Commerce was the twin sister of agriculture, and when agriculture
was depressed commerce might be said to weep. If, however, they
were not making rich just now they were making beautiful, and in
this Northern Capital they had a city which in that respect would
vie with any in the three kingdoms — (cheera). He asked them to
drink to the toast of " The Agricultural and Commercial Interests
of the Highlands," coupled with the name of Mr William Miller,
auctioneer.

Mr Miller, of Hamilton <k Co., in reply, said — It is with no
little diffidence I rise to respond to the toast just proposed. The
agricultural interests are, in this country, and especially in the
Highlands, of paramount importance. For years we have seen the
farmer struggling with high rents, low prices, and bad seasons, his
capital gradually dwindling away, each year being more disastrous
than its predecessor, until, at the present moment, it seems to be

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 129

with many a question of bare existence as tillers of the soil. It is
not necessary to trouble you with statistics of the comparative
value of farm produce now and, say, ten years ago. I have, how-
ever, taken the trouble to compai*e prices, with the result shown
in tabulated form ; and I may state that two years ago, at the
request of one of the oflBcials of the Privy Council, I sent similar
statistics, tabulated for a succession of years, relating to beef and
mutton, to the Government. Beginning with the year 1877 — ten
years ago — we arrive at the following averages for cereals, beef,
and mutton : —

1877. 1878. 1879. 1880. 1881. 1882. 18S3. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887.

8. d. 8. d. B. d. 8. d. 8. d. 8. d. 8. d. 8. d. 8. d. s. d. 8. d.

Wheat 52 41 45 44 6 44 — — S3 31 81 29

Barley 82 8 82 82 6 32 32 6 28 9 30 29 6 28 3 22 3 20

Gate 27 27 22 6 24 6 22 23 9 22 9 23 6 22 3 20 15

Beef, V cwt. 806 82 70 800 70 800 82 75 636 640 —
Matton,V lb. 9 10 9 9^ 10 9^ 9 7^08 —

Store £15 £16 £14 £14 10 £15 £16 £16 £14 10 £15 £11 10 —

The sheep farmer has suffered in no less a degree than the arable
farmer. Wool and store sheep have gone down, without
the feeder or wool buyer getting any proportionate advantage.
With produce steadily declining in value we find labour as steadily
rising, at least within the last year or two, and to add to the dis-
advantages under which agriculturists have laboured, almost noth-
ing has been done to recoup them for capital expended in improve-
ments. During the last few years no doubt many judicious
landlords have done much to relieve the pressure, but much, if
not the greater part, remains still to be done. The question is
how ] Well, many think that legislation in the interests of the
farmer would go far to remedy the present state of mattei's. But
legislation cannot be exj)ected to do everything. We have had
already legislation in the interests of the crofter and in the
interests of the large farmer, and no sane man, no true friend of
the crofter, will deny that the Crofters Commission has been of
immense benefit to hundreds of struggling Highlandere, and all
.sober-minded men will accord full credit to the Commissioners for
the thorough conscientious manner in which their hitherto arduous
labours have been j)erformed ; but, gentlemen, no legislation and
no Commission can alter conditions which are naturally unfavour-
able, such as conditions of soil and climate — (hear, hear). We
have had, as I said, legislation for the large fanner as well as for
the crofter, in the passing of the " Agricultural Holdings Act."
This legislative step was no doubt well meant — in fact, many con
sidered it a sop thrown out to the disaffected farmer — but 1 think,

9

130 Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

after a fair trial, most practical men will admit that its machinery
is cumbrous, expensive to work, and, when set in motion, very
unsatisfactory. To be of general use and accessible under all
conditions it must be recast in many of its chief features. It
would be very much out of place here to assume the position of
an exponent of the relations which should subsist between landlord
and tenant, but I do not think many of us are in love with the now
famous resolutions of the Morayshire Farmers' Club. It is
generally admitted that no uniform line can be drawn in every
case. Some farms may be considered cheap already, and, no
doubt, many are proportionally dearer than others ; so that the
hard and fast all-round reduction is out of the question. The
proposal of some of the Aberdeenshire and the Ross-shire Farmers'
Clubs of a re-valuation of each individual farm seems by far the
most practical, as it is certainly the most equitable way of dealing
with the matter. It is a proposal which, to the honour of some of
our Highland proprietors, has already, as leases expire, been given
effect to. I know a case in i)oint where a young Ross-shire pro-
prietor, following in the footsteps of his wortliy sire — a prince
among proprietors — agreed to a mutual re-valuation of three or
four of his best farms, the leases of which terminate at Whit-
sunday, 1889. The valuators, themselves tenant-farmers, could
\n)t do otherwise than report as necessary a very substantial
reduction. The proprietor not only gave effect to the recommenda-
tions of the valuators, but offered the farms to the sitting tenants
at a very considerable per centagc under the valuation. If we had
more such proprietors, farming, in si)ite of dei)ression, might yet
attract capital, and f^irmers as a class would hold their onw
against all competition — (applause). My remarks have, however,
exceeded very much the limits desirable in a meeting such as this,
and I shall not presume to suggest in this assembly of Highlanders
any remedy for the serious state of matters which we see all
around us. 1 cannot help saying that in my view the only feasible
cure, as far as the Highlands is concerned, is emigration — (hear,
hear, and " No ") — and I do think that sooner or later the Govern-
ment must take the matter uj) and organise some judicious scheme
whereby aid may be given to young and able men from our High-
land shores, to plant themselves and their families on more hosj>it-
able soil, in some of the almost boundless colonies of the British
Em])ire, where, in the future as heretofore, their industry-,
patriotism, and indomitable perseverance will do honour to them-
selves and their native land — (cheers). At no gathering of High-
landers could more sympathy be felt with our struggling crofters.

Sixteenth Annual Dinner 131

fishermen, and cottars than in that I am now addressing in the
Highland capital ; and I am sure, gentlemen, not one of us here
present can fail to see the necessity for the immediate, tender, and
judicious treatment of the many ills which agricultural depression
and other kindred causes have inflicted upon men w^hose fore-
fathers, on innumerable battlefields, attested their patriotism and
bravery with their blood, and made the British flag to this day
wherever it waves a terror to the tyrant and the oppressor —
(cheers). I beg to thank you for associating my name with the
toast of the Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the High-
lands.

Mr John Macdonald, The Stores, Castle Street, proposed the
toast of " Kindred Societies," and Dr Moir, Aberdeen, president of
the Celtic Society of that city, and Mr James A. Gossip, president
of the Field Club, Inverness, replied.

Bailie W. G. Stuart proposed the " Non-resident Members," to
whom, he said, was due the credit of upholding the Society from
its very birth with heart, head, and pocket. They must consider
that nearly three-fourths of the members are living outside Inver-
ness, and are spread over Scotland, England, Wales, Ireland,
America, and the far-off isles of the sea ; in fact,

" Where'er you go through the world below
You'll find our Highland men."

They enriched the Society with their subscriptions ; and he need
only refer to the volumes of the "Transactions" to see that they
also enriched it with their intellects as well — (apj)lause). Of the
136 papers contributed and spread over the 13 volumes of " Trans-
actions" now published, no fewer than 78 articles, all of them
valuable and interesting, were contributed by non-resident mem-
bers — (applause). Their generosity had extended to the Society's
library as well, and more than half the 300 volumes that coinj)ri8e
the library were presented by our non-resident members —
— (applause). Their "absent friends" represent all ranks and
conditions of men — warriors like Field-Marshal Sir Patrick Grant
— (applause) — statesmen like Lochiel, Mr Fraser- Mackintosh,
and Mr R. B. Finlay — (applause) — men of law and letters
like Professor Mackinnon and Sheriff* Nicolson — (ai)plause) —
divines like Bourke, Cameron, Mackenzie, and Sinclair; educa-
tionalists like Jolly and O'Hara ; poets hke Dr Charles Mackay
and Mrs Mackellar — (applause) — distinguished proprietors like
their present Chief, The Mackintosh, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie and

132 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Novar ; and last, but not least, the greatest Highlander of all, he
who, by establishing the Celtic Chair, has

" Awoke to new life, in our storm-riven island,

The strains that shall live while the wave beats the shore "

— (applause). While many of them, as he had pointed out, were
illustrious, all of them were enthusiastic Highlanders ; perhaps
not by birth, but what of that ? —

" One touch of Nature makes the whole world kin"

— (applause). They were Highland in sentiment, in attachment
to the traditions and associations of the past, feeling more deeply
than ever that their own countrymen could feel the truth of the
German poet's observation that

" Time doth consecrate.
And what is gray with age becomes religion."

Hence that "claunishness" among Highlanders, that strong
affection that unites them to their native hills, " stem and wild,"

** With a love that scorns the lapse of time.
And ties that stretch beyond the deep."

He asked tliem to fill their glasses to the beaded brim and drink
a hearty ])umper to their non-resideut members, coupled with the
name of llev. Mr Sinton, of Invergarry, a good clergyman and a
good Highlander, whose " Songs of Badenoch," now appearing in
the C('lfic Magaziney entitled him to take a high place as a Gaelic
.scholar — (a])plause).

Ivcv. Thomas Sinton, Invergarry, replied, expressing his delight
at being present for the first time at a dinner of the Society of
which he had been a member for twelve years — (applause). He
alluded to the great obligation that the non-resident members felt
they were under to the resident nicnibcrs who had successfully
carried on the work of the Society through sunshine and rain —
(applause).

Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor, |)roposed the toast of the " Provost,
^Magistrates, and Town (/ouncil of Inverness," and, in doing so,
alluded to the result of the vote at a recent meeting by which the
Coiuicil declined to give a donation to the Society for Preserving
the Kights of Way in Scotland. He thought the opposition to
that proposal came very ill indeed, particularly from those who
pretended and no doubt thought they were great advocates of the
rights of the people — (laughter and applause).

Sixteenth Annual Dinner. 133

The Provost, in course of his reply, said in these days they had
a great many people who seemed to hold the belief that laws were
only to be obeyed in so far as they were consonant with the ideas
of the people — (applause). He pointed out that this was a mis-
taken idea, and that it was the duty of those in authority to
enforce the law, the people to obey it, and the Legislature to alter
it if it was thought to be a bad law — (applause).

Treasurer Jonathan Ross proposed " The Clergy," coupling the
toast with the name of the Rev. Gavin Lang of the West Parish
Church.

Mr Lang, in reply, said he attended to elicit sympathy on
behalf of the profession to which he belonged. They had heard a
great deal about depression in commercial and agricultural circles,
but he had waited patiently to hear something about depression in
connection with his own office — (laughter). He was not prepared
to speak about the position of the clergy of all denominations, for
he did not pry into the affairs of his neighboui*s — (hear, hear) —
but he knew the state of his friends in the Church with which he
was connected, and he knew what the outlook was. If it was dark
for landlords and tenants, he might say it was very dark for the
clergy. If there was depression all round he was quite prepared
to share in it ; but if there was any grand scheme by which all
classes were to benefit and to be made better, he prayed of them to
remember the poor parson — (laughter and cheers). In conclusion
he expressed the pleasure it gave him to be present at such a
gathering as that, and to have an opportunity of joining in the
recreation and amusement of those among whom he lived — (ap-
plause).

Mr Wm. Gunn proposed "The Press," and Mr Duncan Camp-
bell, of the Chronicle, replied.

Mr E. H. Macmillan proposed the toast of " The Chairman,"
and Councillor James Macbean " The Croupiers," after which the
proceedings terminated. During the evening songs were given by
Mr Maccallum, Union Street ; Bailie Stuart, Mr John S. Frasor,
solicitor ; Mr Paul Fraser, and others, and Pij)e-Major Maclennan ,
the Society's piper, added greatly to the pleasure of the meeting
by discoursing some excellent bagpipe music.

18th JANUARY, 1888,

A meeting was held on this date for the purpose of nominating
office-bearers for 1888. Tlie secretary formally reported that the

134 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

annual dinner of the Society was held in the Imperial Hotel on the
previous evening, with Sir Henry C. Macandrew, Provost of
Inverness, in the chair. The attendance was unusually large, and
the meeting was, from every point of view, a success. AH the
business having been transacted, the meeting assumed the form of
a Highland " ceilidh," at which the Rev. Mr Sinton, Invergarry,
and others took part, and which was highly enjoyed by all present.

^oth JANUARY, 18S8.

At the meeting on this date office-bearei*s for 1888 were
elected. The following gentlemen were elected members of the
Society, viz. : — Dr Macfadyen, Inverness ; Mr Daniel Dewar,
Beaufort ; Mr Frederick Baxter, seed^5man, Inverness ; Mr J. B.
({rant, factor, Erchless ; and Councillor Lyon, Aberdeen. The
secretary intimated that he received from Mr Alexander Burgess,
agent of the Caledonian Bank, Oairlocli, the following books, as a
donation towards the Society's library, viz. : — Wallcott's "Ancient
Scottish Church," "Stuart*^ Papers," Dick Lauder's "Highland
Legends," and " Book of Scottish Story." On the motion of Mr
Alex. Mackenzie, who i)resided, it was unanimously resolved to
tender the thanks of the Society to Mr Burgess for his donation.
The secretary, Mr Mackintosli, laid on the table a statement of his
intromissions as treasurer for year ending 31st December, 1887,
certitied by two of the t^hieftains. The financial position of the
Society was found to be very satisfactory, and the treasurer's
statement was ordered to be en<^ro.ssed in the minutes.

Ut FEBRUARY, 1888.

At this meeting the following new members were elected, viz. :
Dr Murray, Ardross Street ; Mr K. J. Macgregor, ironmonger,
Bridge Street; Mr Alexander Fraser, draper, 15 Church Street,
Inverness.

Mrs Mackellar's paper on " Tlie Sheiling : its Traditions and
Milking Songs," was to have been read this evening ; but, havmg
taken up so much time with preliminary business, the meeting
unanimously agreed to postpone the reading of the paper until
next week.

The Shelling ; its Traditions and Songs. 135

8th FEBRUARY, 1888.

At this meeting Lord Tweedmouth, Guisachan, was elected an
honorary member of the Society, and Mr John Macintyre, Balna-
coil, Brora ; Mr Peter Macgregor, 4 Brougham Street, Edinburgh;
Mr John Hood, English and Scottish Law Life Assurance Associa-
tion, Edinburgh ; and Mr E. Dwelly, piper, Argyle Highlanders,
Ballachulish, were elected ordinary members. Thereafter Mr
John Whyte read a paper by Mrs Mary Mackellar, on " The
Shelling : its Traditions and Milking Songs," which was very
favourably reviewed by the members present. Mrs Mackellar's
paper was as follows : —

THE SHEILING : ITS TRADITIONS AND SONGS.
[Part I.]

The rearing of their cows, and caring for their welfare, was a
matter of great importance to the Highlaudci-s of the past. Milk,
in its different forms, was the food on which they chiefly depended
for their existence. Tea had not yet unstrung the nerves of our
great-grandmothers, nor given dyspepsia to our healthy and long-
lived forefathers. Their only beverages to refresh or strengthen —
besides the " eanaraich" of beef and venison — were from the cow ;
and their store of butter and cheese largely represented their
winter provision. It was therefore of great consequence to them
to have their cattle so fed that their yield of milk would not only
be increased but enriched. Deer forests or large sheep farms did
not then shut them out from the glens of their native hills. The
people formed the wealth of the chief, and the stronger and more
numerous they were, the greater was his importance as one of the
decisive forces of his native land. There was therefore no restric-
tion, only that they arranged among themselves concemnig the
different places of summer grazing that would belong to each
township. This place of pasture was known as the " airidb," and
the cots built thereon for their summer sheilings were known as
"bothain airidh." The houses in which they spent the winter
were poor enough, but it mattered nuich less for these summer
sheilings : if they kept the wind and the rain out, that was
enough. They spent the most of their time among their herds on
the hillside. They had the fresh mountain bree/x's, and the pure
rills of stream and fountain, and beauty and grandeur around them
to gladden the eye ; and what if they had no couches of down,

136 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

they were no Sybarites. The " cuaran," or old Highland shoe, was
only required to keep out a stone or a stick laid crossways. " Tha
i gu math ma chumas i 'mach clach, no maide air a tharsuing."
And they were as regardless in other things that concerned their
personal comfort. Sometimes the summer grazings were within a
couple of miles of the homes, and although they shifted the cows
there, they did not require to leave their own homes, and they
went morning and evening to milk them and feed the calves.
This place of pasture was known as " buaile," and the milking-
hour that, morning and evening, divided the day was known aa
** An t-Eadar-adh."* The maidens went there in bands, and
carried the milk home in the " milk-nut," or ** cn6-bhainne," which
was a wooden dish, made in the shape of a nut, and having a hole
in the side large enough to let the hand in to wash it. After-
wards the milking-cog, or " cuach-bhleoghain," took the place of
the nut, but now the tin pail is oftenest carried, even where the
" buaile " is to be seen. It was customary for the milking-
maids to offer a drink from their foaming cogs to the passers by,
and it was considered mean and inhos])itable not to offer a stranger
this " deoch-rathaid," or "dcoch-r6id."

Flora Macdugald, a daughter of '* Ailean Dall," the poet, told
me that she spoke often to an old woman who had given a drink
of milk from her cog to the beloved but unfortunate Prince
Charles Stuart — the " Bonnie Prince Charlie" of song and story.
She was a young girl at the time, and in her return from the
" buaile " she had to walk over a plank that bridged a foaming
burn. The plank was unsteady, and a gallant-looking gentleman,
who stood on the o])posite bank, jumped into the water and held
it firmly until she passed over. He had wet his feet, and she felt
ashamed and sorry, and when she got near him, after he came out
of the bum, she offered him her cog that he might have a drink.
He took it freely, and, having unbonnetted, he shook hands with
her, and they parted. She saw him again when he was in hiding,
and knew that it was Bonnie Prince Charlie who had st<?pped into
the foaming brook to steady the plank for her. She spoke of it
always until her death in old age. She could never forget his
kind face and smiling eyes when, regardless of his wet hose, he
took off his bonnet and shook hands with her.

It was customary with the gentlemen-farmers, and proprietors
of estates even, to go in the morning at milking time to see the
cattle, to gladden their hearts by seeing their calves "thrive

*Eadar-thrath.

The Shelling : its Traditions and Songs, 137

bonnie," and to get a draught of rich warm milk from the foaming
cog. One of the chieftains of the Camerons of Glen- Nevis met his
death in a dreadful manner in his " buaile." Some foe, of small
dimensions — it is said to have been Iain Beag Mac Aindrea — got
himself secreted by his wife in a large burden ("eallach") of
heather, and rolled down a hill. The " eallach " rested in a
heathy hollow, within arrow-shot of the " buaile," and when the
chieftain came and went his rounds among the cattle, and after-
wards went to get his drink of milk as usual, he lifted the cog to
his lips, and lam Bcag let his arrow fly. The chieftain fell dead,
with the cog pinned to his forehead by the too well aimed arrow.
The dairymaid screamed when her master fell at her feet, with the
milk spilt over him, and the cog so unaccountably pinned to his
forehead. Her cries brought the herdsmen, and in the commotion
Iain Beag escaped, having with his dirk cut the heather rope that
bound the burden in which he had lain hidden with his fatal mes-
sengers. He fled up the mountain side, and was out of reach ere
he was noticed, and the chief was carried home to his family in
sorrow, amidst the lamentations and wailings of those who sang
the "coronach," or, as it was known in Gaelic, "a* chaoidheanaich."
A dairymaid was the mother of an illegitimate son, who was
known as " Donull du Diolain." His patronymic was " Donull du
Mac Alasdair," but he continued to be known to posterity as " An
gamhain maol donn " — ** the polled brown stirk" — and his descend-
ants are spoken of still as " Sliochd a Ghamhna," a name which
was given to him when, in his early boyhood, he used to go with
hio mother to his father's "buaile." This branch of the Glen-
Nevis family live chiefly in Onich, and the following lullaby and
milking song was composed on one of them : —

" Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna chean-fhionn,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
Bhrist' thu 'm braidein, 's dh' 61 thu 'm bainne,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
'S dh' fhalbh thu 'n oidhche ris a' ghealaich,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
Ach ma dh' flialbh 's ann duit nach b' aithreach,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
'S boidheach air lianaig ar n-aighean,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
*S boidheach balg-fhionn ar crodh-bahuie.

138 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Pru dhe Mhic a Ghamhna.
Cliuala tu an damh donn ri langaii,

Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
Ach ma chuala fhuair e 'n t-saighead,

Pni dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna,
Pru dhe Mhic a' Ghamhna chean-fhionn."

Where the summer grazing? were too far away to go to them
at milking time, the ])coj)le flitted to tliem, with all their herds,
flocks, and store of necessaries. This exodus took place generally
in June, after the peats were stacked, and the potato fields left in
good order, and it was a time of nnich bustle and excitement and
much exj)ectancy, especially for the young people. When Lord
Dunmore wiis a young man, he was out one day deer-stalking in
Hams, and when lie and his men approached the ruins of a sheil-
ing, his excellent but eccentric henchman, Donald John Mackenzie,
<3xclaimed, pointing to it, " There's where my father courted my
mother." Many a Highlander could say the same thing of the
" bothan airidh," and many a young man could sing heartily,

"Thug mi 'n oidhche 'n raoir 's an airidh.
Thug mi 'n oidhche 'n raoir 's an airidh,
'S bidli mi nochd gu cridheil caoimhneil.
Mar ri maighdeannan na h-airidh."

It was a matter of great concern to them to get away without any
evil omen, and without meeting an unlucky foot, as they set out.
"Codhail mhath dhiubh " was always a welcome salutation, and
" droch codhail ort " was dreaded as much as the wildest maledic-
tion. They hated a lean, hungry-l(K)king person to meet them, or a
covetous nian, or any one known to be even distantly related to a
witch, or suspected of having any communication with witches or
evil-disi)osed fairies. Those witches could not only kill their cows,
but they could make them cast their calves. They could take
their milk from them, or take the virtue out of it, so that no
butter could be made, and people with the evil eye could injure
them in the same way. It is also said that fairies can shoot cows
with those flint arrows so frequently found on the hills. They did
not like any one to praise a cow without their wetting their eyes
with their own salivii, taken up on the point of the finger. Nor did
they like any one to count their cattle without invoking a blessing
upon them. There were also some animals that they considered a
bad omen if they came across them as they set out. A cat was an
unlucky creature, as the demon wius said to take its shape, and a

The Shelling : its Traditions and Songs, 139

hare was sure to be a witch in disguise. The snipe was the most
blessed creature that could come across them, because it was
believed to have met the Virgin Marj*^ when on her way to her
Son's grave on the morning that He had risen from the dead. It
was considered very unlucky to lend any one the chum, and a
neighbour who would be rude or daring enough to seek the loan of
a chum on the first day of any (juarter of the year would be
regarded with grave suspicion ; and there was a special repugnance
to lending it on Beltane Day, for if the borrower had any evil
power, she might take the " toradh," or substance, out of the butter
for the next quarter, and, of course, it would be more disastrous if
that should be done at the beginning of the milk season. I have
heard the following rhyme repeated by some of the old people
whilst churning : —

" Thig a bhuidhcag, thig,

Thig a bhuidhcag, thig,

Blathach gu dorn, ini gu h-uilinn,

Thig a bhuidhetig, thig,

Thigeadh na maoir, thigeadli na saoir ;

Thigeadh fear a' bhata bhuidhe,

Ach thig a bhuidheag, thig,

Thigeadh each no deanadh iad fuireach,

Thig a bhuidheag, thig a bhathag,

Thig a bhuidheag, thig."

And as this was repeated if splashes of tlie cream came out
through the hole in the lid of the churn as the " lonaid " was
worked, it was a sure sign tliat the evil influences were leaving
the cream, and thcat good butter would come. The more ancient
vessel used for making butter in the Highlands was called
"imideal." In ordinaiy cxses two women sat on a bed shaking
the vessel until butter was produced. It vva.s a long, narrow,
wooden keg, made of staves and covered with dressed skins,
fastened on it by twelve strings of horse hair. Another keg of
the same kind, and shaped narrower at the bottom than at the
mouth, was made for the salting of the cheese, and was named "an
sailleir c4ise." The new-made cheeses were laid in it with a
sprinkling of salt between them, and they were, after a few days,
laid out to dry.

When going to the hill grazing the women took the " imideal "
on their backs with their store of cream in it, which, by the
warmth of their bodies, was kept at due temperature, and by the
time they got to the " airidh," it was turned into butter, and thus

HO Gaelic Society of Inverness.

the beginning of a store for housekeeping was provided in butter
and buttermilk. The " imideal " was also made to serve another
purpose on the journey. The young calves were enticed to follow
them by getting the outside of the vessel occasionally to lick,
which made them eager to follow in hopes of getting the contents.
This was known as " buille imlich, latha imrich, air imideal maol
dubh."

They all carried heavy burdens on their way to the shelling.
The men carried the heaviest things, but even the children had
their loads, which they carried tightly, veritably wearing the yoke
in their youth ; and the women went on their way, spinning their
distaffs or knitting their stockings, happy in being surrounded by
their beloved ones. And what bard would not sing of the Highland
maiden voicing her Gaelic lilts, light-hearted and free from care —
barefooted, perhaps, treading the heather as if it were a carpet of
velvet —

" A bhanarach dhonn a' chruidh,
Chaoin a* chruidh, dhonn «V chruidh,
( 'ail inn deas donn a' chruidh,
Cuachag na-h-airidh."

After getting to the summer grazing ground, the cattle were
turned to tlie ])asture and the calves housed in a " cro," or pen
known as *'cro-nau-laogh." This *' cro " is often spoken of in the
old songs of tlie country. The following is a fragment of one
which has a most pathetic and beautiful melody : —

" Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn, am beinn,
Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn a' cheo,
Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn, am beinn.
Gal 'us caoineadh am beinn a' cheo.

" Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn Lurrain,
Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn a' cheo ;
Tha sior chaoineadh am beinn Lurainn,
Gal 'us caoineadh am beinn a' cheo.

" Tha sior chaoineadh am bun am bun,
Tha sior chaoineadh am bun a' chruidh-laoigh
Tha sior chaoineadh am bun am bun,
Is eigin cruban an cro nan laogh."

It is also mentioned in another very j)laintive song, of which this
is a part : —

The Shelling: its Traditions and Songs. 141

" Chi mi mo thriuir bhraithreaii seachad,
Air an eachabh loma luath,
Sgianan bcag aca ri 'n taobh,
'Us fuil mo ghaoil-sa sileadh uap*.

" Cba teid mi do chro nan caorach,
'S cha teid mi do chro nan nan,
'S cha teid mi do chro nan laoighean,
Bho nach 'eil mo ghaoilean buan."

The cows were not every year put to pass the nights in the same
place, for the thrifty owners of the cattle frequently went in the
spring to the hills to make small rigs and furrows, and sow com
or barley in them where, the cows had passed the nights of the
previous year, as the soil would have been enriched with their drop-
pings, and they had that to take home with them at the end of the
season, as well as their stores of dairj- produce. With permission,
I quote the following from Mr A. A. Carmichael's paper on the
grazing and agrestic customs of the Hebrides, written at Lord
NapiePs request for the report of the Crofter Royal Commission : —

" Having seen to their cattle and sorted their sheilings, the
people repair to their reniovin<^ feast — " Feisd na h-imrich," or
" Feisd na h-airidh." The feast is simple enough, the chief thing
being a cheese, which every housewife is careful to provide for the
occasion from last year's produce. The cheese is shared among
neighbours and friends, as they wish themselves and cattle luck
and prosperity —

" * Laoigh bhailgfhionn bhoireann air gach fireach
Piseach crodh na h-airidh.'

Every head is uncovered, every knee is bowed, as they dedicate
themselves and their flocks to the care of Israel's Shei)herd.

" In Barra, South Uist, and Beubecula, tlie Roman Catholic faith
predominates. Here, in their touching dedicatory old hymn, the
people invoke, with the aid of the Trinity, that of the angel with
the cornered shield and flaming sword, St Michael, the patron
saint of their horses ; of St Coluniba the holy, the guardian over
their cattle ; and of the Virgin Shepherdess and mother of the
Lamb without spot or blemish.

" * A Mhicheil mhin ! nan steuda geahi,
A choisinn cis air dragon fala ;
Air ghaol Dia 'us Mhic Moire,
Sgaoil do sgiath oinin, dian sinn nile,
Sgaoil do sgiath oimn, dian siun uile.

142 Gaelic Sodiety of Inverness.

" * A Mhoire ghradhach ! mhathair uain ghil,
Cobhair oirnne, oigh na h-uaisle ;
A rioghaiiin uai'reach ! a bhuachaille nan treud !
Cum ar cuallach, cuartaich sinn le cheil',
Cum ar cuallach, cuartaich sinn le cheiV.

" * A Chaluim Chille ! chairdeil chaoimh,
An ainm Athair Mic 'us Spioraid Naoimh,
Trid na lYiathinn ! trid na Triath !
Comraig sinne, gleidh ar Triall,
Comraig sinne, gleidh ar Triall,

" * Athair ! a Mhic ! a Spioraid Naoimh !
Bitheadh an Tri-aon leinn a la 's a dh' oidhche,
'S air machair lom no air rinn nam beann,
Biodh an Tri-aon leinn 's biodh a lamb muV ceann,
Biodh an Tri-aon leinn 's biodh a lamh muV ceann.'

In North Uist, Harris, and Lews, the Protestant faith entirely pre-
vails, and the people confine their invocation to * the Shepherd of
Israel, who slumbereth not nor sleei)eth.'

*' * Feuch air fear coimhead Israeil,
Cadal cha 'n aoni no suain/

As the people sinj:; tlieir dedication, their voices resound from their
sheilings here litenilly in the wilderness ; and as the music floats
on the air and echoes anioni:; the rocks, hills, and glens, and is
wafted over fresh-water lakes and sea lochs, the effect is very
striking."

There was a great deal of importance given to invoking bless-
ings on the herd and siniring dodicatory songs, not only when on
their removal join*ney, but at all times, and we give the following
"sgeulachd " as illustrative of this, translated closely : —

" There was a king once upon a time, and his wife died, leaving
him with one daughter, who was a beautiful little maiden, and,
being anxious that she would ])e well trained, he married again.
The second wife had a daughter also, but she was very j)lain and
unattractive, and, as she grew up, was more than jealous of
her fair sister. She was also jealous of her being her father's
heiress, and the favourite of all who came near their house. The
stepmother w'as neither loving nor tender to the maiden, although
she dared not be harsh to her for fear of her husband, and also for
fear of what peoi)le would say. One day, however, as she was

The Shelling: its Traditions and Songs. 145

pondering over the difference between her own daughter and her
stepdaughter, for they had then grown up to be young women,
who came in but the * Eachrais Ulair/* And she said to her,
*What a pity it is for you to see another woman's daughter
heiress of the land when, if you but acted courageously and wisely,
your own daughter might have it all.' * I cannot help things
being as they are,' replied the king's wife, * I am not going to
risk my own life and my daughter's by any rash act that they
would be sure to find out.'

" * Oh ! ' cried the * Eachrais Ulair,' * if you make it worth my
while I will put you on a plan, and you will be sure to get rid of
her, and you will never be found out.'

" * What plan will that be 1 ' asked the king's wife, for she was
more willing to get rid of her stepdaughter than she wished the
other to know.

" * I know a glen,' said the * Eachrais Ulair,' * out of which no
human being ever returned to tell their tale ; a black, dark, deso-
late glen, and the way leading to it full of holes, and precipices,
and quagmires — **Gleann dubh, dorcha, fasail Ian tholl 'us clireag
'us shuilean-crithich." Send her there with the cows to the
summer grazing, and send a dairyman and herdsmen with her.
Send them away when the king is out hunting, and tell him it
was her own desire to go for a short time to the sheiling, and you
may rest assured, if she goes there, that you will never see heraelf
or any of her companions again.'

" The king's wife promised the * Eachrais Ulair' a rich reward
when her daughter would be heiress to her father ; and she got
the cows set apart, and the servants appointed that were to go
with her to the sheiling that was so far away and so difficult to
reach. She gave them directions for the road, and they started
when the king was in the hill hunting.

" They travelled on, and at last they came to the glen that was
so black, dark, and desolate, full of holes, precipices, and quag-
mires, and they felt frightened and full of awe as they gazed upon
the journey that lay before they would get to the floor of the glen,
* ular a' ghlinne.'

" The king's daughter invoked a blessing on herself and on hor
companions and on the cattle, and she made the others do the
same. They invoked blessings, and sang on every step of the
weary way, and with every step they took new courage — *ghlac
iad misneach ur' — and, in s[)ite of holes, rocks, and quagmires,
they got to the floor of the glen without losing a single creature of
* A very wicked sort of witch.

144 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

their herd, and without damage or injury to themselves. Full of
thankfulness for their preservation, they got the flocks arranged
for the night, and as there was no sheiUng bothy (* bothan airidh')
to be seen, they looked about them for a house in which they
could stay. They saw in the distance one solitary house — a big,
long, grey house — and as they saw smoke arising from it, they
knew it was occupied ; and, taking their milk cogs full with them,
they entered the house. There was no person to be seen in the
house but one very, very big old man, who was in a bed opposite
the fire. They blessed themselves, and then ventured to ask the
old man if they could stay there during the time they were to
remain in the glen. The * bodach mor m6r ' was very sulky, and
said * No ;' but they told him they would be very good to him,
and, instead of injuring him, he would be the better of them.
They gave him a hirge basin of the warm milk to drink, and gave
him to eat a large bannock, and then the greater part of a small
bannock, and he gave them permission to make beds for them-
selves on the floor. In the nionnng again, when they milked the
cows, they gave him the same, and, seeing that he was not very
tidy, they Wiished his hands for him before giving him his bread
and milk. He was very grateful, and on the second night he pro-
jjosed that the women would sleep in his bed, and that he would
make a shakedown for himself on the floor, near the men. This
was done, and before they were lung in bed they heard a great
noise witlnmt, and a heavy foot coming to the door. Then they
heard a voice saying, * Am bheil m' urraball stidein mor, mor, a
stigh V * 'S tanih learn, 's t^imh learn, m' urraball staUiin," was
the reply from the bodach within. Then the voice from the one
without cried, " M' urraball stidein mor, nibr, an tig mise a dh'
itheatlh ri d' thaobh a' nochd V ' Cha tig, cha tig,' was the reply,
* a nochda no gu brath, a nigheadh mo lamh 's mo bhainne bla
mo bhonnach mor niur 's mo leth nihor de 'n bhonnach bheag,'
which may l)e translated jus follows : — * My big, big jnissy's tail,
are you in V * I am at rest, my statain's tail.' * Can I come to
eat by your side to-night V ' No, no, nut to-night, nor at any
other time. They wash my hands, give me warm milk, a large,
large bannock, and the biggest half of the little bannock.'

*'They were nut molested again during the time they remained,
and the old giant was on the l)est of terms with them, and that
protected them from others who might seek their hurt. At the
time fur returning home they had more butter and cheese than
they could carry home, and they had to got assistance to carry it,
and, blessing themselves as at the outset, they returned home

The Shelling : Its Traditions and Songs. 145

safe and well, and the king's daughter was more beautiful than
ever, and her fame bjb a maker of butter and cheese spread far and
near, and all admired how she managed the herd so well, and made
a friend of the giant, who would otherwise have eaten them, with
bis brother giants.

" On the following year the king's wife resolved that her own
daughter would go to the same glen, and earn the same fame as
her sister. So she got her ready, and got the best cows for her,
and the * Eachrais Ulair* had to go with her as dairymaid. They
set out for the glen grumbling and miserable ; they sang no hynm,
nor did they invoke a blessing either on themselves or their herds ;
and they lost some of them in the holes and quagmires, and others
fell over the rocks. When they got to the floor of the glen with
the few cows that were left to them, they saw the same long,
large, grey house that the others had stayed in when there. They
went in and took everything without asking leave of the * bodach
ni6r m6r,' who was in his bed opposite the fire. They offered him
no milk, nor did they show him any kindness, and after they went
to bed at night the same giant came knocking to the door that
came when the others were there. When he cried to his brother
giant *Am bheil m' earrball stidein mor, mor a stighV The
ready reply was an invitation to enter, and they slew and devoured
them all ; and neither the king's youngest daughter, the * Eachrais
Ular,' nor the herdsmen, ever returned again from the black,
dark, desolate glen full of holes, precipices, and quagmires."

A Gael's wealth was always, in those old times, represented by
the number of cows he could turn to his summer pasture —

" Tha m' fhearann saoibhir, ho i ho,
I hiu ro bho nam b' aillibh e,
Tha m' fhearann saoibhir, ho i ho,
Tha m' fhearann saoibhir air gach taobh dhiom,
'S mo chrodh-laoigh air airidh ann.
Tha m' fhearan, «kc."

A proverb also sayeth thus — " Fear an ime mhoir 's e 's binne
gloir." " The rich owner of cows, or he who has the most butter,
has the sweetest voice." Marriageable maidens vrere also valued
according to the tocher they were to have — not in money, but in
cows. Twenty milk cow^s was considered a good tocher for a
tacksman's daughter, and twenty cows, with their calves at their
feet, was very good ; and for a crofter's daughter, a cow and her

10

146 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

calf or stirk was a fair tocher, along with her blankets and other
paraphernalia, and a girl who had such a tocher in prospect was
apt to give herself airs, unless she had very good sense. There is
an old story, of the Alnaschar type, that illustrates the importance
the possession of a cow gave a woman. It is known as " Cailleach
Cath na Cuinneige." A certain old woman, who still felt young,
got a stoup full of milk, which she was going to sell in a town that
was some distance from her. She sat down to rest on the way,
and began to count the amount she would gain out of the selling
of the milk, for which she had paid her only pennies. After that
she meant to buy two stoups full, and make a larger profit, and
she would go on trading thus until she would buy a calf, and she
would feed the calf well, and it would soon be a cow, and it would
then have a calf, which would in a year or two be a fine young
heifer, and then a man would come the way, and say, " You have
a cow, old wife ;" and she would reply, *' I have a cow and a
heifer." " Tha bo agad air a nasg, a chailleach." " Tha bo 'us
agh agam, their misc." " He will marry me then, and we will
soon get rich, and I'll have a servant, and I'll make her do my
bidding, and if she would dare refuse I would give her a kick ! "
The kick was directed by the dreaming woman to her milk stoup,
and all her aerial castles came tumbling about her ears. There Wiis
no COW, nor heifer, nor husband, nor servant.

The habit of giving cows as a tocher to the daughters of the
house made them in the olden time very anxious that they would
marry among their own kinsmen, or at least in their own clans, as
it would be an enriching of the enemy to give their cows to them,
and hence the frequency of elopements in those days. A yoimg
man sorely exercised about which was the better thing for him to
marry, an old woman who had a tocher, or a young one who had
none, went to his father and spoke thus —

" Comhairle iarram oirbh an ceo,
Co i feoil is fhearr a dhuine.
Scan bho 's i Ian saill,
No atharF og am feoil thana ?"

And the reply was the sensible one —

" Cha chuir scan bh6 laogh nm chro ;
'S i 'n atharr og feoil is fhearr."

The Shelling . Its Traditions and Songs. 147

Query —

" Advice I seek from thee in mist,
Which is the better flesh, oh, father,
An old cow that is full of fat,
Or a young quey that is thin and lean T

Answer -

" An old cow will give no calves to thy fold ;
The young quey is the better flesh."

Cattle were of so much importiince to the Highlanders because
they represented, in a special manner, their food supply. Milk, in
its different forms, was their chief sustenance. Instead of the
morning cups of tea, now indulged in by all classes of the com-
munity, they began the day by taking drinks of milk. Among
the better classes, the morning drink (" deoch-maidne") was what
is known as " old man's milk," which was an egg switched into a
glass of milk, with a little whisky added ; and even the herd-boy
got, if nothing better, a cup of whey to his piece of barley bread
before turning out to tend the cows. When milk was scarce, the
morning drink of the poorer people was " sughan," which is the
juice of oatmeal or bran steej)ed so long as to become sour, and in
very hard times they took it to their porridge. " Sughan " was
spoken of in song and story as a sign of poverty, as it indicated a
scarcity of cows, and certainly it is not very palatable. The bard
who 8ix)ke of the Fencibles of Oban in a disparaging manner,
could not find any thing more conteraj)tuous to say of them than,
" Tha neul an t-sughain air gnuis n'an Lathanmich." And some
nurse, who seems to have had a grudge at the Stewarts of Appin,
said to her nursling —

"Cha toir mi thu mhac Iain Stiubhart,
'G am bi 'n sughan na dheoch maidne,
'S ann a bheir mi do Lochiall thu,
Aig am bi am fion 'na leabaidh."

Milk was taken to the potatoes, porridge, or brose that was their
breakfast; and for a good substantial dinner, milk porridge, or
milk brose was frequently given, not only as a luxurious, but as a
good, strong, sustaining meal, that kept hunger long at a distance,
and for that reason such meals were given to men going on long
journeys. Milk, in some instances, was often taken with the
potatoes for diimer, and at times butter, cheese, and milk were all
on the table, and when taken with good, dry, well-boiled, mealy
potatoes, it was a luxurious, as well as a delicious, meal, and con-

148 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

sidered by themselves food fit for a king's table. The " Ceapaire
Saileach," or " Kintail piece," was butter thickly laid on cheese of
equal thickness, and was not only taken with potatoes, but, when
meal was scarce, it was taken with milk instead of bread and butter,
and sometimes a sprinkling of oatmeal w^as laid on the butter to
make it stronger eating. A careful housewife was much more
lavish with her butter and cheese to her household than she would
be with either her warm milk or cream, as she took great pride
in the quantities of dairy produce in her " cellar " at the end of
the season. Yet there were times when even the richest cream
would be freely produced, and this was especially at the demands of
hospitality. Water was never offered as a drink to the meanest
wayfarer. " Deoch fhionna-ghlas " was the most effectual drink
for quenching thii-st. This " whitey-grey" mixture was milk and
water in equal proportions, and the sour thick milk that was under
the cream that was kept for butter was churned into a froth, and
it made a cooling drink. It was called " sgathach." When
strangers had to be entertained, " f uarag " was made plentifully,
and curds and cream were laid out with oatcake, butter, cheese,
and whisky. They made the yeaming, or yeast, that turned the
milk into curds, by putting milk and salt into the stomach of a
€alf. The he-calves were generally killed, and their stomachs
.supplied them for this purpose. " Fuarag" was made of the sour
thick cream, churned into a froth, with a "lonaid" made for the
purpose, and some oatmeal stirred in it. The meal made on the
<|uern was considered by far the best for making it. This is a most
delicious luxury, and a favourite with all classes. It was the dish
that wa.s expected to be given in every house on Hallowe'en, and
^jreat was the excitement when all, old and young, sat around the
•cog, after the goodwife had dropped her ring in it, for whoever
found the ring would be the first of the company to
marr}^ The curds given with cream were very different from the
ordinary' curds that in the present day go to table as a substitute
for pudding. The Highland hostess squeezed the curds for her
guest, and thus partly freed them from the whey, making them
nnich pleasanter, as well as more substantial. The women were
wont to twit the men about their desire for these luxuries, and yet
that, though they would get all the cream, they would still expect
the usual quantity of butter. The following proverb is a fine
piece of sarcasm on this : —

" Na 'm faigheamaid an t-im anns an Earrach,
Agus uachdar a' bhainne 's an t-Samhradh,
'S ann an sin a bhiodhmaid fallain,
'S cha bhiodhmaid falamh a dh' aunlan."

The Shelling / its Traditions and Songs. 149

" If we could get the butter in Spring,
And the cream in Summer,
We would then be very healthy,
And never be scarce of kitchen."

There was another luxury better loved on bread than all the jams
and jellies ever made, and that was curd-butter, or " gruth-im " —
half butter, half curd, finely mixed. This was very different from
the ordinary crowdy, which also is dignified by the same Gaelic
name as the other, although there is very little butter in it to
make it palatable or nutritious. When the Highlanders dined
late, the supper often was a thick gruel, known as ** liath-bhrochan."
It was made of milk and oatmeal well boiled, with a piece of butter
in it, and of a consistency that they spoke of as, " bu tiiigh am
balgam e, 's bu thana an sph.in e." When butter was scarce, a
thrifty housewife made a very good substitute with milk and eggs
and a little salt stirred together over the fire for a few minutes.
This was very pleasant when spread hot on the bread, and it was
very useful in the latter end of spring, when the store of butter
was exhausted. It was known as " im-eigin," There was a pro-
verb that said that one teat of a cow was better than a boll of
white meal — " Is fearr aon sine b6 no bolla dhe 'n mhin bhain."
And the milk was not only their food, but also to a great extent
their medicine, and it had a valuable place in their art of healing
as butter. For chest complaints, a cog full of butter was melted
down, and after the juices of certain herbs were mixed with it,
they placed it to cool, and it was administered in small quantities,
as cod liver oil is now. This was called " cuach ghorm." For
colds in throat or chest, salt butter, mixed with oatmeal, was laid
on w^ool and applied, and salt butter was considered the most
effectual cure for a bruise. It was also applied to a cut, if they
feared there was any rust about the weapon that caused the
injury. For any eruption on the skin, sulphur mixed with fresh
butter was applied, and a little melted butter in its liquid state
was taken instead of the castor oil now so common. Fresh butter
was melted with bees-wax and the roots of dockens to heal a bum,
and this was used freely for chopped hands or lips. In fact, butter
was the principal article in a Highland woman's pharmacopia. If
even one of her fowls were ill, it was caught and a piece of fresh
butter forced into its bill, which was sure to cure it.

Goat's milk was considered the best for restoring lost strength
to the sick, owing to the herbage they lived on, and it was con-
sidered the most nourishing for even the strong, according to the
proverb —

150 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

" Bainne ghobhar fo chobhar *8 e blath,

'S e chuir an spionnadh 's na daoine a bha."

" It is the milk of the goat, foaming and warm,
That gave the strength to the men that were."

All the goats* milk was turned into cheese, which was considered
a luxury, and particularly good for invalids. Goat's milk must
also have been considered a good cosmetic, for a proverb sayeth —

" Sailchuaich 'us bainne ghobhar,

Suath ri d' aghaidh,
'S cha 'n eil mac righ air an domhan,

Nach bi na d' dheigheadh."

" Rub thy face with violets and goat's milk, and there is not a
king's son in the world but will be after thee." The panacea
recommended in another proverb is —

" Is leigheas air gach tinn,
" Cneanih 'us im a' Mhaigh,
'Us ol am focbair sid,
Bainne ghobhar ban."

" Garlick and May butter
Will cure all disejxsc,
And drink along with that
A white goat's milk."

The milk of the white goat was considered the richest for an
invalid, as also the milk of a red cow. Goat milk whey was con-
sidered very wholesome, and the milk of a white goat
preferable to that of a black or brown one. The tallow
of the goat, next to that of the deer, was considered
the most efficacious for rubbing to stiff joints, but even for
that the best remedy came from the cow, in the neat
foot oil. The proverb that said if the oil of the cow, without and
within, would not cure the Highlander, there was no cure for him,
was one on which they placed perfect faith — " Uilleadh na ba am
mach 's a steach mar leighis sin an (Jaidheal, cha 'n eil a leigheas
ann." It was a singular habit of the Highlanders to class the
cows according to the part of their bodies that happened to be
white. The black, red, dun, or grey cow was spoken of as such,
but a white-footed cow was " cas-fhionn ;" a whitefaced one,
"ceann-fhionn ;" a white-shouldered one, *' gual-fhionn ;" white-

The Shelling : its Traditions and Songs. 151

backed was " druim-fhionn ;" and the white-bellied, "bailg-fhionn,"
and as such they are frequently spoken of in the old songs, thus —

" Crodh druim-fhionn, crodh gual-fhionn,

Air do bhuaile mar chomhla,

Te eile ga *n cuallach,

'S do bhean a' fuaigheal na seomar."

And in the bribes that the " great grey hag" offered to Kennedy of
Sianachan — " An gille dubh mor Mac Uaraic " — for letting her go
free, when he had her bound before him on horseback, threatening
to show her to human eyes — she offered him a herd of cattle,
<xiving the different kinds their distinctive names — "buaile de
clurodh bailg-fhionn, druim-fhionn, ceann-fhionn, cas-fhionn, agus
dubh." And he replied that he had all these already. The term
** cas-fhionn " came to be applied latterly to cows that had only
the tip of the tail white. I have not found out why the term
" cas-fhionn " was applied to the Macintyres, though I often heard
them called " Cloinn an t-Saoir chais-fhionn."

The dishes they can*ied to the hill grazings were — wooden
basins, " measraichean ; " milking cogs, " cuachan bleoghain," or
" cummain ;" the chum, " muigh," or " imideal ;" the cheese press,
" fiodhan ;" the sieve, " siolachan ;" the cheese Salter, " sailleir
caise ;" and the butter tubs. It was customary when salting the
butter to put a cross of rushes here and there, to keep evil
influences from spoiling it. The skimmers they had were generally
the deeper shell of the scallop, which was also the ancient drinking
cup —

" Fair a nail an t-slige chreachainn,

'n 's ann aisd is blasd* an dram,

'S math an t-ainm dhi 'n t^slige chreachainn,

'S i 'n t-slige 'chreach sinn a bh' ann."

The shallow shell of the scallop, which was the badge of the pil-
grim of old, was the one used to slice the butter, and its lamilli-
branchiate formation gave the butter a pretty ribbed appearance
on the plate, or on the large scallop shell that served as a plate.

The life at the hill grazing, or shieling, was a free and a jolly one.
The change of air was good for man and beast, and although they
carried human passions in their breasts, there was very little in
the circumstances of their surroundings to develop them. All
things tended to calm and gladden ; their strongest emotions were
called forth by the voices of love, devotion, and sjnnpathy. They
were a pious people. They were devoted to their chief, who was

152 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

both their father and friend, and they loved their wives and
children, and came as near to the loving of their neighbour as
themselves, as is possible for frail humanity. The township might
almost be said to have a family life at the shieling, for each bore
the other's burdens ; they rejoiced in each other's joy, and when
tears had to be shed, they mingled them in brotherly fashion. As
far as the children were concerned, although the schoolmaster Wiis
abroad, their winter education at the " ceilidh " was carried on in
a most eifectual manner. They romped among the calves, the
kids, and the lambs, laying in large stores of the health and
strength to be required in the future. And as they lay on the
hillside, at the feet of their sires, they learned the songs of their
country, and listened to the tales of the chase and of love and war.
The boys learned to make and repair the milking and dairy
utensils, to tend the flocks, shear the sheep, make and mend their
own shoes ; and to thatch, and make the heather and hair ropes so
largely used by them ; and perhaps the most desired part of their
education was the shooting of a blackcock, the stalking of a deer,
and the spearing of a salmon.

The girls learned to emulate their mothers in skill of the dairy
work, as well as in spinning wool for future webs on the distaff,
and knitting stockings and hose of brilliant hues and rare patterns.
They learned to know the herbs that were medicinal for man and
beast, and the difterent plants used in dyeing the colours of their
tartans. They leiirned to become useful wives, following in the
footprints of their mothers, as helpmates in the struggle for
existence, neither fearing the snows and storms of winter, nor
ashamed of the tawning of the summer sun. They danced and
flirted and sang their sweet lyrics, and forgot amidst their labour
that sorrow had an existence, or that pain was awaiting them.

The old manner of going to the sheilings belongs to the history
of the past. Where such sunmier grazings are had still, as in some
parts of the Hebrides, only some of the daughters of the families
go with their cows, and in Lewis I have seen them carry the milk
home twice a-week, all sour, of course. And I have seen the girls,
on their return to the hill, carrying with them creels of seaware
for their cows to eat. I have seen in Mr CarmichaeFs house in
Edinburgh a small stool used in one of these sheilings, probably a
milking stool, and Prince Charles Stuart sat on it. When wander-
ing about, after Culloden, he entered a shelling in which three
girls were, and sat down, and got a drink of milk. They did not
know who he was, and after he left they knew, and then they
playfully fought for possession of what they called the throne, "An

KinrosS'Shire Place Names. 153

righ-chaithir." In the course of the struggle, one of them lost a
tooth, and the others generously let her have the stool, as she had
suffered most in the cause of their beloved Prince. A descendant
of hers gave it to its present appreciative owner, in whose hospi-
table house it has a place of honour in the drawing-room.

I have given here but little of what I meant to write on this
subject, but if it will embalm any of the ancient usages of our
noble-hearted and pure-natured forefathers, it will fulfil a good
purpose, and make my heart glad.

15th FEBRUARY, 1888.

At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
of the Society, viz. : — Mr D. H. Macfarlane, 46 Portman Square,
London, life member, and Mr A. J. Stewart, grocer. Union Street,
Inverness, ordinary member. Thereafter Mr Alex. Macbain, M. A.,
read a paper contributed by Mr W. J. N. Liddall, advocate,
Edinburgh, entitled, " Kinross-shire Place Names." Mr Liddairs
paper was as follows : —

KINROSS-SHIRE PLACE NAMES.

The elucidation of the topography of a district where the
language which produced the names has ceased for centuries to be
spoken, is possible only by an exact comparative study of the
earliest forms as ascertained from historical documents. Personal
associations led me to attempt such a task for the little county of
Kinross, and the following notes — for this paper claims no higher
description — will, I would hope, show results not altogether
disappointing.

The topography of Kinross-shire is practically entirely C'cltic,
and purely Goidelic. In view of Skene's remarks in his analysis
of the names in the list of Pictish kings,* one might have hoped
to find a Brythonic trace, but there is but slight ground for even
being suspicious of one or two names belonging to that division of
the Celtic dialects. True it is, a tribe termed the Danmonii
dwelt between the Forth and Tay, as well as in Cornwall, to which
a parallel is suggested by the river Devon in the one region, and
the county of Devon in the other, but not much more can be said.

• " Celtic Scotland," Vol. I., p. 211.

154 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Lochleven, central in the historical associations of the county,
and sending forth a prehistoric ray of light upon us, from the
discovery, within the last few months, of a lake-dwelling on its
western shore, is also a fit starting point for the present subject.
It owes its name to leamhan, " the elm," a word which enters into
several names in a less obvious form. Ledlanet, a farm on the
grassy slopes of the Kinross-shire Ochils, is difficult of analysis till
we meet with the early name, Ladlevenach ; then it appears " the
elmy slope" (leatiiad). Forthwith is suggested Lennox, and the Leven
of Dumbartonshire, while in turn again its parent, Loch-Lomond,
and the lofty Ben, send thought back to the less eminent but still
familiar landmarks of the Fifeshire Lomonds. Ledlewnule, a name
no longer surviving in Kinross-shire, reflects in its spelling very
clearly ieamhan. Cullenachy is doubtless cul (or coille) leamhanachj
" the elmy comer," or " wood." With all these forms should be
compared the Irish river-name Laime, of the same origin. Equally
interesting is the form Achlevane, occurring in a last^century
locality of the stipend of Ardchattan, but now written Achleven,
** the elmfield." In Ireland, again, occur such forms as Lislevane,
showing that the accentuation is on the final syllable. Argyllshire
" Achlevane" would show that it is not so long since there also the
jiccent was on the final syllable, a county in which the language
always is nearest in Scotland to Irish forms. t

Woodless, comparatively, as the county of Kinross is at present,
it was not so even in earlier historic times, if we can judge from
such an entry as, "Inquisitio tcrrarum forreste de Kinross facta apud
Kinross, 23 Septembris, 1323." In the still earlier times of Celtic
speech, it was lacking neither in variety nor in colour of tree.
Kilduff is coille d%ihh, "dark wood," or as the words occur in
another part of the county in the inverse order, Dowhill (earlier,
Doichill). Cultbuy is coillte hvidhe, " yellow woods," and Money-
ready well is the *' red grove" (muine miadh). The birch's existence
is proved by Crambcth and Balbeadie, and the parish of Beath (in
Fife). Auchterden-an is oak-summit (uachdar + doireanjy while
Chillemey appears to be identical with Killamey, explained as
" the church of the sloes," but coillfy " wood," will be the first part
of the Scottish name. Kelty is but coillte. ** The Feus," as in
the Feus of Dnnizie and of Cash, is Jldk, or fiodhy " wood,"
identical with the baronies of the Fews in Armagh. Ury, a little
stream in the parish of Orwell, is probably uragh^ from iubhar^
** the yew," while Orwell, in an early form viierquhell, may show

t Compare, however, the name Cruivelevan, as in the Lovat titles.

Kinross-shire Place Names. 155

the same word. So, Craigo would be " yew craig " (eo), Dun-
crieve is "tree fort" (dun + craobh). Fraocky "heather," appears
in Fruix, Annafrech, and Pittendriech. Kilgad, or Kilmagad, or,
as now, Kilmagad wood, once more gives us coille*

BaUe, the equivaleat of the Saxon " town," is well represented
in such a list as Balado, Balleave, Ballingry, Balgedie, and it may
he Sh&n'weW (scan + baile).1[ And Ballingall points to the settle-
ment of a stranger, whether as a welcomed hospes, or a tolerated
hostis, we cannot tell.

On three commanding points is found a name indicating the
means of protection in war. On the Cleish hills is Dumglow,
" the fort of strife," or, " of mist," reminding us of Donegall, where
the same name occurs. On the eastern slope of Benarty is Dun-
more, "the great fort," while on the Ochil side is Duncrieve, "the
fort of trees," near which was a name, now extinct, Duncreesk,
"the fort of the pass."

The name Techyntulchy, " hill-house," surviving probably in
Touchie, gives us the word that serves J to describe the Indo-
European roof tree. The form here is noteworthy, because it gives
the proper nominative form, " tech," the genitive " tigh " taking
its place in the modem language. Tichindod is probably from the
same word.

Amga«k is the name of the parish through which the Perth
road passes across the Ochils by Glcnfarg. In the Chartulary of
Cambuskenneth it is Arringrosk^ and elsewhere Arengorsk. It is
identical with the Ardingrask of the Beauly district, and means
"the height of the pass." Near it was the name Duncreesk,
already referred to. Carsegour is a name somewhat hopeless till
the old form, Caskygour, steps out, and then the explanation is
given of " goat's pass."

Achadhy "field," gives Auchmuir, Auchintelketye (hunting-
field ?), Haknakel, Achinker, and Auchincreoch, that is, " march-
field."

"Ballingry," from such forms as Ballingoric, attaches itself to
Irish Ballingarry, " the town of the garden," and the warm town-
land nestling in the south-east comer of Benarty well deserves the
name. Fossoway is fasack + rnarh, "the wilderness of the plain,"
aide by side with Muckart, muc + ard,

Ballielisk, like Irish Ballylusk, may be haile-^loisgthe^ "the
burnt land."

•Coldrain, older Cullendrane, is probably from draigkean, " thorn."

fThe Channel of Pittendriech (name of a farm) may well be sean + baUe also.

^Compare the name Teantulchan, appearing in the Lovat titles.

156 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Mawcarse yields mach, "a plain ;'* near it is Arlary, that is,
ard + larach, just as Finderlie (old form, Finlaurie) iBfionn + larar/t.
The two names are combined in the extinct name Macherderrly.
It is here the Standing Stones of Orwell are still to be seen, and
the extinct name Mawcloych points to them, doubtless.

Knockintinny, " the fire hill," carries us back to a distant age.
Solitary it stands still like a very fire. The name Achtenny is
suggested, but this from an old form, Auchinteveny, appears to be
aekadk + taobh + eanagk,

Gouderannet is a name not found in any earlier form, and it is
one not ejisy to explain. The first part is fairly enough made out
as cuL Two guesses I venture for the rest. Doire, " oak," and
annate a word frequent in Highland names, but of obscure origin ;
or da -h roiimte (two divisions).

The birds and beasts of Celtic Kinross-shire are represented by
Thomauean, an odd, false analogy in spelling, it being tom-\-eun^
** bird-hill." A true old form is handed down in the spelling
Tomenagne, in which the proper nasal sound is shown by the com-
bination " gn." Muckart and Auchtermuchty represent rrnic.
Glen tar kie is probably from tore, " the boar." Balharvie may yield
tarhhj and so also Turf hill and Turflundie. Craigincatt is obvious.
Brockly is Lror^ "badger." Maddy Muss seems to be the only
possible trace of the dog, madad/i. Clashlochie, on the edge of
Loch-Levcn, looks like dais -f lacha, " hollow of ducks," and Capil-
drae is apparently " horses' stand." Carnbo is " cow's cairn."

The parish of Cleish derives it« name from dais, " a hollow,"
and so does the old name Cleseduglie, represented now by Glen-
deuglie ; "deuglie " being dubh + (/lea7in. In the same neighbour-
hood, the name Glendy presents the same word in the reverse
order.

Allt, "bum," is shown in Altnacroich, an old map form of
Annacroich. The estate of Aldie is probably the diminutive
altan.

Blar, " an open space," or " battlefield," is found in The Blair
of Krammey (Grombeith), Blair fordcl, Blairathort, and Blairstruie.
The components of the last name are found in the Ossianic lines —

" Far an aom ceo maidne ri sliabh,
ghorm-shiubhal sruthain nam blar,"

— (Tighmora, vii., 125).

The Ochil Hills are supposed to owe their name to the
Brythonic form ucliel, " high." Mellock Hill hmullach, "summit."

Kinro88'8hire Place Names. 167

Third Hill is difficult to explain ; it may be identical with the
latter part of Milnathort, Blairathort. The first j)art of Milnathort
is maoL These two names are ordinarily pronounced Mills-y-forth
and Blair-y-forth. Canimodle, another Ochil-side name, is found
also in the Isle of Man. The Ingan, a summit of the Cleish Hills,
is iongan^ a " talon," or " hoof." Benarty Hill appears in the
Chartulaiy of St Andrews as Cabennartye, and the question is
suggested of connection with the Mons Gebenna of Gaul. Tulachj
"a mound," appears frequently — Tulliebole, Tillyochie, Tilly-
whally, Touchie.

The old name, Sunecrech, apparently the modem Sunnyside,
is explained by sonnagh -\- criochy "rampart-march." Clay side pro-
bably contains cladh, "a raised fence."

Dochrie shows da^xKh, "a piece of land." So Findatie,
anciently Findautie, Fyndawchty, is fionn + davoch. Davochfin, in
a more northern count}', is the same name, the components being
in reverse order. The Latin form of early charters is " davatii,"
and in charters in English " davaucht." There is still a Findochty
near Fochabers. Navitie, anciently Nevathy, Ncvody, is difficult ;
the name occiu^ in Cromarty also.

The component "Pit" occurs only once or twice actually in
the county, as in Pittendriech ; but on the Fifeshire border it is
frequent — Pittilock (anc. Peteclache), Pitkinny, Pitkerry, Pit-
goms, Pitcaim, Pitcairlie, Pitgober, Pitwhanatrie, Pitmeadow,
Pitmedden, Pitlour, Pitfirrane, Pitliver.

There are but few names in the county with initial p. The
list consists probably only of Parenwell, Paris, Plains, and The
I'aphle, or what is probably an older form of the same name,
Popilhall.

Parenwell resembles the Cornish name Perranwell, named, I
firesume, from St Piran, who has given his name to the Church of
Piran in the Sands.

The Paphle may be compared with the Border name of Max-
fK)ffle, or — popple. Alongside it may be placed the Irish pubbie,
meaning people, or parish. Compare also the Paible of the
Western Highlands.

Scandinavian in origin appear to be the names of Brunthill,
the Butter Road (an old drove road across the Ochils), and Butter-
welL The two last contain probably the personal name Buthar,
as found in the Lake district, in Buttermere, Buttergill, <kc.

Leathad, "side," occurrs as Ut, or corrupted into land.
Ledlation is a difficult name till we find the old form, Ledeglas-
chun, which is parallel to such an Irish name as Ardglushin.

158 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

Morland has an old map form, Morlet. So Freeland may be
frcioch + leatJiad. So Drumgarland appears to be the old name
Darrgarlet.

This much must suffice for illustration of what may be made
of topography where the sources of information are slender. Were
the work systematically carried out for the whole of Scotland,
most important results would doubtless be obtained. But such a
work is possible only by the union of w^orkers in every district.
Specially important would be, as aiding in the general result, the
collection of all names in districts where they are still significant
in the language of tlie inhabitants. Is it too much to hope for
that a topographical society should be fonned, whose object would
be the compilation of a Celtic topographical dictionary of Scotland ?

In conclusion, I must express my estimation of the honour
which the Gaelic Society of Inverness have done me in asking me
a second time to present a paper on a Celtic subject for their con-
sideration and criticism.

SQnd FEBRUARY, 1888.

At the meeting of the Society held on this date, the following
gentlemen were appointed a Committee to organise, under the
auspices of the Society, classes for the study and practice of High-
land song and music, viz. : — Bailie Chas. Mackay, Councillor Jas.
Macbean, Mr Wm. Gunn, Mr D. H. Chisholm, Mr Jno. Whyte,
and Mr Alex. Macdonald, the latter to be convener. Thereafter
the Secretary read a paper, contributed by Mr Charles Fraser-
Mackintosh, M.P., on the *' Milton and Kingsburgh Families."
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's paper was as follows : —

THE KINGSBURGH AND MILTON FAMILIES.

When it was suggested to Flora Macdonald that she would
narrate to Dr Johnson and Boswell (her guests at Kingsburgh in
1773), some particulars as to Prince Charles, the Doctor, we are
told, listened with placid attention, and said, " all this should be
written down." This was admirable advice, and when I have
heard anything not recorded, specially interesting in regard to the
Highlands, my first desire has been " let it be written down."
Every detail, though apparently insignificant, when it relates to
historic personages or to those closely connected with them, is
valuable. Especially to Highlanders is everything deeply interest-

The Kingsburgh and Milton Families. 159

ing in regard to Prince Charlie ; and of his numerous and devoted
adherents, no name is dearer or held in more affectionate remem-
brance than that of Flora Macdonald. With the view of preserva-
tion, I have put together the present paper, chiefly compiled from
documents which at different periods have come into my possession.
The written references I am possessed of relating to Alexander
Macdonald of Kingsburgh are brief. For the one night's accom-
modation he gave to the Prince he received one year's quarters in
prison, and from the effects of his imprisonment, in body and
estate, he never fairly recovered. In the year 1768, in course of
a lengthened litigation between Mr Donald Nicolson and James
Macdonald, tacksman of Sconsar, it was stated " that as Mr Mac-
donald of Kingsburgh was not only valetudinary, but far advanced
in years and not able to come from home, a commission should be
granted to Dr John Maclean, factor for Sir Alexander Macdonald,
on the estates of Trottemish and Strath ; James Macdonald of
Breakish ; and Donald Martin of Bellach, or either of them, to
take Kingsburgh's oath at his own home." Kingsburgh lingered
on till the year 1772. The description of Allan Macdonald of
Kingsburgh and his wife Flora, by Boswell, may be quoted
with efiFect — "Kingsburgh was completely the figure of a
gallant Highlander, exhibiting the graceful mien and manly looks
which our popular Scottish song has justly attributed to that
character. He had his tartan plaid thrown about him, a large
blue bonnet, with a knot of black ribband, like a cockade ; a brown
short coat of a kind of diffil ; a tartan waistcoat, with gold buttons
and gold button holes ; a bluish philabeg, and tartan hose. He
had jet black hair tied behind, and was a large, stately man, with
a steady, sensible countenance." As regards the lady of the
house, whom Bos well calls '* the celebrated Flora Macdonald," he
says, " she is a little woman, of a genteel appearance, and un-
commonly mild and well bred." I purpose, with reference to the
Kingsburgh family, to begin with a copy of the contract of
marriage of Fanny Macdonald, the second daughter, in the year
1790. This document was prepared in Skye, and 1 have been
struck with the legal skill and business capacity shown by gentle-
men of Skye in the preparation and execution of legal documents.
T have just been carefully tiling for preservation, the following
Skye marriage contracts prepared by non-professionals : —

I. Marriage contract twixt Murdo Macqueen of Skerrinish and
Margaret Maclean, daughter of Dr John Maclean of Cuidrash, at
Pendouine, 1786.

160 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

II. James Macdonald of Skeabost, late merchant in Portree
(his second marriage), and Isabella Macqueen, daughter of the late
Rev. Dr Macqueen of Kilmuir, at Penifilar, 1789.

III. Kenneth Morrison, late land surveyor in Jamaica, and
Mrs Betty Macqueen, daughter of the late Rev. Donald Macqueen
of Kilmuir, 1795.

IV. Donald Nicolson, only lawful son of Malcolm NicoUon of
JScorrybreck, and Margaret Macdonald of Scalpay, at Scalpay,
1797.

The following is a copy of Miss Fanny Macdonald's contract,
to which, it will be observed, her father Allan was a party : —

" At Aird, the twenty-third day of September, one thousand
seven hundred and ninety years, It is appointed, contracted,
agreed, and matrimonially concluded, between the parties foDow-
ing, viz., l^ieut. Donald Macdonald, lawful son to Captain Alex.
Macdonald, of the late Regiment North Carolina Highlanders, and
Fanny Macdonald, lawful daughter of Captain Allan Macdonald,
of the late 84th Regt. of foot, and he, the said Capt. Macdonald,
taking burden upon him for his said daughter — that is to say, the
said Capt. Allan Macdonald binds and obliges himself to pay to
the said Lieut. Donald Macdonald, by way of Dote or Tocher with
his forsaid Fanny Macdonald, the sum of two hundred pounds
St erg. money, the one half to be paid after the marriage, and the
other half at the Martinmas following ; In consideration of which,
and for the regard and affection the forsaid Lieut. Donald Mac-
donald bears for the forsaid Fanny Macdonald, his intended wife,
he, the said Lieut. Donald Macdonald, binds himself, his heirs and
successors, to provide and secure for the forsaid Fanny Macdonald,
in case she should be the longest liver, the sum of Thirty Pounds
sterg., by way of jointure, to be paid to her annually during her
life, the payment to begin at the next term after his death, with a
tierce of moveables of whatever kind that may appertain to him
at the time of his death, after the payment of all lawful debts,
with the Interest of half Conquest. It is also provided that the
said Fanny Macdonald shall be provided to all the sheep and
goats without division, unless they shall constitute the principal
stock on the farm ; also to the second best horse on the stock of
the farm. It is also agreed and concluded that the forsaid Fanny
Macdonald, in case there are no children, shall have a complement
of Eight pounds sterg. money, with the Five pounds to buj
mournings; and the forsaid Capt. Alex. Macdonald binds and
obliges himself conjunctly and severally with the forsaid Lieut.

The Kingsburgh and Milton Families. 161

Donald Macdonald in the due and full performance of the above
proTisions ; and both parties bind and oblige themselves to extend
this Minute of Contract on stamped paper within three months
from the date hereof, and all the Parties have signed the same,
place and date above mentioned, in presence of these witnesses,
Mr Donald Macqueen at Peinduine, and Capt. Charles Macdonald
at Aird, the writer hereof.

(Signed^ " Allan Macdonald.

? „ ) " Donald Macdonald.

( „ ) " Fanny Macdonald.
^Signed) " D. Macqueen, witness.
( „ ) " Chas. Macdonald, witness."

I next refer to Captain Charles Macdonald, commonlj styled
of Aird, the eldest son, of whom Lord Macdonald stated — "There
lies the most finished gentleman of mj family and name." As
much obloquy attaches to the memory of this lord, I think, in
fairness, the following admirable letter to the clever Mrs Mac-
donald of Tormore should be published : —

"London, 21st April, 1781.
" Madam, — Yesterday I received a letter from the Secretary at
War, informing me that he had put four of your daughters upon
the compassionate list for five pounds a year each, agreeably to
my recommendation of you. It gives me great pleasure to be
able to congratulate you upon your success, and I hope you are
sensible that I have been sufficiently attentive to your interest. I
wrote you before, that I had put this business in such a train as
to ensure you a favourable issue. Your order upon the proper
agent when the affair is settled, will be as regularly attended to as
your pension ; and Mr Stables will be able to inform you, or
myself upon enquiry, what it will produce. I hope there are no
deductions. I shall always be happy in being employed in any
such transactions for the benefit of your family when they are
more advanced. In the meantime, believe me to be always your
very humble servant, (Signed) Macdonald."

I may also give an extraordinary instance of his liberality —
indeed, prodigality — taken from the diary of Lord Robert Sey-
mour, under date 17th February, 1788: — "Lady Sinclair very
much admired ; her wedding clothes became her wonderfully, and
added a thousand charms to those she ever possessed. A very
handsome couple ! Lord Macdonald gave her £4000." Lord
Macdonald was most desirous to represent Inveniess-shire, *and

11

162 Gaelic Society of Inuernesa.

perhaps he took this means of ingratiating himself with the all-
powerful Gordons. Captain Charles Macdonald married Isabella,
daughter of Captain James Macdonald of >ird, son of William
Macdonald, Tutor of Sleat. The following letter gives some
particulars of his military career : —

"Aird, June 30th, 1788.

" Sir, — I am highly sensible of your kind attention to the
affair with Davidson. The explanation you give on the point of
law is very satisfactory. I would not wish to withhold from
Davidson or any other what I thought myself bound in honor to
pay him, but his demand of £16 is quite extravagant.

" Rather than have my name introduced in a Court I would
rather pay a moderate sum at any time, especially if there's any
ambiguity in the case. Had I the smallest doubt of Davidson's
having such a recourse on me, I would have got an ample discharge
from him when I granted bills to the amount of his demands, tho'
I think the bill in which the sum included is styled Balance of
Cash Account, is a sufficient indication of his receiving all that he
was entitled to. He has made a demand on me of 30 gold
Mohurs, and I can prove beyond any doubt that I never received
but 28.

" I was an officer in North America from 1776 till the reduc-
tion in 1784, and there was no letter ever sent me on the subject,
or a demand made, consequently I made no inquiry about him, as
I imagined my friend Lt.-Col. Murray had j)aid the money to
Davidson or his brother, as I wrote him from London on the
subject.

" In Lieut.-Col. Murray's letters to me (which I still have pre-
served) he desires me to get the gold Mohurs coined at the Mint,
consequently Davidson is only entitled to the Bullion value, which
I ascertained to be X35. Had he wrote me or drawn on me
whilst in N. America, and that I had not paid attention to his
letter or order, I would then think myself bound by every tie to
pay him principal and interest, even though he had no legal obliga-
tion of mine. But as the case stands it is too hard in him to
demand so much.

** I will submit to paying as much as defending myself against
his charge will amount to, which I imagine may be from j£6 to
£\0 sterling. This you will only promise in case there can be no
other accomodation entered into with him. The payment to be
after the July market at Portree — or later if you can obtain it.
I lost two posts by your sending my letter under cover to Skirri-
nish« Please address me in future at this place, by Sconser. If

The Kingaburgh and Milton Families. 163

you should see Glengarry please to signify to him that I am sur-
prised he did not answer my letter to him at Edinburgh, as the
business therein related concerned him only, and it was from pure
disinterested motives of friendship I wrote him. I shall have
occasion to write you in a couple of posts on business, when I will
explain the above to you fully. — I remain, sir, your very much
obliged servant, (Signed) " Chas. Maodonald,"

I also give the relative discharge by Davidson : —

•*I, John Davidson of Drumchree, considering that Ranald
Davidson, my Brother, did, in the year 1775, pay to Ensign, now
Lieutenant-Colonel, Alex. Murray of the East India Company's
Service, Twenty-eight Gold Mohurs to be remitted to me, the said
John Davidson, which Twenty-eight Gold Mohurs was by the said
Ensign, now Lieutenant-Colonel, Alex. Murray remitted to Captain
Charles Macdonald, then on his way to Britain, accompanied with
a letter containing instructions to pay the same to Jno, Russell in
London, or Rod. Maclean, Writer in Edinburgh, for the purpose,
as he said, of being by them paid to me, the said Jno. Davidson.
And now seeing that the said Captain Chas. Macdonald has
formerly advanced and paid to me a certain sum of money in pay-
ment of the foresaid twenty-eight gold Mohurs, and upon the fifth
day of August current, granted me his promissory note for the
sum of eleven pounds sterling, being the balance of the foresaid
twenty-eight Mohurs and interest thereof, of all which I hereby
grant the receipt, and hold myself satisfied and paid. Therefore
witt. ye me to have exonerated and discharged, as I do by these
Presents not only exoner and discharge the said Capt. Chas. Mac-
donald of all sums of money or other demands I have or can make
upon him preceding this date, relative to the above transaction ;
and particularly I for myself, the said Ranald Davidson, my
Brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Alex. Murray, Jno. Russell of London,
or the heirs and representatives of the said Rod. Macleod, Exoner,
quit claim and simpliciter, discharge the said Capt. Chas. Mac-
donald and his heirs or successors of the foresaid principal sum of
Twenty-eight Gold Mohurs remitted to him in manner as
mentioned, and interest due thereon, and all action, diligence, and
execution competent, or that may be competent, to follow hereon
for now ever ; and I, the said Jno. Davidson, for myself, the said
Rand. Davidson, my Brother, Lieut. -Colonel Alex. Murray, Jno.
Russell, and the representatives of the said Rod. Macleod bind and
oblige myself and my heirs and successors to warrand the above
discharge at all hands, and against all deadly as law will, ^c.''

164 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Flora Macdonald died on 5th March, 1790, and Allan Mac-
donald died in 1792. Capt. Charles Macdonald, on 30th October,
1792, wrote to a friend in Inverness : — I would wish also to know
what the expense of getting me served heir to my late father,
Capt. Allen Macdonald, might be." On the 20th May, 1793,
Donald Macdonald of Tanera, son of Skeabost, writes : —

" You will in course send the Kingsburgh submission extended
for signing before a meeting of the friends, to be held at Kings-
burgh the first days of June. Unless sent per first post it may
not answer afterwards, so I beg you attend to it."

Captain Charles died on 2nd March, 1795; survived by his
widow, without issue. The following persons appear to have been
mixed up with his affairs, and owed him moneys at his death, viz.,
Angus Macdonald, jun., tenant at Solitot ; Neil Maclean, in Brae-
bost ; Capt. J as. Macdonald, at Tothague ; Donald Nicolson, yr. of
Scorribreck ; and Capt. Kenneth Macdonald, at Aird.

I now come to the Milton family. Flora's descent is thus
mentioned by the late lamented Rev. Alex. Macgregor : —

** Flora Macdonald was the daughter of Ranald Macdonald,
younger of Milton, and was born in 1722. She was patronymi-
cally designed * Fionnghal Nighean Raontiill vie Aonghas Oig an
Airidh Mhuilinn.' Her father Ranald was a cadet of Clanranald,
and her mother Marion a daughter of the Rev. Angus Macdonald,
firstly minister of Gigha, and secondly of South Uist. Angus, the
clergyman, was son of Hugh Macdonald of Griminish, in North
Uist, and noted for his great strength and hospitality, and married
an accomplished and talented lady, daughter of Macdonald of
Largie, in Kintyre."

" Flora's mother Marion married as her second husband
Captain Hugh Macdonald of Armadale, whose conduct in very
trying circumstances will ever be held in honourable remembrance
amongst Highlanders."

Flora was much attached to her only surviving brother Angus,
and to her native South Uist. I have not been able to ascertain
who Angus' wife was, merely that she was not an Uist lady,
Angus, whom I shall call the first — there being three in succession
— left five sons, Angus Oig, Archibald, Alexander, Gilbert, Donald ;
and three daughters. Flora, Marian, and Mary. Angus died in
autumn 1792, as appears from the following extract from a letter
dated Edinburgh, 2l8t May, 1793, written by Hector Macdonald,

The Kingsburgh and Milton Families. 165

afterwards Hector Macdonald Buchanan, W.S., and son tx>
Boifldale : —

" On the death of the late Mr Macdonald of Milton in August
or September, 1792, his second son, conceiving himself to have a
right to the leases which belonged to his Father, as well as to his
other subjects, as I am informed, seized upon the farms, and also
carried off the whole grounds of debt found in his father's
repositories, and, amongst others, this bill of £42, which was
blank in the drawer's name, in which he has inserted his own.
Things came such a length amongst them, that T was obliged, at
the request of the eldest son, to obtain a suspension and interdict
against his brother, and also raise a summons of exhibition as to
the abstracted papers. In consequence of these steps being taken,
an accommodation and understanding took place between the
brothers."

The extent of the possessions of the Milton family are ascer-
tained from the following extract from a judicial rental of the
Clanranald estate, taken in the year 1798. Capt. Angus, the
second of Milton, Angus Oig, depones at Nunton, 5th October,
1788 :—

" That he is possessed of the farms of Milton, Kildonan, and
Gerravaltas, which lands consist of fiyepenny lands each, making
in whole fifteen pennies of land, conform to lease dated the twenty-
second day of February, seventeen hundred and seventy-four years,
granted by Ranald Mcu^donald of Clanranald, to Angus Macdonald,
the deponent's father, for twenty-four years, from and after the
term of Whitsunday, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-
four. Depones that the declarant and his father have been in use
to manufacture on the east shores of said farm, at an average,
about twenty-two tons of kelp, for which they paid the proprietor
a duty of ten shillings per ton, the kelp being for the tenants' own
behoof in terms of said lease, and on the west shore, at an average,
about five tons of kelp, for which he pays a kelp duty of six
shillings per ton. Depones that the rent payable by said lease is,
including converted casualties, fifty-nine pounds six shillings and
aevenpence two-thirds, all which is truth as he shall answer to
God. (Signed) " Angus Macdonald."

Capt. Angus married a sister of Boisdale. He had served in
America, and was for five years in Charlestown, and his character is
well indicated in the following letter to a gentleman in Inverness,
on behalf of an ill-used Uist man in the year 1803 : —

166 Qaelio Society of Inverness.

"Milton, 20th Sept, 1803.

"Sir, — Altho' I have not the pleasure of being acquainted
with you, I beg leave to take the liberty of writing you regarding
a man of the name of Alexander McDonald from this country, the
purport of which I shall make known to you in as few words as
possible.

" This man was balloted for the militia, liable to serve from
this district (say 15th), and on being cited to appear, attended
accordingly, but some objections being made by the meeting as to
his fitness, he was ordered to go to the Surgeon of this country
(distant 40 miles), and being thoroughly inspected, a certificate
accomj)anied him, describing his situation, and found to be unfit
for His Majesty's service. Notwithstanding of this certificate,
and the trouble and expense attending the procuring it, he was
ordered to join the Regiment at headquarters (Inverness), which
he did ; and on being a second time inspected by the head surgeon
of the Regiment, he was dismissed as unfit for His Majesty's
service. Thus, then, was the poor man left to bewail his fate
without either money or friends to support him, but, through
Providence, came home at last at his own expense, although ill
able to hear it.

" Tliis is not all. The poor man remained at home but for a
few months, wlien to his surprise was ordered to attend a meeting
at Benbecula upon a certain day, which he did, and was ordered to
set off a second time for to join the Army of Reserve, The circum-
stance that led to this conduct of the Deputy Lieutenants and
Justices of the Peace is briefly thus : — A man of the same name
and on the same farm was enrolled as liable to serve in the Army
of Reserve ; and the day for drawing the ballot having come, this
man was drawn for, and ordered to attend at the second meeting,
but on being inspected, was found to be below size, and was of
course thrown oft' the list. In order to supply this man's place,
one of the members of the meeting insisted that Alex. Macdonald
would march off in his room, and, having been agreed to by the
meeting, the poor man is now upon his way to join the Army of
Reserve, without being either balloted for or, even so far as he
knows, enrolled as liable to serve after the ample certificates be
procured. These are facts which cannot be denied by the
members composing the meeting ; but one individual having some
antipathy to this poor man, seems to have gained his point by
procuring the approbation of the rest of the members. I will not
enlarge more upon the subject, but as the poor man lies under a
disadvantage, I beg you represent his case to Sir J as. Grant, or

The Kingsburgh and Milton Families. 167

enren before any competent court. Both of the certificates pro-
cured by him lie with Mr James Grant, C.G.M., Inverness, and
whatever yoiu* trouble or expense may be regarding this business,
wiD be thankfully paid by, Sir, your very obedient servant,

(Signed) " Angus Maodonald of Milton.
" N.B. — If necessary, a certificate can be procured from the
Clerk of this district that Macdonald was not balloted for, and, if
upon the roll, his ticket is still in the ballot-box, which can be
easily ascertained."

The poor man was finally discharged, but I regret I have not
the name of his oppressor to hand down to posterity.

Captain Angus died in or prior to the month of January, 1809,
aa appears from the following extract from a letter, written by his
brother-in-law, Col. Alex. Macdonald of Boisdale, dated 22nd
January, 1809 : — "As I was under the necessity of remaining at
home until I saw the remains of my friend Captain McDonald,
Milton, under ground, and on my way North to a meeting of the
Local Militia I met with your letters, <fec."

The circumstances of Capt. Angus* death, with particulars as
to his descendants, have been sent me by my kind friend, Father
John Mackintosh of Bornish, on the authority of Neil M'Eachen,
in Howbeg, over 90 years of age, whose information is most
reliable : — Capt. Angus was drowned in Loch Eynort when com-
paratively young, along with three men. They were going to a
kelp ship, anchored near the mouth of the loch, heavily laden.
A storm coming on, he asked them to throw some of the kelp over-
board, which they declined. In the end, the boat sank, and Capt.
Angus, seeing their great danger, provided each with an oar, and,
an expert swimmer himself, struck out for shore. He had been
going to hunt, as there were several dogs in the boat, and lie was
encumbered by his gun and ammunition. The dogs pursued him,
and, fearing he was drowning, unfortunately, in their love, seized
him to drag him ashore, so that he became powerless, and sank.
The boat is said to be still visible at low water, nearly covered
with sea-weed.

I can testify to the stormy character of Loch Eynort, for one
of the severest struggles I have ever been engaged in was to steer
a four-oared boat up this narrow tortuous Loch, in the face of
heavy rain, and of winds rushing along the mountain sides in
voices of thunder, and sweeping with irresistible force over the
surface of the waters. Had the tide not been flowing progress
was impossible. Father John tells me that I must have passed

168 Gaelio Society of Inuerneaa.

over where the boat lies submerged these eighty years. A pathetic
song was composed on the occasion. Having been particidarly
requested by me, Father John was fortunate enough to pick up
here and there, from different sources, in South Uist and Ben-
beciila, the following verses of it : —

ORAN CUIMHNEACHAIN AIR CAIPTIN AONQHAS AIRIDH-A'-
MHUIUNN.

Lets a* " Bhard Sgallacky" am Beinn-Ormhaola,

Aonghais 6ig, r\omhaich,

Gun seinneadh p\ob leat a's bratach,
Air each aigeannach, cruidheach,

A ghearradh direach an t-astar.
'S e mo chr^dh do chorp cubhraidh

Na laighe dluth ris an aigeal !
Gun deach' d' anam do Ph^rras

Na h-ostail chiirich do leaba.

Dia ghleidheadh an ceill

Do na dlUeachdain uasal
A dh' fhag thu ad dlieigh ;

'S e so am foghar a ghual iad.
Cha robh leithid an athar

Ann an cliii no mathas mu'n cuairt daibh;
An treaa ])ears' 's an Roinn E6rpa

Na shuidhe 'n c6mhlan dhaoin-uaisle.

Thiiit a' chraobh leis an duilleach,

Chrion am bun, 's gun do chrton e ;
An latha ritmeadh do bhathadh

Gun robh an t-Ard-righ 's an fhianuis ;
Gun robh an uair air a cumadh,

Gaoth as sruth mar an ciadna ;
Chuir sud thairis an t-eathar

Mo chreach, mu leitheach an lionaidh.

Thug thu riiimh do na gillean ;

Cha robh tuilleiidh a dhith ort ;
Bha thu 'n dull mar a b' jVbhaist

G-un robh do shnamh mar an fhaoileig ;
Gun robh do shntimh mar an eala,

A dh' fhalbhadh aigeannach, aotrom ;
Pearsa dh'ireach, dheas, dhealbhach —

'S bochd a dh' fhalbh thu gun aois uainn.

The Kingaburgh and Milton Families. 169

Bu tu sealgair a' mhonaidh

Leis a' ghunna nach didltadh,
Air damh cr6cach nan cabar

A leumadh aigeannach sunndach ;
Na 'n leumadh gum marbhadh ;

Bha thu 'd shealgair bho dhtithchas ;
Ron, eala, a's earbag

Nan gearra-chasa luthmhor.

'N uair a chruinn*cheadb an camp

Bu tusa ceannard nan daoine ;
An rud a theireadh tu dhiant' e,

No dh* fhiachadh tu faobhar.
C'iit an robh ann an Alba,

Tr^th sheasadh tu calma fo d' aodach,
A h-aon a labhradh riut dina 1 —

B' e 'n t-ian a b' kirde 's a' chraoibh thu !

[Prose Translation hy Mr John WhyU^ Public Librarian of
Inverness.^

Handsome young Angus, of the sounding pipes and the waving
banners, and the high -mettled, well-shod steed that would swiftly
cover the distance ! Woe's me that thy precious body should be
lying at the bottom of the deep ! Thy soul has gone to Paradise ;
the Apostles have prepared thy resting-place.

May God preserve their reason to the gentle orphans whom
thou hast left behind. Verily this was the autumn that scorched
them. One to equal their father in fame or goodness was not to
be found — the third person in Europe ; well fitted to sit in the
company of the great.

The tree has fallen in full foliage ; its root has decayed — it has
decayed indeed. The day thou wast drowned the High King was
witness ; the hour was ordained ; wind and tide likewise. Alas !
these upset the boat at the time of mid-flow.

Thou gavest the oars to thy lads — not thinking to require any-
thing thyself. Thou thoughtst that, as was wont, thou couldst
float like the seagull — couldst float like the swan that lightly
glides over the wave. Thou of firmest, finest, fairest form, alas
that thou hast gone in thy youth !

Famous hunter of the hill, with thy unerring aim. The
antlered stag might bound, but, if it bounded, it was to its death.
Thou wert a hunter bom — hunter of the seal, the swan, and the
nimble-footed roe.

170 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

When the camp assembled, there thou wert chief. What thou
didst command was done on peril of thy steel. Where in wide
Alba, when thou didst stand forth in thine array, was the man
who would dare offer thee an insult ? Thou wert the highest bird
in the tree.

It was from Loch Eynort that the famous " Birlinn " of Clan-
ranald sailed, as vividly described by the family bard, Alasdair
Mac Mhaighstir Alasdair : —

" A ghrian a' faoisgneadh gu h-6rbhuidh

As a mogul ;
Ch\nn an speur gu dubhaidh, d6ite,

Lc\n de ogl'achd ;
Dh' fhas i tonn-ghonn, tiugh, tkrr-lachdunn,

Odhar, iargalt;
Chlnn gach dath bhiodh ann am breacan,

Air an iamiailt ;
Fadadh-criiaidh 's an airde-niar oirr' —

Stoirm ua coltas.
Neoil sliiubhlacli aij^j gaoith ga 'n riasladh —

Fuaradh-frois oirr' —
Thog iad na siiiil bhreaca,

Bhaidealiicha, dliionach ;
Shin iad na calpannan raga,

Tcanna righne,
Hi fiodhannau arda, fada,

Nan colg bldhearg ;
Cheangladh iad gu gramail, snaompach,

Gu ueo-chearbach,
Troimh shuilean uan cromag iarainn,

'S nan cruiun fhailbheag.
Cheartaich iad gach ball d' an acfhuinn,

Ealamh, doigheil,
'S shuidh gach fear gu freasdal tapaidh

Bhuill bu ch6ir dha." etc.

[Translation by Sheriff Nicolson.]

" The sun bursting golden yellow

From his cloud-husk ;
Then the sky grew tawny, smoky,

Full of gloom ;
It waxed wave-blue, thick, buff-speckled.

Dun and troubled ;

The Kingaburgh and Milton Families. 171

Every coloxir of the tartan

Marked the heayeus.
A rambow * dog ' is seen to westward —

Stormy presage ;
Flymg clouds by strong winds riven

Squally showers.
They lifted up the speckled sails,

Towering, tight.
And they stretched the rigid shrouds up

Tense and stiff,
To the tall and stately masts,

Red and resing :
They were tied so taut and knotty,

Without blunder,
Through the iron eyelet holes,

And the round blocks.
They fixed every rope of rigging

Quick in order.
And each man at his place sat down

To watch smartly," etc.

Capt. Angus left two sons, Angus and Colin, also four dawgh-
ters, Margaret, Penelope, Isabella, and Jane. The extinction of
the family in Uist was now approaching. A decree of removing
at the instance of Clanranald was obtained early in 1810, against
Lieut. Angus Macdonald of the 91st regiment of foot, Colin Mac-
donald at Gerrievaltos, sons of the deceased Capt. Angus Mac-
donald of Milton, and Margaret, Jane, Penelope, and Isabella, his
daughters, to remove from Milton. Father John mentions
that Lieut. Angus, the third, married an Irish lady, and
although he was left a considerable sum by his uncle Gilbert, ran
through it all. He left no issue. Colin, the second son, had
Milton, but, being a dissipated youth, he lost the place and died
unmarried. Margaret, the eldest daughter, married, first, Mr
M^Marquis, said to be the ugliest man in Uist. He was lost at
sea, and Margaret married a second time, Angus, son of the Rev.
George Munro of South Uist, by whom she had no family.
M'Marquis left three children, of whom one, Isabella, is now living
in lochdar, and is the only one of the Milton family now in South
Uist, and, I regret to say, in reduced circumstances. Penelope
died unmarried. Isabella married Mr M'Cormick, and emigrated
to America. Jane married Capt. Hutchison, a seafaring man, and
remoYed to England.

172 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

29th FEBRUARY, 1888,

At the Society's meeting this evening Mr Alex. Ross, architect,
read a paper on '* Old Highland Roads." Mr Ross's paper was as
follows ; —

OLD HIGHLAND ROADS.

In the paper I propose reading to you on this occasion it is
my intention to try to trace out the progress of road-making as an
index to the state of the Highlands, and to show, bjb f ar as I can,
the bearing they have had on the progress and civilisation of the
country, more particularly on this Northern region. The making
of roads must have been the first efficient step to the development
of the country, for until these and other convenient modes of
transport are developed, no country can progress either in wealth
or comfort. No doubt it was owing to the want of these that the
Highlands of Scotland remained as a whole so far behind the other
parts of Britain, and that portion still remains in the rear.

England and the Southern portions of Scotland were until the
middle of last century far ahead of the Highlands, and possessed
many advantages over our mountainous and rugged country. We
find in early history glimpses of culture and comfort in the North,
but these were for the upper and ruling classes, not for the great
mass of the people. The noble and the chief, being able to visit
foreign lands, would naturally gather ideas of culture, and return-
ing to their native land would spread a certain amount of cultiva-
tion and improvement around their immediate surroundings ; but
without roads or means of communication there can be no advance
for the peasant and dependant.

The Romans thoroughly understood and acted on this principle,
and as soon as they conquered and over-ran a country, they set
about road-making in an extensive and effective manner. We now
even find, after a lapse of fifteen centuries, traces of their work,
and in some cases their roads are still in use. In the beginning
of the third century, Severus opened up the country for his troops
by clearing the jungles, forming roads in every direction, and
throwing bridges over rivers, so as to penetrate slowly with his
troops, and enable them to continue in possession of the districts
as they occupied them in their advance. He advanced to the
Northern Wall by the road called Watling Street, repairing the
fortification of the stations as he passed from the Wall. Near
** Falkirk a road proceeds in a direct line to Stirling, where the

Old Highland Roads. 173

great pass over the Forth into the north has its locality/' From
Stirling he went westward, along the hanks of the Forth. Where
now are to he seen the Flanders and Kincardine mosses, there
must have extended one dense forest, the remains of which are
embedded in these mosses. There, at some depth below the pre-
sent surface, are to be foimd remains of Roman roads. From
Stirling, the Roman road proceeds through Stratheme, to the
junction of the Almond with the Tay. Crossing the Tay, it leaves
the camp at Grassy Walls, which had been occupied by Agricola,
and proceeds in the direction of a large camp near Forfar, termed
Battledykes, in the parish of Othlaw. From this the road con-
tinues through Forfar, Kincardine, and Aberdeen, and terminates
at the shores of the Moray Firth. Their camps were at Wardykes,
near Keithock, Raedykes, near Stonehaven, Normandykes on the
Dee, and Raedykes on the Ythan. According to Chalmers, the
Roman road passed on to Cullen Bay, and theh westward to
Burghead and Forres or Varis, thence south across the Spey
through the Grampians in an almost direct line to the camp at
the crossing of the Tay. In this great advance north they were
assisted and supported by their fleet, which sailed along the coast.
Traces of the Roman roads remain in various places, and their
camps and stations are undoubted. In the South of Scotland the
mode of formation is " yet to be seen, especially at Kilcadzow ;
the Romans appear to have placed broad stones in the bottom of
the road where the ground was soft, and broke others very small
with which they covered the surface." The popular name of some
of these roads was the " Devil's Causeway." In the Statistical
Account of Trinity Gask, the writer says that the Roman road or
causeway passes along the highest ground in the parish. It is
twenty feet broad, and is composed of rough stones closely laid
together. It is in entire preservation, as the proprietor of the
adjacent grounds, though he enclosed the fields on each side with
stone dykes, did not suffer a stone to be taken from the road.
Along the causeway are stations capable of containing ten or
twelve men, and they are enclosed by ditches, which are yet
very distinct, and seem to have been designed for the accommoda-
tion of the men engaged at the work. These roads can be traced
distinctly north so far as Stonehaven. It was called the " Long
Causeway," and there are traces of similar roads even as far north
as Bennachie, and traces of what are supposed to have been Roman
roads are still to be seen by Forres, at Lynbreak, at a height of
1240 feet ; Congash, two and a-half miles from Gran town ; and
at Cromdale ; and some authorities say that even at Bona, at the

174 Qaelic Society of Inverness.

north end of Lochness, a Roman camp existed. Still more sur-
prising, at Fort- Augustus (Scot. Mag. 1767, p. 326), in digging a
trench in 1767 some workmen found an earthem um of blue
colour, with SOO pieces of coin of mixed metal, apparently of the
reign of Diocletian. The evidence of any advance west of Forres
is very scant, and it requires a stretch of imagination to connect
the extreme outpost through Braemar. The camps, however, do
not seem to have been constructed of the same massive materials
as they were further south.

The roads above mentioned have always been attributed by
the country people to the Romans. In Chalmers's " Caledonia"
they are traced with great minuteness, and the line is given on
the map. Skene also concludes that there are indications of
Roman works at Pitraain, near Kingussie. These I have not been
able to identify.

By means of these roads Severus was able to pass through and
possess the country without difficulty, but although, by means of
his roads and camps, and the great Wall from the Forth to the
Clyde, he was able to maintain the southern portion in security and
peace, yet on the departure of the Romans, in 410, the good
eftects of these roads seem to have ceased, and we do not find any
subsequent attempts to form roads or means of communication on
a great scale till the beginning of the last century.

The effects of the Roman improvements were, however, very
distinct during their occupation, and Britain was described by
Cumenius thus — " So productive is it in fruit, and so fertile in
pastures, so rich in metals, and valuable for its contributions to
the Treasury, surrounded on all sides with abundance of harbours
and immense line of coast, that during the reign of Julian it had
become of importance as an exporting country, and formed his
great resource from whence he drew a large supply of com during
the great scarcity on the Continent." I have prepared a rough
plan showing the extent of the Roman roads according to Camden.
It is amazing the extent of works, roads, and fortifications they
executed in this country.

After the departure of the Romans, Britain was in a manner
given over to conflicting parti ei, viz., the Britons, the Picts, the
Scots, and the Saxons or Angles, and a long period of darkness
succeeds. One writer (Procopius) described it in the sixth century
as two islands, the region to the west of the Wall (by which he
indicates Caledonia, or the district north of the Forth and Clyde),
" as a region infested by wild beasts, and with an atmosphere so
tainted that human life could not exist," and he repeats a fable

Old Highland Roads. 175

derived, he says, from the inhabitants, that this region was the
plaoe of departed spirits.

After the Romans, the country as a whole seems to have sunk
into a hopeless state of anarchy ; and though no doubt in the great
towns and their immediate vicinity roads may have been formed,
there is no evidence to show that any general scheme of communi-
cation was carried out. The native Britons seem to have done
something, however. They made many hill forts to defend them-
selves against the Norsemen and Scandinavians, and in the Meams
there are tracks which are called traditionally Picts' roads by the
country people ; and the famous " catrail" or Picts-work ditch, a
line of defence by a ditch or rampart running through Selkirk,
Roxburgh, and Galashiels, a distance of forty-five miles, is sup-
posed to have been a line of defence between the Britons and
the Saxons. Chalmers says — " It is as different from a Roman
road as a crooked from a straight line, or a concave from a
convex," and he refers it to the Pictish or second period. There
is a similar work near the Eildon Hills which tradition has asso-
ciated with King Arthur ; but the whole is involved in obscure
mist of tradition, and is still a puzzle to antiquarians.

Chalmers in his " Caledonia " divides the history of Scotland
into various periods. Ist, the Roman, from a.d. 80 till 446 ; 2nd,
Pictish, 446 till 843, comprehending the affairs of the Picts, state
of the Romanized Britons, the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons on the
Tweed, adventures of the Scandinavians in the Orkney and
Western Isles; 3rd, the Scottish period, from 843 till 1097 ; and
4th, the Scottish Saxon, 1097 till 1306. With this period, he
says, began a dynasty of kings, who introduced new people, new
manners, new usages, and new establishments. " In this period
the Saxon colonisation of Scotland proper was begun. In this
period originated her agriculture, commerce, shipping, and fishing,
her manufactures and her coins."

We have no very distinct account of the roads or means of
communications, yet from incidental reference to them we know
they existed in one shape or other, but they could have been little
better than drove roads or tracks in most places. An old custom,
which gave the right to travellers passing through the country to
quarter for one night on any estate and there pasture their beasts,
saving only growing com and hay, was confirmed, and received the
Royal sanction of Alexander III. in the 13th century. In contem-
porary charters reference is often made to " Via Virides," " Alta
Via," ** Via Regia," " Via Regalis," showing that, whatever their
quality, such roads existed.

176 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

This ancient right of way and pasture was common, and is often
referred to in the times of Alexander II. The Monks of Newbattle
going between there and their Abbey lands in Clydesdale, had the
privilege of going and returning through the lands of Retrevyer
by the road they had used in times past with their cattle and car-
riages, and also of unyoking their beasts from their waggons and
pasturing in the pasturage of that land as often as they required,
avoiding com and meadow, and passing the night there once in
going and once in returning. For this the monks agreed to pay
" a new waggon such as they manufactured for their own use in
Clydesdale laden with timber or building material of any kind."
This would indicate roads in this district at any rate, and rather a
good model of a waggon.

Yet the roads seem to have been few and far between. Bridges
seem to have received early attention, and to have been recognised
as important factors in the trade of the country. The ferry and
the bridge were of the utmost importance. The road could be
varied according to its condition and the state of the weather, but
the ford and ferry were fixed. Accordingly, we find at very early
dates good bridges were erected over many of the principal rivers,
and as early as 1220 we find the bridge over the South Esk at
Brechin was of such importance that Stephen, of Kinnairdesley,
dispones of the land of Drumslied to Gregory, Bishop of Brechin,
for the sustentation of the Bridge of Brechin, and for the chaplain
praying for the dead. There is record of the repairs of this bridge
from this date down to the present day, and Andrew Jervise, in his
account of Angus and Mearns, says the south existing arch is the
original one of 1220, and hence this is one of the oldest bridges in
Scotland. I examined this bridge lately, and a portion of it does
seem very ancient, though much altered to make it match with
the newer portions, tlie old rib being cut away on the underface,
and the edge splayed so as to destroy its original mould and
beauty. About the same period there existed similar bridges over
the Tay at Perth, the Esk at Logie-Pert, the Dee at Kincardine
O'Neill, and another near Aberdeen, and one over the Spey at
Orkill. Cosmo Innes says that, during the reign of William and
the two Alexanders, Scotland was more advanced and prosperous
than she was at any time afterwards down till the Union in 1707.

The bridge across the Ness was one of some importance, but it
was not till 1G80 that we had a great stone one. At that date
the matter was considered of sucli importance that on 3rd March,
1680, printed papers remitted by the Lords of his Majesty's Privy
Council, appointing a voluntary contribution to be collected in

Old Highland Roads. 177

this kingdom for building a stone bridge upon the great River
Ness, near the famous city of Inverness, were dispersed this day
through the Presbytery, and through ministers, appointed to make
intimation thereof in their respective bounds. " 29th March,
1682. — The Moderator recommended the upgathering of the volun-
tary contributions for the bridge at Inverness to the ministers of
the Presbytery according to counsel." The bridges at Inverness
up to this time seem always to have been of timber ; the earliest
of which we have any notice was burned by Donald of the Isles in
1410, and the last of these stood a little below the site of the
present bridge. This is characterised by one of the officers of
Cromwell's army as "the weakest that ever straddled over so
strong a stream." It fell September 28, 1664, with 200 people
upon it, none of whom were killed. The scene is thus described —
" The great old wooden bridge of Inverness was repairing, and by
the inadvertency of a carpenter cutting a beam that lay betwixt
two couples, the bridge tending that way, ten of the old couples
fell flat on the river with about 200 persons — men, women, and
children — on it. Four of the townsmen broke legs and thighs ;
some sixteen had their heads, arms, and thighs bruised ; all the
children safe without a scart. A signal providence and a dreadful
sight at ten forenoon." The next bridge was of stone, consisting
of seven arches. The stones for building it were got mainly from
Cromwell's Fort. It was very graceful. The arches were semi-
circular, and carried on fine moulded arch ribs, which gave the
intrados of the arches a most pleasing appearance.

In England the old Koman roads were allowed to fall into
decay, and the earliest legislation we have on the subject is in
1285, when it was ordered that all bushes and trees along the
road leading from one market to another should be cut down for
200 feet on either side to prevent robbers lurking therein, but
nothing was proposed for mending the ways themselves.

Referring back to the 12th centur}', from this period onward
till the 16th century there is little to record but occasional
glimpses showing how little the country progressed. Churches
were built and mills established. There seems to have been no
combined action for furthering trade and coninicrce, though
shipping no doubt increased and various industries flourished.
Woollen and flax were manufactured in the times of David I., and
saltworks flourished and were profitable to the king, nobles, and
monks. Yares and stells were abundant in the 13th century, but
means of communication seem to have been neglected. The
Flemish merchants were settling in the country in the time of

12

178 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

David I. and Malcolm at St Andrews, and there was trade with
the Continent in wine and corn. The bnri^hs were granted special
privileges for trade in William the Lion's time, and coal began to
be dug in 1291 as an article of trade ; but even in 1563 the only
mode of transporting it was in creels on horseback. No mechanical
contrivance had been invented for excavating it.

During the Scots-Saxon period hoi-ses began to be extensively
reared, and were employed as well as oxen in carts, from which tlie
inference is that tliere must have been roads, and they are
mentioned incidentally in the chart ularies. The monks cultivated
the wastes and subdued the woodlands, " they rendered what Wiis
already arable more productive, and those improvements which are
called in the chartularies incrementum and wainagia." They
enclosed by lining hedges and often by wooden fences. "They
know and practice the modern art of making roads, they cut
ditches on either side to carrv oif water, and covered the roadway
with hard material. They made the roads on the Roman models,
and built bridges for passing torrents.'' (See Chart, of Melrose).

I will now quote a few incidental references to roads and means
of communications AVhen Malcolm in 11G4 gave the privilege of
sanctuary to his hospital at Solairs Hill between the Lothians and
Tiauderdale, a patli was made to .Nh^lrose tiirough the moors called
*' Girth (Kite,' 'meaning the Sanctuary lloads. Cosmo Innes, in
his "Scotch Leual Antitpiities," savs of tlie monks of Kelso —
"They had wagi:(>ns for their harvest and wains of some sort for
bringing ])eats from the moss, and over sea commodities from
lierwick, which implies tliere then were roads j)assable for such
carriages ; but, indeed, we liave e\ idence of the existence of such
loads in that country a good deal earlier, as early as William the
Lion ; and it is woi*th nt»ting the mention of Kings' high roads in
the time of Alexander all throuiih Scotland from Berwick to Inver-
ness, although it may be doubtful whether these were in all cjises
roads for wheel carriages, or were rathei' in many cases only for
horses, whetlier for saddle or j)ack horses.''

We have in the foregoing reference to waggons. As yet
coaches had not been intioduced, and it was only in 1594 that
Guillan Firoonm, a Dutchman, l>rought a coach for Queen Eliza-
beth. It was an aftair witJKMit s])rings, the body resting on solid
axles, and it nmst have been thoroughly uncomfortable, "and
after a while divers great ladies, with as great jealousy of the
Queen's displeasure, made tin ni coaches, and rid in them up and
down the countries to the great adujiration of the beholders, and
then by little and little they grew usual among the nobility and

Old Highland Roads. 179

others of sort, and within twenty years became a <j^eat trade in
coachbiiilding." The post, which was only c^^tabli8llcd in London
and Edinburgh in 1635, wiis carried on horseback. TravelHng day
and night, the post went and returned in six days.

In 1635 the Marquis of Huntly, when summoned to Edinburgh
to answer for having "receipted and supplied broken men," travelled
in the dead of the year, cold, tempestuous, and stormy. He and his
lady, however, travelled by chariot, on his return being weaker
and weaker. He set out for his northern castle " in a wand bed
within his chariot, his lady still with him. He died on the journey
in an inn at Dundee, whence his body was brought in a horse
litter to Strathbogie for burial."

During the latter part of the seventeenth century :i largo tni<le
in cattle began to be carried on between Scotland and England,
and the transporting of these became a matter of un])ortance. In
1697 the matter came before the Privy Council, and *' it was
represented that between New Galloway and Dumfries there was
no defined or made road. It was the line of })assage taken by
immense herds of cattle which were continually passing from the
green pastures of the (Jalloway hills into England, a branch of
economy held to be the main support of the inhabit^uits of the
district, and the grand source of its rents." Droves of cattle are,
however, apt to be troublesome to the owners and tenants of
ground through which they pass, and such was tiie case here.
''Several debates have ha])pened of late in the passage of droves
from New Galloway to Dumfries. The country people endeavoured
by violence to stop the droves and im])ose illegal exaction of iiumey
u|K)n the cattle, to the great damage of the trade, whereby also
riots and bloodshed have been occasioned, which had gone gjvater
length if those who were employed to carry up the cattle had not
managed with great nuxleration and prudence. The result of the
petition was that a Commission was a})pointed by the Privy
Council to make and mark a highway for drovers frae New (Jallo-
way to Dumfries, holding the high and accustoriied travelling way
betwix the said two burghs."

These cattle raikes, as they are now called in the South,
became common, and were so broad that cattle could feed by the
way; considerable portions still exist, and aie held as riirht of
way. I lately examined some in Forfiirshire, notably at Trinity
Muir, near Brechin, and at Little Brechin. They are from oO to
100 feet broad, with turf dykes on each side, and the track
meanders along it, occupying only a very narrow breadth, the
margins being overgrown with whins and grass, but atlunliiig in

180 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

summer a very substantial bite for the cattle. These "rakes" are
rapidly being curtailed and absorbed in the adjoining lands, and
of the road, which, in the memory of my informant, extended from
Perth to the " Meams," only a small fragment remains here and
there to indicate its existence.

These cattle tracks, which became common, and were in use
from all ])arts of the North, literally gave the guiding lines to
General AVade for his great system of military roads. We have a
very good specimen in our own neighbourhood going over the
Leachkin. The space between the bounding dykes, however, is so
considerable that squatters settle on the margin and build houses.
This formed a few years ago the subject of a very interesting law
plea, in which the s([uatters were successful, as against Mr Baillie,
the proprietor of the adjoining lands, who sought to have them
removed, but it was proved that he at any rate had no claim on
the ground. This cattle track, or common, is shown on the
Ordnance Survey as extending up to the Caiplach, or near where
the townspeople at one time cut their peats and fed their cattle,
it up])oars, however, to have extended to Beauly, and parts of it
are to bo seen at Inchberry and Lentran. Many of these drove
roads are yet in use, a main one running from the West Highlands,
from Skye, ?7V/ Kyle Khea, through Glenshiel, by Tomindoun,
Glenaan y, Loch Arkaig, and Lochaber, branching throujjh behind
P>en Ni'\ is to Loch Rannoch and on to Crieft'. Another main line
led from Fort-Augustus, Corryirrick, to Dalwhinnie, through
Drumochter to Aberfeldy and Crieft', passing on its way, near
Taymouth, the door of the fiuuous old lady, " Roy's Wife," who
becauic, it is said, really the landlady of the inn, and finally reach-
ing the famous Falkirk market stance. Similar lines of traffic led
through Grantown by Speyside and Tomintoul into Forfar, and
yet remain ;us great rights-of-way. From Srratlispe}^ there were
several ]*oads into Forfarshire by Tomintoul, over the Caim-na-
Month, the Firmonth, and Mount Kean. These roads were
frequented by the natives passing with their cattle, and also going
to and returning from l)\nidee and the other Lowland towns. The
Highlanders brought for sale their " hame art," cloth, stockings,
and other home-made stuffs, also wooden implements, which they
disposed of to the people ; in return, buying such articles as they
required for use in their homes. They generally marched with
their ponies tied head and tail in long lines. On these lines of
march, many of them to be yet traced across the country, there
were chau;^'e-houses at every three Scotch miles, in which bawbee
ale was brewed. In the more unfrequented paths there were

Old Highland Roads. 181

rough shelter-houses, where the drovers took shelter, and enjoyed
such entertainment as they may have carried along with them ;
and some of the old drovers could tell wonderful stories of the
carousals they held in them when two or three kindred spirits met,
with a sufficient supply of drink and other good things. One
remarkable fact in connection with these lines of roads was that
they always led past good springs. They were in stages from
spi-ing to spring. The following account I received from a valued
correspondent I give in full : —

"memorandum — ROADS, ETC., FORFARSHIRE.

" Roads were in a very miserable stiite up to the end of last
century, and even into the present. They were little more than
cattle and horse tracks, improved a little from time to time by
rough stones gathered from adjoinmg fields. These cattle tracks
or raikes ran through the country in ditterent directions, being fed
by connection with the great passes into Aberdeen, Banff, and
Moray. They were five in number — 1st, the Drove Koad, from
lower Deeside, getting into the low country at Stonehaven ; 2nd,
the Cairn o' Mount Koad, joining at Fettercairn ; 3rd, the Mount
Kean Road, joining at Kdzell ; 4th, the Caj)el Mount, joining at
Kirriemuir; oth, the Glenshoe Road, from Castletown of Braemar.
The raikes seem to have been formed with reference to good
watering and common grazing fur stock resting. They had a
division into stages, where refreshment could be got for man and
beast at the * Change Houses,' as they were called. Biiwbee ale
was brew^ed, that is, ale sold at id a bottle, but they brewed also
penny ale, and at most of them a ghxss of smuggled gin could be
got. The great goods traffic from the North was carried on by
horses and panniers. Tlie load was equal to 2 bolls of meal or
2r)6 lbs. These Change Houses were aV)Out three Scots miles
apart, and the remains of them are still to be seen. There are
two of them on this farm. .My grandfather minded of as many as
10 horses passing in front of this house, loaded with north country
home-wrought woollen goods for the Dundee market. They
travelled in numbers for safety, robbing being often atteuii)ted on
the return journey. In the reign of Cliarles 11. an Act was passed
empowering lairds, of a certain valuation, to call out the jKOple for
six days' work on the roads in summer. Persons who had carts
and horses were also bound to furnish their labour. The roads so
formed were called * Statute Labour Roads.' An Act was passed
in 1790 converting the statute labour into money in Forfarshire.
It was directed by trustees, benig proprietor's of land. This gave
a great impetus to road improvement. Then another Act was

18-2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

j)assc(l in 1811, being an improvement on tlie former. In 187lS
the county }idoj)ted the Ivoads and Bridges Act for Scotland. The
tolls were abolished, and now, under an assessment of l|d per £,
our roads have been brouglit into a good state of repair. The
burghs keen tlioir own roads. W. S.

*M^Vbruary, ISSS."

Simihir tracks or drove roads existed in the North, and I
roinenibrr well old W. ^Macleod of Kingsburgh pointing out the
st,i'4vs on tJR' J.oclK-arron road, wliere he used tf> breakfast bv a
well iirar Auchuaslieen after an early march of eight or ten milis ;
for the (hover in the Highlands always made out a good st.iLCO
befoiv bivakla-t.

In tlu' lu'Lii lining of the pi'esent century the mode of travelling
aiul tratlic similar to that referred to in Forfarshire obtained
in the Hiiililaiids, and the laird of A|)j)kM'ross had an understand-
ing with his erofters when they came to Inverness to take home
his winter su|)j)ly of groceries. The j)onies went in line, head and
tail, eaeh with two small wooden ])o\es, painted red, slung over
their backs. The pay was Os for the journey to and from Inver-
n<'ss, and iinlnded all ex])enses and charges.

It is iuiei-esting to watch how the old and new roads run toge-
ther at various ])oiuts, and [particularly along the ci>urse of the
Migliliii'I Uailway, where, at a point near Blair-Athole, the old
cattle track may be seen by the line, (iencral Waile's road and
rouml ar'-lie<l bridp's are well up the hill, rising and falling with
its u.iMi.iations, wiiile a little below the road made by the Connnis-
sioiKi- ' i" lliLilihuxl Itoads and Bridges, with its low crowneil and
flattened areiies, winds along its comparatively level course, while
we run aloiiL:' the fourth line of conumuiication in a comfortal>le
railway i iiiiai'e; and we can well imagine some i>f the diseoUi-
fort^ and perils of our ancestors.

.V tiMveller, Moivr, \\h() came to Scotland in 1702, says: —
"Stam eoaehes did not exist, but there were a few hackneys at
}vliiil)urL:h whieh miizht be hired into the country upon urgent
oeea>ion<. The Iruth is, tliC rorals will h.irdly alluW them tl.M.^e
convenieiu-es, whien i> the r<'ason that the L:<'ntry, men and won. en,
chose rather to u.>e tiieir horses. I lowever, the ureat men often
travel with coach and six, but ^\ith so great caution that, besides
their other attt'iulants, they liave a "<i^'y iUnning foi-tniaii ym each
side of the coach to manage and kee]) it up in rough ])laees.''

The state of the roada are discu^.>ed in a ]>ocm in 1737. It
describes the roads to Kintail iii connection with the famcius
Donahl Mm'chi^on, 17->7 : —

Old Highland Roads. 183

" Keppoch, Rob Roy, and Daniel Murchison,
Cadets or servants to some Chief of clan ;
From thefts or robbings scarce did ever cease,
Yet 'scaped the liulter each and died in peace.
This last liis exiled master's rents collected,
Nor into king or law would be subjected ;
Tho' veteran troops upon the confines lay,
Sufficient to make lord and tribe a prey.
Yet passes strong through whicli no roads were cut.
Safe guarded Seaforth's clan each in his hut;
Thus in stronghold the rogue securely lay.
Neither could they by force be driven away ;
Till his attainted Lord and Chief of late
By w^ays and means repurcliased his estate."

I may quote a bit of description from Smiles' " Lives of the
F.ugineei'S," taken from Ogi Ivy's '' Britannia Depicta" : —

" In the latter part of tlie 17th century the roads at a distance
from the metroj)olis were in many cases but rude tracks across
heaths and connnons, as furrowed with deep ruts as ploughed
fields, and in winter to pass along them was like travelling in a
ditch. The attempts made by the adjoining occupiers to men<l
them were, for the most part, confined to throwing large stones
into the bigger holes to fill them u])."

It was easier to allow new tracks to be made than to mend the
old ones. The lands of thci countrv were still mostly unenclosed,
and it was thus possible, in fine weather, to get from place to
place, in one way or another, with the help of a guide. In the
absence of bridij^es guides were nocessarv to ]K)iiit out the safest
fords as well as to pick out the least mircy tracks. The most
frequented lines of "roads were struck out from time t(» time 1)V
the drivers of pack horses, who, to avoid the Ikilts and slough^,
were usually careful to kec|) along the higli grounds ; but to j)n'-
vent those horsemen who de])artcd from the l)eaton tracks beiii'j
swallowed up in fpiagmires, bcacous were erected t(» warn them
against the most dangerous places."

In some of the older settled districts of Kngland the ol<l roa<ls
are still to be traced in the hollow ways or lanes which are to lie
met with in some places eight or ten feet deep. Horse tracks in
summer and rivulets in winter, the earth became gradually woin
into these deep furrows, many of which, in Wilts and Somerset and
Devon, represent the tracks of roads as old as, if n(»t older tlian,
the Conquest.

184 Gaelic Society of Inuerness,

Many instances might be quoted of the difficulties of travel in
the Highlands during the last century or two. The following
letter from John Dickson to the laird of Glenorquhay shows how
personal luggage was conveyed : —

" I have been telling your man that I have a mind to send a
little tronk with some of my wifes, and my own best clothes to the
Highlands. And, therefore, as I desire rather to be beholden to
you than others, so I must in this calamitous tyme crave pardon
to be so far troublesome to you as to desire that you would at any-
time within this fortnight send one of your tenants wuth a naig
and creilcs on him with the bearer hereof, also to carr)^ the said
little tronk to your house of Finlarg, tfec."

The following remarks occur in Dr Cha])hane's journal of a journey
to Kilnivuck in 1750 : — " From Strathbogy to Keith, six very long
miles, and two bad stonny hills, from Keith six miles to Fochabers
ai-e not so long, |)retty <^'ood road." To Elgin, six miles good road.
Short miles. [X.B. — ^liles very long in this country, cannot go
al)ove three miles' jtnirney riding. Why miles so long ?] A certain
Lord luiviug asked "a gentleman whatgreat advantaL^es Murrayshire
had over other counties, was told it had three — that they had 40
miles of ])etter road than in most counties ; almost always better
weather ; and the third was they had but one Lord among them
(Lord Murray), and he had no interest or following."

Burt says ot the roads about Inverness (1725) — ^' There is
little need for carts for the business of the town, and when a hogs-
head of wine has to l)e carried to any j)art not far distant, it has
been jilaeed on a kind of frame between four horses, two on a side
fnllowing each other. For not far ofl', except along the sea coast
and Some new roads, the ways are so rough and rocky that no
wheel ]»as ever turned ujon them sinee the formation of the globe ;
and, therefore, if the townsmen wei-e furnished with suihcient
wheelid carriages for goods of great weiirht, tliev would seldom be
useful.''

For hill travelling the sleigh was more useful, and this con-
trivance is still in use for peat carriage and agricultural purposes,
^'ou are all familiar with the luipen or eonical basket placed in a
frame between two trauis, and drawn by the garron along the hill-
side. Though now disused, I have often seen them in use for
])eats in the suburbs of this town, and when on wheels in the
streets. I^»urt further describes the wheels in his day as made of a
broad board, which wore down irrcLCularly, and made a most
uncomfortable and jolting contrivance.

Old Highland Roads. 185

It was not, however, till the rebellion of 1715 that the full
effect of the want of means of communication with the Highlands
was felt, when the Royal troops could not penetrate further than
Blair-Athole ; and so active were the Government in this matter
that, before the rebellion of 1745, roads had been earned through
from Stirling to Inverness, and from Inverness to Fort-WilHam,
and these were found so useful that the work was carried on till
1770, when the annual sum required for their repair was replaced
by annual grants, and the roads ceased, in a large measure, to be
of a military character. At this time there had been about 800
miles of roads made, and 1000 bridges.

x\lthough these good military roads were made, the people were
not disposed to avail tllenl^^elvcs of them, for Burt says, " the
people say the bridges in particular will render the ordinary people
effeminate and less fit to pass the waters in other places where
there are none."

The middling orders say that to them the roads are an incon-
venience instead of being useful, as they have turned them out of
their old ways, for their horses being never shod, tlic gravel would
soon whet away their hoofs, so as to render tlieni unsuitable,
" whereas the rocks and moor stones, though together tiiey make
a rough way, yet, considered separately, tiiey are generally ])retty
smooth on the surface where they tread, and the heatli is always
easy to the feet. To this I have l)een inconsiderately asked. Why,
then, do they not shoe their horses ?

" Ths question is easily put, and costs nothing but a few various
sounds ; but where is the iron, the forge, the farrier, the people,
within a reasonable distance to maintain them ? and, lastly, where
is the principal requisite — mouey ?

" The lowest class, who, many of them at some times cannot
compass a pair of shoes for themselves, allege that the gravel is
intolerable to their naked feet, and the comi)laint has extended to
their thin brogues.

"It is true they do sometimes, for these reasons, go without the
road, and ride or walk in very ineoumiodious ways. This has
induced some of our countrymen, especially such as have been in
Minorca (where roads of thi^ kind have likewise been made), to
accuse the Highlanders of Spanish obstinacy in refusing to make
use of so great a convenience, purely beeause it is a novelty intro-
duced by the English. But why do the black cattle do the same
thing? Certainly for the ease of their feet."

The Parliamentary grants from 1770 to 1783 amounted to
£7000, and for the next twenty yeai-s to £4700. The roads being

186 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

made at tir:<t [Kirtly for military purposes and by military
eugineers, tlie question of gradient Wiuj not so fully taken into
account, and they were often cx])osed to mountain torrents, and
carried up ascents so steei) as to render tliem useless for traffic.
Accordingly, wlien they began to be used for conmiercial purposes,
it was found necessary to alter the lines, and cheaper to do su than
to continue the re])airs year after year.

In 179S the Lords of the Treasury caused a letter to be written
to the Cnmmander-in-t'hicf in Scotland entpiiring whether the
grant ininlit be imuiodiatcly discontinued, and asking him wliat
suggestions he might have to make. Sir Ralph Abercromby, the
th'.Mi Ci.ijiuKtndi'r in Chirf, says that the roads in riuestion are U'>
longer necissary in a military point of view, and is inclined to
l)elieve that the counties throu-jh which the roads pass are now in
a situation to maintain them. Tlie bridges were erected without
any Parliamentary aid, but he believes it im[)ossible that they can
be supported unless (Jovernment will allow a certain sum annually
to the counties through which the military roads run. The result
was that the (lovernment did not at once abandon the roads, but
gradually (limiui^hed the mileage till it was reduced to about 530
miles. Amongst those so abandoned was the road from Fort-
Augustus to (ilenshiel, which was, however, only a partially made
road at best.

In 1S02 a Select rommission was appointed to investigate the
whole (]ue>tiou of Xaval Stations of the Caledonian Canal, the
Fisheries, and Emigration (which was then prevalent), and Thomas
Telford was apjiointiHl their engineer. The result of this was the
Highland Hoads and liridges Act in 1S03. The military roads
kept in rcjiaii- by tlic (iovernment in the various counties were as
follows : -Perth, 1 IS miles; Klgin, 41; Nairn, 16; Argyll,?";
Aberdeen, ?u ; IVuill" 10 ; Inverness, 181 ; Dumbarton, 20 —
Total, r).)0. The annual averaire cost was £.") per mile. Tin*
returns in is 11 show about 8:i.') miles of new roads made and
maintained in the iiiuldands, or in all (including the military
roads which were finally taken over by the (/ommission in 1814)
1363 miles. The mainteuance of these roads continued in the
hands of the Conmiissioners till August, 1S62, when the grants
were finally witlidrawn, and the burden of maintaining the roacK
and bridL^cs transferred to the (!ounties.

The character of the old military roads differ much from those
afterwards constructed by the Commissioners. They were
essentially military, and their use is well put in a report by the
Highland Society of Scothunl in 1814, in arguing for keeping in
repair the old roads at th(^ ]>ubli(' ex])ense : —

Old Highland Roads. 1^1

" Though these roads are not necessary for the purpose of
miUtary communication, yet if they be not kept in repair the
intercourse betwixt the Highhinds of Seothuid and the Southern
part of the kingdom will ni a great degree be at an end, to the
great disadvantage of both, as the South receives annually by the
conveyance of these roads a great supply of sheep, cattle, wool,
and other articles from the Northern and Highland districts, Arc.

" Besides, if these roads were allowed to fall into disrepair, it
would be in some places impracticable, and in others tedious and
dirticult, to marcii troops from the South to the important Northern
and Western stations ou the coast of Scotland, or for the judge to
perform the eii'fuits, A'c.

"In populous and cultivated districts, roads not only serve as
the means of connnuuication from other parts of the country, but
are highly valuable for agricultural, conuuerciul, and other local
purposes. In the Highlands the case is widely ditlcrent. Roads
are there signally valuable to the country at large by atlbrding
means of communication between dist:uit })arts of the kingdom,
and opening u]) tracts cajiable of im])rovenjent and increased
jK>pulatiou ; but to the barren districts through which they pass,
capable of no agricultural improvement, inhabited only by tlie
she}»herd and his dog, they are of comparatively little value, in
some instances actually none, and therefore inca]»able of being
maintained by the locality through which they pass."

The making of these military roads, or (ieneral Wade's roads,
as they are called, occupied the soldiers from about the year 1722
and 1723, till near the en<i of the century, and 1 may here give a
sketch of the mode in which they were carric<l out. (Jencral
Wade having taken careful siu-vcys in the Highlands, was ]»reparcd
to set to work in 172"). His ])lan was founded on the old lioniau
method of doing the work by the s«tMiers, and allowing them extra
pay. P^ive hundred men were sele<'ti'd for the purpose, an<l
engineers and surveyors sent from Kngland, one of thes«' being the
well-known Ca])taiu i>urt, wiiose account of the Hiuhlands has
ever since formeil a valua\)le source for modern invest luators. In
the sununer season (during eleven ye^rs) 500 men weie employed.
The privates were allowed (id a-day over and above their ]iay, a
corporal 8d, and a Serjeant Is : this extra jjay being only for
wt>rking days.

By 1735 the greater ])art of the roads were finished. One of
the first roads made was from Fort-William to Inverness, and
Lord Townshend, Secretary of State, on 16th August, 172G, writ-

188 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

ing from Killiwhininien (Fort-Au^istus), says — " I have inspected
the new road between this place and ForMVilliam, and ordered it
to be enlarged and carried on for wheeled carriages over the
mountains on the south side of Loch-Ness, so that before mid-
summer next there will be a good coach road from that place,
which before was not ])assable on horseback in many places."

In 172G Lord Townshend drove in his coach and six from
Inverness to Fort-William, to the great wonder and delight of the
peof)le. This wa3 the same machine, as Burt tells us, that was
brought by the coast road to Inverness from the South, and of
which, he said, the peo})le saluted the driver, and little regarded
the great folk inside. In 1728 the great road from Inverness to
Dunkeld was made, a distance of 90 miles ; about 300 men were
employed on it. Speaking of provisions. Wade says — " There is
so great a scarcity of thiMU in this barren country I am obliged to
bring my Ijiscuits, cheese, etc., for the support of the workmen
from Edinburgh by land carriage, which, though exi)ensive, is of
al)solute lU'cessity," One of the most difficult bits ot road making
was the j-ass of ('orryarrick, wliich leads from Dalwhinnie to Fort-
Augustus. (Jcueral Wade was keenly alive to the importance of
getting the roads ojiened up for tratlic, and was in corres])ondencc
with Cullod 11 (President Forbes), and stationed himself, in 1729,
at Dalnacardoch, in order to got the main road pushed on. Both
President Forbes and (Jeneral Wade had their eyes open to the
plotting going on amongst the .lacol)ites. In this year the great
wheeled eai-riage was for the first time seen in Badenocli. The
(Jenernl and Cullodcn met at Kuthven in Badenoch, and held a
consultation, 'i'lie fornirr returned to Dalnacardoch and the latter
to Inverness.

Tlie el i mate ami isolation seem to have told on the men, and
the (Jeiur.il liad to give them an entertainment from time to time,
(hie of tlK'se is described as taking ]>lace at a spot near Dalna-
s]»idal, op}Mtsite tl»e ()|>eniiig of Locli Garry. The working parties
met uikKt their (ttiieers, and formed a S(piarc surrounding a tent.
Four oxen were roasted whole, " in great order and solemnity, and
four ank(M"s of brandy were broached." The men dined at fresco^
the Genond and officers in their tents. Tlie beef was excellent,
and loyal toasts were drunk. The gut^sts were Sir Robert Clifton,
Sir Duncan Campbell, Colonel (iuest, and ^lajor Duroure. A
similar entertainment was given at Corryarrick hi October, 1731.
It is thus described by a .Mr Macleod, ])rol)ably the laird of Dun-
vegan. " ri>oii entering," he says, "a little glade among the
hills, lately called Laggan-a'-Bhainne, but now by the soldiers

Old Highland Roads, 189

Sungburgh, I heard the noise of many people, and saw six great
fires, about which a number of soldiers were very busy. During
my wonder at the cause of this, an officer invited me to drink
their Majesties' healths. I attended him to each fire, and found
that there were six working parties of Tatton^s, Montague's, Mark
Ker's, Harrison's, and Hampside's regiments, and the party from
the Highland companies, making in all about 500 men, who had
this summer, with indefatigable pains, completed the great road
for wheeled carriages between Fort- Augustus and Ruthven. Being
the King's birthday, General Wade had given the detachment a
feast ; six oxen were roasted, one for each party."

Perhaps the most graphic, as well as amusing, account of
travelling and the roads in the beginning of the last century
is that given by Lord Lovat on his way south in 1740. He says,
writing from Edinburgh, " I took a journey from my own house to
come up here the 30th of July with both my daugliters, but if I
was aa much of an observer of freits as I used to be I would not
have taken journey. For two days before I came away one of my
coach mares, as she was stepping into the park, drojxl down dead,
as if she had been shot with a cannon ball. The next day, when
I went to bid farewell, one of the hind wheels of my chariot broke
in pieces, that kept me two days to get new wheels." He then
says, "I came off on Wednesday, the 30th of July, from my own
house ; dined at your sister's, and did not halt at Inverness, but
came all night to Corribrough with Evan Baillie and Duncan
Eraser, and my chariot did very well. I brought my wheelwright
with me the length of Aviemore in case of accidents, and there I
parted with him, because he declared my chariot would go safe
enough to London ; but 1 was not eight miles from the place
when, on the plain road, the axletree of the hind wheels broke in
two, so that my girles were forced to go on bare horses behind
footmen, and I was obliged to ride myself, tho' 1 was very tender,
and the day very cold. I came with that equi})age to Ruthven
late at night, and my chariot was pulled there by force of men,
where I got an English wheelwright and a smith, wIkj wrought
two days mending my chariot , and after paying very dear for
their work, and for my quarters two nights, 1 was not gone four
miles from Ruthven when it broke again, so that I was in a miser-
able condition till 1 came to Dalnakeardach, where my honest
landlord, Charles M'Glassian, told me that the Duke of A thole had
two as good workmen at Blaire as were in the kingdom, and that
I would get my chariot as well mended there as at London ;
accordingly I went there, and stayed a night, and got my chariot

190 Gaelic Society of Inverness-

very well mended by a good wright and good smith. I thought
tlien I WIS ])retty secure till I came to this place. I was storm-
stayed two (lays :it Castle Drummond by the most tempestuous
weather of wind and rain that I ever rememljer to see. The
Dutches of IVrlh and Liidy yUiry Drummond were excessively
kind and civil to my daugJiters and to me, and sent their chamber-
laine to conduct me to Dunblane, who hap])ened to be very useful
to us that day, for I was not three miles gone from Castle Drum-
mond when the axletre of my fore wheels broke in two, in the
midst of the Hill betwixt Drunnnond and the bridge of Erdoeh,
nnd we were forced to sit in the Hill with a Boisterous day till
Chamberlain Drunnnond v.as so kind as to go down to the Strath
and bring wrights, and carts, and smiths, to our assistance, who
< bagged ns to the i)lain, where we were forced to stay five or six
liours till there was a new axletre made, so that it was dark night
before we came to Dunblaine, which is but eight miles from Castle
Drunnnond, and we were all much fatigued. The next day we
came to Lithgow, and the day after that we arrived here, so that
we were twelve days on our journey by our misfortunes, which wa^s
seven days more than ordinary ; and 1 bless Cod we w-ere all in
pretty good health, and 1 found my son in good health and much
ini])roven."

In 1720 Sir Arehib;dd (irant of ^b)nynnlsk says: — " In my
'arly days, soon after the Union, husbandry and manufactures
were in low esteem. Tuini])S in field for cattle by Krle of Rothes
and very few others, were wondered at. Wheat almost confined to
K ist Lothian, inclosurcs few, and j Wanting very little, no repair of
reads, all bad, and very few wheeled carriages. No coach, chariote,
or chaise, and few carts north the Tay. In 1720 I tould not in
<*hariote get my wife from Aberdeen to Monymusk. Collonel
Midleton, the first wli(» used carts or waggons there."

It is extremely interesting to trace out the roads now, and I
had the pleasure of going over many miles of them during the ])ast
season. They seem to have been well made and bottomed, and
the bridges well built, generally with a semi-circular arch of the
roughly blocked whin and gneiss stone of the locality, and they
stand well even to this day. When a broad burn liable to a S]>ate
<rossed the road, it was carried over the road by a carefully
pitched causeway, and it is extraordinary hov; well these pitchings
have stood. 1 crossed many of them between Fort-William and
the Devil's Staircase, at the head of (ileneoe, and they are as good
now as when laid. The ordinary ]iortion of the road has been
nmch damaged through nrglcct, and the soil has been in a large

Old Highland Roads. 191

measure washed out between the stones, so that, tliougli looking
satisfactory at a distance and well marked over the landscape, yet
when one cc»mes to examine them carefully and closely one finds
the roads are much weathered, and the soil washed out from be-
tween the stones, making the walking fully as rough as the
ordinary hill-side, and more like the bed of a mountain torrent.
So much for the up-keep of these roads. In fact, it would seem
that one or two seasons of neglect are sufficient to render them
almost useless for anything but a cattle track. Along the line of
these old tracks one can trace the signs of the encampments, and
often the more melancholy remains of the grave yards, where many
of the soldiers died. This is very evident at Kinlochmore, where
in a little i)ark near the bridge the lines of graves are yet to be
seen, and some remains of bones may be seen about. The road
through by King's House and (ilencoe must have been one of great
labour and difficulty, and the portion called the Devil's Staircase
a series of traverses even more ditticult than the far-famed Corry-
arrick. Some of the bridires were of remarkable size, and recjuired
^eat skill in construction, and are wonderfid monuments of
perseverance and skill, notably that at High IJridge, Lochaber.

One of the most remarkable old bridges is at Carr-Bridge, of
which only the arch ring now remains. *'The s])an of this bridge,"
says a correspondent, '* is 34 feet ; width over softet, 9 feet 3
inches ; and within ])arapet walls, 7 feet. Tlie bridge is founded
on rock, and from the pieces of timber yet seen a little above the
springing of the arch, the centres used in throwing the arch were
supported on the north side l)y beams built into the masonry, and
on the south side were supported by uprights resting on a ledge of
rock. As to its history, 1 doubt you will not get any authentic
record anywhere, unless, perhaps, among the old paj)ers in Castle
Grant. Old Peter Grant of Sluggan, who died la.^t year, aged 96,
stated some years ago that the grandfather of Mr humming, the
present tenant of Lethendry (who is a man between fifty and sixty
years of age), told him that he crossed this old bridge with a
wedding party, but that the bridge was then in a very dilapidated
condition. We may, therefore, safely take for granted that the
bridge was in ruins for the last century. This being the case, the
building must date far back from General Wade's time." It is
possible that the bridge may have been erected by Churchmen
before the Reformation.

It is unnecessary for me to go into any lengthened account of
the work of the Highland Roads and Bridges Committee. They
are well known to you all, and are splendid monuments of the skill

192 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

of Telford and the late Mr Joseph Mitchell. They have lasted the
greater part of a century, and look as if they might well stand
many centuries more.

I pro[)osed to myself at the outset of this paper to discuss the
effect of these roads on the Highlands ; but really I think it is
almost unnecessary, as the evidences of material prosperity and
advancement are round us in every direction, and although placed
at some disadvantage at present from the keen competition which
transport has brought with it, yet, on the whole, the state of the
working man and crofter is infinitely better now than ever it was
in olden times. It is mainly in those districts where roads are few
and far between that the })Opulation is congested and non-pro-
gressive. Whether in some case it would be worth while to make
roads may be doubted, yet the benefit of such communication is
undeniable so far as the immediate district is concerned. The
expenditure on Military and Commissioners' Roads has been of
infinite service to this country. I refer you to a map giving the
roads made and under consideration in 1805, which shows better
than I c;ui explain tlie distribution of the roads and the extent of
road-making.

Although the roads were available and stage coaches were
running in the beginning of this century, yet the great county
families did not always avail themselves of the public coaches, but
continued the old practice of posting with the same hoi*ses all the
way to London. While looking over a wonderful collection of old
carriages in the coacli-house of the late Sir George Dunbar, with
great C springs and nnnble behind, I remember remarking to the
old coaehuiiin that these carriages were worthy of being put in a
museum. He replied, '* Many's the time I have driven them to
London all the way." On expressing my astonishment that they
should have l)een so recently in use, he said, " Ah, sir, these were
the fine old times. We used to leave here about the end of
October and reach London in about two months, travelling each
(lay about 30 miles, and staying ten days or a fortnight in Edin-
burgh to dine with the lawyers and settle our law pleas. When
we got near London we would meet other families also going in,
and the young folks would have rare times. W^e left London
about the beginning of April, and took a similar time to reach
home. Of course," he said, " we often had to rest the horses and
get them shod, and such events lost us a day now and then."
'JVavelling, though more comfortable now, has, I fear, lost much
of its picturescpieness ; and though the tourist sees more of the
country, he knows less of it and the people than in the good old

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 193

slow-going days, when men took time to look at the country and
to know the people.

7th MARCH, 1888,

At this meeting Brigade-Surgeon Alexander Grant, Gameron
Barracks, and Mr Henry W. Frascr, Commercial Bank, Inverness,
were elected members of the Society. Thereafter the Secretary
read the first part of a valuable paper by Mr E. D welly, London,
on "Gaelic Proper Names." We expect to be able to give Mr
Dwelly's paper in full in our next Volume of Transactions.

2Ut MARCH, 1888.

At the Society's meeting on this date Ian Macpherson-Grant,
yr. of Ballindalloch ; Dr Kerr, Inverness ; and Frederick, C.
Keeble, of Morel Bros., Church Street, Inverness, were elected
ordinary members of the Society. Thereafter the Secretary read a
paper, contributed by Mr Alexander Macpherson, banker, Kingussie,
entitled " Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch." Mr Mac-
pherson's paper was as follows : —

SKETCHES OF THE OLD MINISTERS OF BADENOCH.

Part I.

In giving the Sketches which follow — meagre and imperfect as
many of them are — let me say, by way of preface, that in addition
to a summary of the succession of the Protestant Ministers of
Badenoch since the Reformation, I have attempted merely to give
such bits of odds and ends, gleaned from various sources, regard-
ing them as might be deemed of general interest.

While no great pre-eminence can, perhaps, be claimed for any
of their number, no District north of the Grampians can, upon the
whole, boast, I believe, of a more creditable succession of able and
faithful Ministers, in whose comparatively humble history the
general life of the Church in the Highlands, during the last 300
years, could be better exemplified. The Reformation in Scotland,
as is well known, was completed by the action of the Estates of
the Kingdom in 1560. " On the 17th of August of that year the
Confession of Faith drawn up by John Knox was adopted. On

13

194 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

the 24th of the same month, Acts were passed annulling all
previous Acts relating to the Church. The Pope's jurisdiction
within the Rcuhu was al)olished, and an Act was passed making it
criminal to say or hear mass. Confiscation of goods was the
punishment of the first oflence, banishment of the second, and
death of the third, toleration being not understood, and still a
long way off. A commission was also given to Knox and others to
draw up a book of regulations for the new Church. The result of
their labours was the production of the first Book of Discipline.
Four ordei-s of oliice-bearers in the Church were appointed, the
Superintendent, the Minister, the Elder, and the Deacon. It was
])rop()sc(l that the possessions of the ancient church should be
appropriated for the three great purposes of the maintenance of
the ministry, the education of the youth, and the sustenance of
the \K)i)r. rnfortunately, througk the cupidity of the Barons,
into whoso hands nuich of the Church's endowments had fallen,
tins excellent arrangement w\as never fully realised, these raj)aciou8
gentry sneeringly calling it ' a devout imagination.' " At the first
meeting of the (Jeneral Assembly of the Reformed Church, held in
December following, a resolution was passed "to ask at the Estates
of Parliament and Lords of the Secret Council for eschewing of the
wrath and indignatione of the Eternall (Jod that sharpe punish-
ment be made upon the pei*sons underwritten .... whilk
sayes and causes masse to be said, and are present thereat."

For a considerable time after the Reformation many Parishes
in the Highlands had to content themselves with the services
simj>ly of a Reader or Exhorter, " who on Sundays read to the
congregation j)assages of Scripture and public prayers from a
printed Liturgy, but neither j)reached nor administered Sacra-
ments." It gives us an idea of the spiritual destitution prevailing
in the Highlands, tuul the intermittent character of religious
ordinances ni these early post Refonnation times — as compared
wuth the sui)erabundance of the present day — when we find that
two such large and important Parishes, and so far apart, as Aber-
nethy and Kingussie were under the sole care of "John Glas,
Reader and Exhorter in the Irische lounge'' — the district of Rothie-
murchus being also, for a time, under his care.

In the extremely interesting work, " The Parish of Strathblane
and its inhabitants from early times," recently published by Mr
Guthrie Smith of Mugdock Castle, Strathblane, a very instructive
picture is given of the Church services as performed over a great
part of Scotland for the first seventy or eighty years after the
Reformation : —

sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 195

" At seven o'clock a.m. the chiirch bell begins to toll to warn
the inhabitants to prepare for service. At eight o'clock it again
repeats the summons, and all betake themselves to the sacred
building. On entering the Church the congregation reverently
uncover their heads, and, kneeling, put up a silent prayer to God
for His blessing on the service. Mr Cuik, the Reader, who is
'decently clad in grave apparel,' having called over the roll or
catalogue of the congregation, and marked all absentees to be
dealt with, proceeds to the lectern, and reads from the * Book of
Common Order,' the first prayer of the service, the peoi)le all
kneeling. This was called the ' Confession of our sins,' and is a
beautiful spiritual composition. Other prayers from the Liturgy
follow, and the congregation rising from their knees, Mr Cuik, in
an audible voice, reads over a suitable psalm, when the people all
standing sing it to the reguUr tune wliicli wivs printed along with
it in the psalter. The singing ends with the Gloria Patri in these
words —

* Gloir to the Father and the Sone
And to the holie Gaist,
As it was in the beginning
Is now, and aye shall last.'

The reading of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments is
then proceeded with, and this bringing the first part of the service
to a close, the bell again rings, and Mr Cuik leaving the lectern,
Mr Stoddert, the minister, wlio has just come from Campsie, enters
the pulpit and kneels for some minutes in silent devotion. This
done, in a ' conceived' or extempore prayer, he })rays for illumina-
tion and assistance in preaching the Word, and for a teachable
spirit in the hearera. He then puts his hat upon his head, as do
ail his audience, and gives out his text. It is nowhere recorded
whether this ancient minister of Strathblane was a man of gifts
or not, but taking it for gi-anted he was, he would be fre(]uently
interrupted during the delivery of his discourse, as Wius tlie custom
at the time, by the applause and approbation of the peoi)le. The
sermon being concluded, a prayer for the whole Estate of Christ's
Church follows, the service ending with the Lord's Prayer and the
Creed ; another Psalm is then sung, the blessing is j)ronounced,
and the people separate. In the afternoon they again assemble ;
the children of the congregation are publicly examined in a portion
of the Catechism, which being concluded, the minister gives a short
discourse on the doctrines they have just been handling, and the
blessing being pronounced, the service ends. . . . After the

196 Gaelic Society of Inuerness,

morniug and afternoon services, the people gave themselves up to
recreation and games, for while attendance at all the services of
the Church was rigidly enforced, at this early time lawful sports
and amusements, after service was over, were tolerated, though
not altogether approved of, by the Church. In fact, it did not
seem to bo thought an improper thing for a minister to keep a
public house, provided it was a well-conducted one, as the follow-
ing from the proceedings of the General Assembly of 1576
proves : —

* Ajie Minitter 01^ Header that tapis ale heir or wyne and keeps
an open taverne sou/d be exorted be tJie Commissioners to keep
decorum.^ "

But, without further introduction, let me proceed to give the
succession of the Ministers of Badenoch from the Reformation
down to the present time. In the case of the Parish of Kingussie,
tliere have been, I find, during that period eighteen Parochial
Ministers ; in Alvio fifteen ; and in Lago^an twenty — the average
duration of the incuiiiboncy of the several Ministers in each Parish
being eiirhteen, twenty-two, and sixteen yeai*s res])ectively. From
the existing Records of the Presbytery of Abeniethy, which date
back to 172*2, I have gleaned several particulars as to the acts and
history of the ministers of Kingussie and Alvie subse(iuent to that
year. Unfortunately, however, as regards some of the earlier
ministers, 1 have succeeded in obtaining but little information
beyond the bare record of their names, with the addition, in some
cases, of the duration of their ministry.

/. PARISH OP KINGUSSIE.

1. JOHN GLAS, READER AND EXHORTER.
1567-1574.

Is stated to have been "Reader and Exhorter in the Irische
trmnge at Abernethy and Kyngussie in 1567. Presented by
James VI. 14th March, 1572. In 1574 Rothiemurchus and
Kingussy were also under his care, with ijxx l.i. (.£1 6s 8d) of
Stipend. He studied in 1578."

2. ARCHIBALD HENDERSON.
1574-15—.

3. ANDREW MAKFAILL OR M'PHAIL.
1584-1589.

Presented by James VI. and translated from Farnua (Kirkhill) m
1584

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 197

4. ANGUS MACKINTOSH, A.M.
1614-1643.

Mr Mackintosh had been a student at the University of Edinburgh,
where he took his degree in 1606.

6. LACHLAN GRANT, A.M.

1649-1670.

Presented by James Lord Gordon, and translated from Moy and
Dalarossie in 1649. Accompanying Mr Grant from Moy to
Badenoch as part of his belongings came a bevy of not less than
five fair young daughters. To the ever-susceptible Macphersons,
in whose country they had now settled, the attractions of the fair
strangers proved irresistible, and they were all s])eedily absorbed
in that great clan — three of Mr Lachlan's daughters marrying
Lairds and the others men of substance and family. The dutiful
daughters perpetuated their father's name in their offspring, and
" Lachlan," in consequence, subsequently became a Christian name
of very common occurrence among the Macphersons. Mr
"Lachlan" died 6th April, 1670.

6. HECTOR MACKENZIE, A.M.

1670-1688.

Native of Sutherland. Translated to Inverness in 1688.

7. DONALD TAYLOR.

16— -1701.

Entered Session Clerk at Foveran, 17th February, 1678. Officiated
as Preacher or Minister at Kingussie till 1701, but was not
" legally settled."

8. JOHN MACKENZIE.

370M709.

Formerly of Inverchaolain. " Intruded at Tarbert." Came to the
Highlands " being skilled in the Irische tongue." Translated to
Laggan in 1709.

9. DANIEL MACKENZIE, A.M.
1709-1715.

From Knockando. Translated from Kingussie to Aberlour in
1715.

10. LACHLAN SHAW, A.M.
1716-1719.

Native of Rothiemurchus. Educated at Ruthven in Badenoch.
Was for sometime Parochial Teacher at Abemethy. Subsequently
distinguished himself, and became well known as the Historian of
the Province of Moray. " I well remember," he says in his
History, " w^hen from Speymouth (through Strathspey, Badenoch,

198 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

and Lochabcr) to Lorn there was bnt one School, viz., at Ruthven,
m Badenoch, and it was much to find in a Parish three persons
that could road or write." Translated to Cawdor in 1719. Died
Minister of the fii*st charge at Elgin, on 23rd Febniarj, 1777, in
his SMh yoar, and was buried in the Cathedral there,

11. WILLIAM BLAIR.
1724-1780.

For a period of five years after Mr Shaw's translation to Cawdor,
Kingussie was left with(»ut any Minister. Mr Blair, who had been
previously Assistant at Olenlivet, was inducted as Minister of the
Parish ni 1721. The following extract from the minutes of meet-
ing of the Presbytery of Abernelhy on 16th September of that
year, \\\wi\ his induction took ]>lace, gives a sad picture of the
state of the Parish at the time : —

*'The Prcs])ytery liuds that there is no Eldership in the Paroch,
appoints him" (Mr Blair) "to get a legall one (/nam jnimum and
to take can^ that the Parochial Library be according to the original
List which is given him by the Presbytery. The Presbytery find
there is neither Manse nor Church in rej)aire, no utensils but a
bason. Mr Blair is aj>j)ointed to have all tliese got in good order
and to re])()rt."

During the earlier years of Mr Blair's ministry, considerable
olistacles a] 'pear to have existed in the way of regular communica-
tion bet A\ cell (liilerent parts of the })arish. In addition to other
go<»(l services rendered by iiim for the benefit of his Parishioners,
he succeeded in jx-rsuadiuL,' the Pre>bytery of Abernethy to enter
into a contract for building a bridge^ across the River Tromie
between the old village of Ruthven and the District of lush and
Invereshie, on the south side of the Spey, the cost hting defraijed
out of th'- '' vdcnnt sffj^rfids' of Ki}i;/nss/f\ Here is the record of
the procedure as narrated in a Minute of Meeting of the Presbytery
held at the " Dell of Kyllihuntly" on 2r)th April, 1728 :—

*' Mr Blair rej)orted that he made intimation of the Presbitry
meeting this day to the Duke of (cordon's Doors and the other
gentlemen in the Parish of Kingussie, and that they were now
I»resent as wcn- the Ma.sons, viz., Adam Ih'own, etc. Then the
Parish of Kingussie and said Mas(»ns being called comj)eared Peter
Gordon, Door to the Duke of Gordon, James Macpherson of Kylli-
hinitly, ^Lalcolm ALacpherson, Ardbylach, John Macpherson of
Benchar, and several others witii the said Masons. Then the
Moderator represented the design of this day's meeting and that it

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 199

was proper to inspect the bounds to see which is the most conven-
ient place for building the said Bridge. Upon which the Presbytery
with the gentlemen aforesaid and workmen did inspect the bounds
and found and determined that the fittest place for building the
said stone Bridge on Tromy was twixt the said Dell and Kylli-
huntly, where there are rocks on each side of the water fitt for a
foundation. Then having consorted anent the cost of building the
said Bridge, Adam Brown, Mfisoii from Dunkell, did undertake to
build a sufficient stone Bridge upon tlie said water eight feet
broad within Lodges and thirty foot wide twixt Land and Stools,
as also make a sufficient causey on the said bridge, and afford all
materials and finish the same before the 1st of September next, for
the sum of four hxmdred and forty pound Scots" (about £3G 13s 4(1
sterling money), " as also to give sufficient Baill, viz., Peter Mac-
glashan in Kirktown of Blair of Atholl for })erfoniiancc. I'hen the
Presbitry condescended to the whole, providing the Duke of
Gordon, who is now at Edinburgh, be satisfied therewith. And
appoints Mr Chapman Commissioner from the Presbitry to the
General Assembly to cans draw up a Scroll of the said condescend-
ence and show the same to the Duke of Gordon, enquire his mind
thereanent and report."

Here is the Report made by Mr Chapman at a Meeting of tlie
Presbytery held at Kingussie on 7th June following : —

" Mr Cha])man reported that he waited upon the Duke of
Gordon at Edinbur^'h and infonned of the Presbitry 's agreement
with Mjusons for building a stone Bridge on the Water of Tromie
near to Ruthven, and did show him the contract thereaneut, with
which the Duke was satisfied and returned his thanks to the Pres-
bitry for their care in the said afiair. . . . Then tlie ^fasous
being called and having signed the said contract as did their
Cautioner Peter Macglashan in Kirktown of Blair of Atholl as also
did the Moderator in name of and appointment of Presbitiie. It
was appointed that a j)recept for three hundred merks Scots should
be given to the Masons upon Dougall Macpherson, Collector of the
vacant Stipends of Kingussie."

The Bridge thus erected appears to have met the requirements
of the District for a period of nearly 100 years, until in 1832 it
was widened and repaired by Sir George Macpherson Grant of
Ballindalloch and Invereshie (the grandfather of the present Sir
George), who had become the Proprietor of the extensive property
on both sides of the Tromie from its source in the Forest of Gaick
to its fall into the Spey.

200 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

From the long distance and the want 1 50 years ago — long before
the days of stage-coaches or railways — of any regular means of
transit, the benefits of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh can have
been availed of only to a small extent, if at all, by the people of
Badenoch. And yet, little as they could aftbrd to spare at the time
out of their very scanty sporrans, collections in aid of that noble
Institution appear to have been periodically made in the Church
of Kingussie. In a Minute of the Presbytery of date 26th
January, 1731, it is recorded that '^ Mr Wm. Blair did this day
give in ten shillings sterling to the Moderator as the collection
of Kingussie Parish for the Infirmary at Edinburgh to be trans-
mitted." That similar collections were made in all the congrega-
tions within the bounds of the Presbytery appears from the
following cntrv in the Presbytery Records, of date 27th April,
1731 :—

" This day the collections for the Infirmary at Edr. were deli-
vered to Mr Lewis Chai)man to carry south, viz. — From Abemethj,
£1 4s Od ; from Kingussie, £6 Os Od ; from Kirkmichael, £1 48
0<1 ; from Alvey, £6 Os Od ; from Cromdale, £13 16s Od ; and
from Duthil, <£18 Os Od ; and the said Mr Lewis Chapman was
apjxl. ])y the Presbytery to deliver the said money to David
Spence, Secretary to the Bank of Scotland, and get his receipt
therefor."

In view of the prominent part the Macphersons had taken in
the Rising of 1715, the Government of the day, two or three years
later, deemed it expedient, for the ])urpose of overawing the nume-
rous Jac<^l)ites in Badenoch at tlie time, to erect, on the site of the
old Castle of the Corny ns, the Barracks at Ruthven — the ruins
of which still exist, hi 1733 (and probably for some years pre-
viously) it would appear Mr Blair held, from the Committee for
managing the Royal Bounty, the appointment of preaching
monthly to the Comi)any of the Royal forces by whom the
Barracks might for the time be garrisoned, for which an annual
salary of £10 was allowed to him. The fund known as the
" Royal Bounty," it may be well to exj)lain, is a donation of £2000
which, for a very long period, has been annually given by our
successive British Monarchs for extending the benefits of the
Reformation in the Highlands and Islands. From the first the
Conmiittee have been charged to appoint their agents to such
places as they shall find, after due information, to be the most
proper according to the design expressed in the Royal Warrant.
In so doing, it is stipulated that they should have " particular

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 201

regard to such parishes in South Uist, Small Isles, Glencoe, Harris,
the Counties of Moidart, Glengarry, Lochaber, and the other
Parishes of the Synods of Glenelg and Argyll which the Committee
shall find, by reason of their vast extent, by prevalence of Popery
and ignorance, and other unhappy circumstances, to be in the
greatest distress."

Before Mr Blair could " get up his sallary " from the Com-
mittee, he required to obtain the attestation of his Presbytery to
the effect that he had duly preached at the Barracks, in terms of
his apixiintment. Evidently a bit of a tiff had arisen between
himself and his Presbyterial brethren in connection with this
aj)poiutment. At the time the *' Icgall stipend " of Kingussie
amounted only to ** about 800 merks " — barely exceeding in
sterling money that of Goldsmith's immortal parson. In the
present day the Minister of such a large and important Parish as
Kingussie would hardly be regarded — as the Presbytery of Aber-
nethy a century and a-half ago apparently regarded Mr Blair — to
be " passing rich with £40 a-year." The following Extract from
the Presbytery Minutes of date 28th November, 1733, shows how
jealously the Presbytery guarded — even to the extent of doing
injustice to one of their own body — against what, to their col-
lective wisdom, appeared " needless " expenditure of any portion,
however small, of the Second King George's Royal Bounty ; —

" Mr Wm. Blair having applyed for an attestation of his
preaching monthly in the Barracks of Ruthven in order to get up
his sallary for this last half year from the Committee for managing
the Royal Bounty, the Presbyteiy refused to grant the same — 1
Because they know not if he did preach there or not ; and, 2d
because they were of opinion that the application of the Royal
Bounty that way did not answer the Royal design and recommen-
dation. Upon which ^ir Blair protested and took Instrument for
this reason, viz., because he had laid before the Presbytery the
Barrack Officers attestation signed by three Ruling Elders showing
that he had preached monthly there. To which Protest and Reason
the Presbytery returned this answer, 1, yt the Barrack Officer who
signs said attestation was not in North Brittan till August last
and therefore could not attest for what did proceed said time, and
the rest who sign said attestation are not Elders ; and 2d, they told
Mr Blair that preaching at said Barrack was needless in regard
that the Kirk and Manse of Kingussie are within less than an half
mile to it, and that for ordinary there are not above forty or fifty
soldiers in it, and that that fund had been better bestowed on a
Catechist than on a Minister who has a legall stipend already."

202 Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

Notwithstanding the precautionary measures adopted in Bade-
noch by the Government of the time, the Macphersons continued
to cherish towards the House of Stuart — albeit the many grievous
failings of that unfortunate dynasty — an unswerving fidelity and
devotion that " no gold could buy nor time could wither." The
skiiinisk between Mr Blair and the Abeniethy Presbytery as to
preaching in the Barracks at Ruthven took place, it will be seen,
in 1733. Twelve years later the Macphersons, with their Chief —
"the devoted Ewen of Cluny" — at their head, flocked to the
Standard of the " King of the Highlanders," regarding as they did
— like the "wee bird" in its touching and sadly-burdened song —
" Wae's me for rrincc diarlie'' — the Badenoch liills,^in which,
wandering as a fugitive after Culloden, he for a time found refuge,
as "6// n''//(t his din.'' Had he perished at Culloden, we would
have never heard of tlie li-^roic Flora Macdonald, and have alto-
gether lost a cha])ter (»f Iliuliland loyalty and devotion than which
there is nothing nmrc touchinLT, or of deeper interest in the annals
of our ccunitry. But in view (.»f his later history and the closing
scenes of his life, a greater lustre would undoubtedly have attached
to his niemory had he fallen at Culloden, fighting as he so gallantly
did against sueli overwhohning odds. But this by the way.

Previous to the sad disaster on " bleak Culloden Moor," Prince
Charlie's ailherents succeeded in obtaining possession of the Royal
Barracks at liuthveu. Overthrown by that disaster, and realising, in
some measure, h<tw little they could trust to the mercy of that
"bloody butcher" the Puke of Cuiriberland — whose inhuman cruelty
is, I believe, unexampled (except in the case of "the Massi\cre of
Glencoe") in the annals of r»riti>h History — the remnant of the ill-
fated followers of I'rince Charlie lied to their native fastnesses.
On the way so far south they met at Ruthven, where, after holding
a brief couneil of war, and settinir fire to the l>uilding to prevent
the Barracks beimr used again l»y the forces of King George, they
disperhCil, neverni(»re to reassend)le. The following extract from
The Scots Mn<i(i:in<' for May, 1746, indicates to some extent the
success subseipiontly attending the ellbrts of Mr Blair as a peace-
maker on behalf of some of his unfortunate i)arishioners : —

"Brigadier Mordatnit, with the Royal Pultneys and Sempels
Battalions and six piieces of canon, arrived at Perth from Inverness
by the Hill Road and met with no disturbance in their march.
They l)urnt some Rebels (?) H«nises and nonjurants meeting
houses in the way. Several people in the Parish of Kingussie in
Badenoch who liad been seduced and compelled (?) by the Rebels

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 203:

to join them went to Blair in Atholl conducted by Mr William
Blair their Minister, John Macpherson of Benchar, and Donald
Macpherson of Cullinlin, and delivered iip their arms to Brig.
Mordaunt, submitting themselves to the King's mercy. They
were all permitted to return home peaceably."

The Abemethy Presbytery of the time appear to have been
fully alive to their duties as a Court of the Church, and to have
been in the habit of making periodical visitations of all the congre-
gations within their bounds. Most systematically and thoroughly
indeed were these visitations gone about, and a})parcntly with the
best results. When the Presbytery visited Kingussie, there were
first the most minute enquiries made as to the ])ersonal behaviour
of Mr Blair, his care of his family, the soundness of his doctrine,
its suitableness to the capacity of the congregation, and his minis-
terial diligence. The conduct of his Elders and Deacons was then
enquired into, and the extent to which the people attended and
profited by the administration of ordinances. The diligence and
faithfulness of the schoolmaster, the state of the " Fabric k" of the
Church, the amount of the " legall stipend" and the "Connuunion
element money" were in their tuni corsidercd by the Presbytery —
even the condition and number of the *' Church Utencilea'' being
regarded Jis within the scojje of their en(|uiries. On the occasion
to be immediately adverted to we are told that they did not hesi-
tate to " call" for the appearance of the Beadle of Kingussie,
although that officer hacl " dy'd" and passed away from their
judgment " a fourth night" previous to the date of the visitation.

In the present day, when we hear so much of careless and
inefficient Ministers, and the necessity of our Highland Presby-
teries exercising a more effectual supervision over the Ministers
and Kirk-Sessions within their respective bounds is so apjiaivnt,
the following Extract, giving an elaborate account of a visitation
of the congregation of Kingussie fully 150 years ago, is certainly
very instructive : —

** At Kingussie, June 24, 1735.

" After prayer met in Presbytery Mr Francis Crant, Moderator,
Masters James Chapman, William Grant, William Blair, George
Grant, Lewis Chapman, Alexander McBain, James Lesly, Archibald
Bannatin, Alexander Eraser, Hugh Grant, Alexander Irvine, Alex-
ander Ross, John Grant, Riding Elder, and William Barron, Clerk.

" Mr Blair prejvched on his Ordinary, viz., 2 Tim. 2 19 — * And
let every one that nameth the name of Christ depart from Iniquity.'
and he being removed the Presbytery entered on the Consideration

04 Gaelic Society of Inuernesa.

of the Sermon, and the several Brethren's minds having been asked
thereanent, it was approven off and he being called in this was
intimated to him.

" Then the Minute appointing this Diet of Visitation was read
and the edict ai)pointing Mr Blair to sunimond the Parishoners to
this diet was called for and Mr Blair informing that it was served,
it w^as sustained.

" Then the Presbytery called for the Report of the Committee
appointed to visit the Session Records and they not being as yet
in readiness to give in their Report, Mr Irvine was added to their
number and they ap])ointed to be in readiness to give it in against
to-morrow at Alvie.

" A List of Eldei-s and Deacons was called for and given in,
viz. : — Donald McPherson in Culnlion, Robert McPherson in
Druniinaoinich, John McPherson in Ruthven, James McPherson
in Invertroniie, Andrew McPhei*son in Knappach, William Gol-
anach in Farlettor, Thomas Oig-McPhei*son in Foeness, John
McPhoi-son in Ardbrylach, P>lders ; James Rain in Inveruglass,
AVilliam Davidson in Ardbrylach, John McRae in Banchor, Deacons,
wlio being called were i)rc:<ont except James McPherson, William
Golauach, and John MjRae, for whose absences excuses were given
and sustained.

*' The Presbytery considering that a Visitation has not been
held in this i)lacc for a considerable time past* thought proper to
aj»point a Member to explain the nature of a visitation in the Irish
Language for the sake of tlie Conunonality. Then Mr Blair was
removo(l and particidar questions put to the Elders anent his
personal behaviour and care of his Family, the soundness of his
Doctrine, the suitableness of it to the capacity of the Congregation
as far as they were able t.) judge, and anent his Ministerial dili-
gence, to all whiih tliey gave satisfying answei's, whereupon Mr
Blair was called in and cneouraired to go on in the Loi:d's work.
Then the Klders and Deacons were removed and Mr Blair was
asked the ordinary ijuestions about the Constitution of his Session,
the conduct of the Klders and Deacons in their respective families
and their care and diliironee in their Offices, to which Mr Blair
answered that some of them had othciate as Elders for a consider-
able time behn-? his admission without legal ordination, but that
he has not as yet been able to prevail eitlier with them or with
others, he has fmnid it neee>sary to add to their number since, to
submit to legal onlinatiou, yet he hopes in some little time to be
in case to give the Presbytery more satisfying accounts anent the
orderly constitution of his Session, and as to the other questions
relative to them he uave satisfying answers.

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 205

" Then the Minister, Elders, and Deacons were removed and
the ordinary questions were put to the heads of Families anent
their conduct and if they had any reason to complain of any of
them either as to their personal behaviour or tlieir discharge of
their respective Offices, to which satisfying answers being given
they were called in and encouraged.

" Then the Minister and Elders were asked as to the people,
whether they duly attended Ordinances, were profiting by them, and
if they were subject to discipline, to which very agreeable and
satisfying answers were made.

" Then the School Master, who is also Precentor and Session-
Clerk, was removed, and the Session and people asked with respect
to his diligence and faithfulness in his Offices, and they having
nothing to object he was called in and encouraged.

" The Beadle being called for, Mr Blair reported that their
Beadle dyed about a fourth night agoe and that they had not fix'd
on another as yet.

" The Presbytery enquired about the Church utenciles, and it
was answered there was onl^ a Bason and a Communion Table
Cloath which were in Mr Blair's custody. And as to the poor's
money Mr Blair referred to the Register for the account of it.

" As to the Fabrick of the Church, it being visible to the Pres-
bytery that it yet wants part of the Roof and other re])arations,
the reason was asked why that work went so slowly on, to which
it was answered by Mr Blair and the Heritors present that apphca-
tion was lately made to the Dutchess of Gordon's Chamberlain, the
proper person to uplift the Fund appointed for the Reparation of
the Kirk, and it was hoped the work would very soon goe on. The
Presbytery appointed their Moderator to write the said Chamber-
lain intreating he may not loose time in making the Fund
effectual, lest the winter come on before the work bo finished.

" Mr Blair being asked anent the stipend how much it was,
answered it was about eight hundred merks, and being further
enquired if there was a Decreet of Plot for it, answered in the
negative, but that it was pay'd according to use and wont ; and
being asked about Communion Element Money answered that by
paction betwixt the Heritors and him the Heritors oblig'd them-
selves to pay fifty merks yearly for Communion Elements. Being
ask*d if there was a Legal Manse, Glieb, and Grass he answered
that the Manse had been declared Legal, and that he was satisfyed
with the Glieb and grass.

" It being asked if there was a Parochial School it was
answered there was not one in terms of the Act of Parliament, but

206 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

thai there was a fu7id of Two Tliousand Merks lying in tJie Laird of
Clunie^s luind the Interest of which teas yearly laid out for maiit-
tainimj a Gravimar School in tlu parish,

"Appointed Mrs William Grant, Archibald Bannatyne, and
Alexander Irvine to inspect the Parochial Library and Mr Blair to
give in a List of the Books thereof that they may report to-morrow
at Alvie.

"Then the Moderator gave suitable Exhortations and encou-
ragement to the Congregation, and the Presbytery adjourned to
Alvey to-morrow at ten o'cloke* and closed with prayer."

When even-thing was found satisfactory, it will be seen that a
word of encouragement from the Presbytery to Minister, Elders,
Deacons, and Schoolmaster, to persevere in every "good work,'*
was not wanting.

The Ptccords of the Presbytery show that in the course of his
l)rolonged ministry Mr Blair got more than one pressing call to
leave Kingussie. So attached, however, does he appear to have
)>cen to the place that he continued Minister of the Parish for the
long period of fifty-six years, bajitising and marrying no less than
tlu'ee generations of the Pansliionei*s. According to the old
l)adenoch rhyme any of the numerous Kingussie " Calums" of the
time in search of a wife had sim[)ly to apply to Mr Blair to have
their wants in that respect supplied, although, SDoth to say,
eligible maidens were not apparently — even in those "good old
<lays" — without some imperfections. The rhyme represents two
Kingussie worthies -the one a weaver and the other a tailor —
<'iigMged in a contest of wit, and is given entire in the delightful
" Snatches of Badenoch song" collected by Mr Sinton, the Minister
of Invergarry, a])|)earing in the CfJdc Magazine. Let me, in con-
nection with these sketches, give the two concluding verses : —

" Gheibh mi bean bho Mr Blair

Thubhairt Calum Figheadair.
'N i chaileag air am beil an spag

Thubhairt Calum Tailear?

"S'ioma Calum tha sinn ann

Thubhairt Calum Figheadair.
Calum dubh is Calum cam

Thubhairt Calum Tailear."

Mr Blair had been fourteen years Minister of Kingussie when
the famous James Macpherson was born in 1738 at Ruthven in the
immediate neighbourhood. The Minister would doubtless be on

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 207

terms of intimacy with the family, and nearly 20 years of his long
incumbency of Kingussie had yet to run when his young
Parishioner (whom he had in all probability baptised) created such
£L furore in the literary world by the publication of the Poems of
Ossian. Here is an illustration of the interest excited by that
publication in the Translator's native parish, as taken from a
quaint diary of Mr Blair's in my possession, bearing to belong to
" ^Eneas Macpherson, which was left him by his grandfather, who
was Minister of the Gosple at Kingusy, Ruthven of Badenoch, in
the year one thousand seven huudred and eighty-one " : —

" It is proposed to open an Exhibition of paintings, taken
solely from the Poems of Ossian, and executed by the greatest
Masters in London. This Exhibition to be called by the name of
Ossian's Hall — Ossian's Gallery — or by some similar appellation.
Such an exhibition would not only be highly beneficial to the pro-
moters, if conducted with judgment and liberality, but would
add a new lustre to the justly celebrated Poems of Ossian, and be
an honour to the country, and a valuable present to the public.
To be conducted upon a plan similar to that of the Shakesperean
Poet's Gallery, and to be under the direction of a certain number
of persons, one of whom to be a[)poiuted Acting Manager. In case
appartments cannot be found in an eligible situation, which may
be judged fit for the purpose of this Exhibition, a new building
will be necessary to be constructed upon the most approved plan,
and in the most centrical situation in London. It is not doubted
that the Poems of Ossian will afford ample scope for tlie i)encil in
all that is grand, sublime, and striking in painting. But in order
to relieve the eye as well as to thro these into a more striking
point of view, one appartmcnt may, without inconsistency, be
furnished with paintings from . . . (Here unfortunately part
of the Diary has been torn away). . . . It is not to be dis-
puted that were it once set on foot it would, in this age of refine-
ment, meet with such high encouragement as not only in the
course of a very few years indemnify the Proprietors in their
expenses, but be a source of gain far beyond conception. An
Exhibition of this kind possesses advantages to the Proprietors far
beyond the generality of adventures of this nature, for in the first
place the paintings which a long course of time does not in the
smallest impair, together with the Building, are a certane fund —
the former indeed, instead of being impaired by the hand of time,
become infinitely more valuable. In the next place the expenses

208 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

of upholding the Exhibition is comparatively very small. One or
two persons to attend at Exhibition hours will be sufficient."

Here is the " Sketch " of the estimated expenditure, as given
in Mr Blair's Diary^ " which would be required to carry on the
proposed Exhibition, and of the profits which are likely to arise
from it" : —

" Ejyenditure,

" Suppose 100 Paintings, at £50 each £5000

"Two Paintings, at £200 each 400

"The Building 1000

£6400

"Besides expense of two men at £40 per ami. Int. on this sum
at £5 p. ct. is £320 p. anni., which, with the men's allowance, will
be £400 p. anm.

" Returns.

" Supposing 100 persona at an average to come to
the Exhibition each day at Is each — which,
from the success exhibitions of a like nature
have, is a moderate caleulatie>n — £5 p. day is
p. anm £1825

" Catalogues at Is each, on which the profit will be
6d p. ct, supposing one-h^df of the compy. to
pureliase catalogues 426 10

£2251 10
"Deduct Expenditure 400

"Balance p. anm £1851 10 0''

This ambitious pro|)osal, notwithstanding the sanguine expecta-
tions as to its success, appears never to have taken practical shape,
and to hare been ultimately abandoned.

Many further interesting odds and ends having reference to Mr
Blair's long and eventful incumbency of Kingussie — extending, as
it did, from 1724 to 1780 — might be given. The sketch, how-
ever, in connection with his Ministry has already extended to such
a length that I must desist. ^Ir Blair died at Kingussie on 25th
December, 1780, in the 87th year of his age and 60th of his
ministry — his remains being interred in the " Middle Churchyard"
there.

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 20<j

12. JOHN ANDERSON.
1782-1809.

Is described by the famous Mrs Grant of Laggan, in one of lier
" Letters from the Mountains " in 1791, as "a person of fine taste,
superior abilities, and extensive information." Got a new Church
built at Kingussie in 1792. Was one of the executors of " Ossian"
Macpherson, who died at Belleville on 17th February, 1796. Trans-
lated to Bellie (Fochabers) in 1809. Acted as Factor and Com-
missioner for the Duke of Gordon, and was appointed a Justice of
the Peace. Objections having been made to his holding these offices,
the case was carried through the subordinate Courts to the General
Assembly. The Assembly declared "that it is impossible they
should not highly disapprove of the Parish Ministers of this Church
engaging in such secular employment as may be inconsistent with
the full and faithfull discharge of their spiritual functions." Mr
Anderson, in consequence, demitted his spiritual charge for the
more lucrative secular offices. It was in reference to the plurality
of offices thus enjoyed by him that the following doggeiel rhyme
got into general circulation during his lifetime : —

" The Reverend John Anderson,

Factor to His (irace,
Minister of Fochabers,

And Justice of the Peace."

Mr Anderson died 22nd April, 1839, in the 80th year of his
age.

13. JOHN ROBERTSON.

1810-1825.

Was for some time Missionary at Achreny, in Caithness-shire.
Subsequently Minister of the Chapel of Ease at Rothesay. Pre-
sented to Kingussie by Alexander, Duke of Gordon, in 1810.
Appointed a Justice of the Peace for the County of Inverness in
1818. An able and faithful Minister, a "clear and unctuous
Preacher," revered and greatly beloved by the people of Badenoch.
Was the favourite Minister of the well-known " Apostle of the
North"— the late Dr Macdonald of Ferintosh.

Died at Kingussie on 4th March, 1825, in the 68th year of his
age and 38th of his ministry — his remains being among the first
laid to rest in the " New Churchyard of Kingussie."

Here is an estimate of his character given in the Inverness
Courts of 7th March, 1825 :—

**In Mr Robertson the Church of Scotland has lost a dis-
tinguished ornament, and his family and Parish have sustained an

U

210 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

incalculable loss. In his character there wab a happy union of
great intellect, fervent and rational piety, unswerving fidelity in
his Master's cause, and zeal tempered by wisdom and controlled by
discriminating prudence. As a Preacher his talents were of no
common order. Possessed of a clear and comprehensive under-
standing, he made the most intricate subjects intelligible to the
meanest capacity. His reasoning was always close, cogent, and
convincing ; his illustrations rich and varied ; his similies in the
highest degree chaste, striking, and appropriate ; his appeals to
the heart i)owerful and persuasive, and these important requisites
of the ministerial character were rendered doubly interesting by
the sincerity and unction with which they were inculcated. None
who had the happiness of hearing him could fail to perceive that
his whole soul was occupied with his subject, and that he felt the
deepest concern for the immortal interest of those whom he
addressed. The sincerity which he displayed in the pulpit he
daily cherished and eminently exemplified in his intercourse with
the world. He was an * Israelite indeed in whom there was no
guile.' He detested that temporising policy which, contrary to
deliberate conviction, accommodates itself to the feelings and
sentiniciits of others. In short, in all the relations of life, but
especially in the doinestic circle, he practised the duties which in
his public ministrations he so earnestly and piously enforcedj
These excellencies were well a})i)reciated by his allectionate flock,
for it may with truth be affirmed that no pastor was ever more
revered and beloved by his people or went down to the grave more
deeply and generally lamented. * The righteous shall be held in
everlasting remembrance." '

In a fervent and beautiful elegy by the " Apostle" of Ferintosh
— considered to be the best of all his Gaelic Poems — the "Ai)ostIe,"
as if standing beside the newly oju^ned grave, and apostrophising
his departed friend, plaintively exclaims that if there were " aught
that could make Heaven to me more desirable besides Eternal
Communion with my God, it is that thou art there before me."
This lament will be found in the Poems and Hymns of Dr
Macdonald, issued by the well-known Gaelic jmblishers, Messrs
Maclachlan & Stewart of Edinburgh. It is much too long to be
given here entire, but the tender prelude to the " Apostle's" song
of sorrow will give some idea of the strains that succeed : —

Tha Baideanach an diugh fo ghruaim ;
A teachdair' aillidh thugadh uaip' ;
'S e bhi g' a charadh anus an uaigh,
Thug sgeula cruaidh r'a aithris dhuinn

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch, 211

Ar learn gu 'n cluinn mi sean is 6g,
Air feadh na t\r\ ri gull is br6n :
Is dhoibhs' d' am b' 4bhaist bhi ri ce6l,
Cha *n eol an diugh bhi aighearach.

'S bu mhor a* mhais e air do sgeiil,
Gu *n robh do ghluasad riamh d'a reir ;
'S bu ghrinn a ch6rd iad sud r' a cheil*
Mar cheum is Umh a' cliuireadair*.

So soothing his sorrow with his own sad song, the bard
recounts the labours of his beloved friend, and so vividly are
these present to the " Apostle" that he actually seems to be
addressing his living counsellor and benefactor.

The following translation of some of the concluding stanzas,
by the late Dr Kennedy of Dingwall, in his " Life and Labours"
of the " Apostle," published in 1866 — meritorious as that trans-
lation is — gives but a faint conception of the touching pathos of
the original : —

" Some have felt the tidings of thy death pierce them as a
sharp arrow that hath reached the marrow of their bones, and there
stuck fast. Theirs is a sorrow that shall not soon dry up, unlike
the grief of others, which is but for a little and then passes away.
As the dew of night on the mountain on a calm morning quickly
passes away, as if it never was, so soon as the sun has cust his rays
upon it, thus some are for a short season sad ; but joy and singing
reach them, and, lo ! their sorrow is away, and it is found no more.
But the showering rain abides not on the surface, but goes down
into the soil, and the deeper it sinks it is the more abiding. Thus
the sorrow of some is but increasing when that of others has quite

passed away Near to the spot where thou Iiast often

stood to preach have they laid thy dust ; and as before thy life,
so now thy death, is each Sabbath giving instruction to thy people.
Some, doubtless, will look with a heavy heart often on that spot
of earth, fragrant to them since thou was laid there. Methinks I
hear one of them thus speaking over thy grave, * Alas, all com-
plexion and beauty have now departed from that noble manly
coimtenance. Nor hand nor foot can this day move. They are
now at rest under the spell of the gi-ave. Tongue sliall not speak,
nor shall ear listen to the wail of the mourner. The eye once so
bright, lively, and loving, that often beamed so kindly on the
children of grace, and through which the tender heart could be so
easily discovered, is now under the seal of death, and shall not

212 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

be opened. The tongue once so skilled to preach to iis the gospel
is now under the strong lock of the grave, and shall speak to us
no more. Oh, ye inhabitants of the grave, what stillness has lain
upon you since your fomi and beauty have departed ! Oh, when
again shall ye move ! The worm shall sleep in the groimd ; in a
(|uiet corner rests the insect during the storms of winter, but with
sj)ring they shall awake again. But when shall a spring amve
that shall arouse the still, silent dwellers in the grave ? When
shall t/irf/ awaken out of their sleep ? A long, long sleep is theii*s !
Leaves shall sprint: out again from the branch, bare and uncomely
though it be to-day ; and in his celestial journey the sun shall
return again after he has gone out of sight. But when shall these
again appear in beauty who now lie withered in the grave ; when
shall those sun-rays reach them tl^at shall give them resurrectitni
from that bed? \'es, warmth shall come after the cold, and day
after the longest ni<;ht ; but when shall day dawn on the grave,
and its lonu niirht be past? But, soul, restrain thy mourning :
• lay shall yet dawn on the grave, and before it the grave's lonir
nii;lit shall flee away, with all that made it dark and frovvninj^.
The dust of him for whom thou hast often wept shall then arise
with comeliness, beauty, and strength greater than though in the
grave it had never lain. grave, employ thy power to-day, for
the King of Hosts permits thee. Yea, extend thy sway, ar.d
swallow up the nations. But boast nt)t of thy might ; for though
it is enduring, it is not eternal. Already the Almighty One hath
won an everlasting victory over thee. And in Him shall His dead
arise — a glorious band, His own i)urcbased possession. Their
tongues shall then no more be silent, for all that made them dumb
is gone."

14. GEORGE SHEPHERD, A.M.

1825-1843.

A son-in-law of his predecessor, Mr Robertson. For some time
schoolmaster at Kingussie. Was Minister of Laggan from 1818 to
1825. Presented by Alexander, Duke of (Jordon, and translated
from Laggan to Kingussie in May, 1825, Joined the Secession of
1843, carrying with him all but a veiy small number of a large
and attached congregation. At the beginning of his ministry
was very imperfectly acciuainted with the old mother tongue, so
dear to Highlandei*s. In coui-se of time, however, he acquired a
wonderful command of Gaelic, although his quaint and broken
phrases in that language, down to the termination of his ministry
in Kingiissie, are still remembered and frequently repeated in the
district. Became Minister of the South Free Church in Elgin in

Sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 213

Octol)er, 1852, and died suddenly, while on a visit to Aberdeen, on
20th July, 1853, in the 59th year of his age. Succeeded in the
Free Church of Kingussie by the present scholarly and much-
respected incumbent, the Rev. Neil Dewar — who has, during the
long period which has since intervened, ministered with great
acceptance to that congregation. Under the auspices of the
Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, Mr Dewar was asso-
ciated with the late Dr Clerk, of Kilmallie, and the late Dr Mac-
lauchlan, of Edinburgh, in the revision of the Gaelic Scriptures,
and is well known as one of the most able and accomplished Gaelic
.scholars of the present day.

15. CHARLES GRANT.

1843-1856.

For some time Minister of Rothiemurchus. Presented by Charles,
5th Duke of Richmond, and translated from Rothiemurchus, 26th
September, 1843. Appointed, as he was, to Kingussie within
three or four months after the Secessijn of 1843, was shunned for
many years by the great bulk of the parishioners, for uo other
reason than that he adhered to the Establishment. The following
incident ser>'es to illustrate the extent to which the persecuting
spirit of the people was at the time aroused, and the painful test
to which Mr Grant's fidelity to the old Church of his fathei-s sul)-
jected him : — The wife of a parishioner of Kingussie, to whom Mr
Grant had shown some kindness, had given birth to a son, and was
visit,ed by the wife of one of the leading Secessionists. After some
remarks appropriate to such occiusions, the worthy visitor referred
to the intended baptism of the child, and, in alluding to Mr
Grant, thus forcibly gave expression, in her native vernacular, to
her feelings — " Tha mi an duil nach hig sibh le spof/an it
chon hoin uisrje chuir am feasd air aghaidh an leinihh^^ —
?.<»., " I hope you will not allow the paws ofth^ Dog ever to sprinkle
a drop of water on the face of the child." That incident is
only one out of many that might be related in the way of showing
that the martyrdoms of '43 were not by any means exclusively
on the side of those who were borne along, with such enthusiastic
plaudits, on the popular Secession-wave of the time. To dwell
upon such incidents would be uncharitable. I allude to them
simply for the purpose of doing justice to the memory of Mr Grant,
who, under the most painful and discouraging circumstances
during the whole course of his ministry in Kingussie, faithfully
endeavoured to do his duty to the best of his ability. Happily,
for the credit of our common religion, and of our common humanity

214 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

the intensely bitter sectarian feeling prevailing between the two
Churches for so many years after the Secession has in a great
measure — especially among the people themselves — passed awaj'.
Pity it is that there are still so many Presbyterian Ministers
throughout the country saturated to such a degree with hair-
splitting propensities. To all fair-minded right-thinking men the
Jicts and utterances of many of these Ministers are sad in the
extreme, and would almost make us despair of our miserable
divisioLs ever being healed. Would that we all fully realised the
shame and discredit attaching to our National Presbyterianism by
the continuance of these divisions, and that by mutual forbearance
and concessions a comprehensive union might be brought about ou
the old stable foundations ! Given the will, the rcay to such a
happy consummation could surely be found.

But to return to the ministry of Mr Grant. Unendowed, per-
haps, with the gifts (often very superficial) which go to make a
popular Preacher, no more clear-headed, warm-hearted Minister, or
one more sincerel}^ interested in the religious and temporal welfare
of the Parishioners ever, I believe, filled the pulpit of Kingussie.
His Minutes in the Kirk-Session Kocords are models of composition
and penmanship. Possessing influential friends in the South, and
disregarding denominational distinctions, not a few of the Bade-
noch lads of the time were indebted to him for a successful stiirt
in life. He died at Kingussie, 29th March, 1856, in the fifty-
second year of liis age, and twenty-sixth of his ministry — his
remains resting in the " New Churchyard," close beside those of
his revered predecesscn-, Mr Robertson. As one of the boys to
whom, in the coui*se of his Ministry, he showed many acts of
kindness and encouragement, let me gratefully pay this humble
tribute of respect to his memory.

16. ALEXANDER CAMERON.
1856-1857.

Native of Tomintoul. Sometime assistant to Dr Macpherson,
IVofessor of Greek in the University of Aberdeen. Presented by
Charles, 5th Duke of Richmond, and admitted as Minister of
Kingussie 26th August, 1856. Died at Kingussie 9th April, 1857,
in his thirty-first year, after a l)rief but greatly appreciated
Ministry of nine months.

17. GRIGOR STUART.

1857-1866.

Native of Cromdale. Was for some time Minister at Kinloch-
luichart, and subsequently at Rogart. Presented by Charles, 5th

sketches of the Old Ministers of Badenoch. 215

Duke of Richmond, and inducted as Minister of Kingussie, 29th
September, 1857. Acted for some years as Clerk to the Presbytery
of Abemethy. Possessed of great natural ability and shrewdness,
was a pithy and practical preacher, and a genial and popular
minister. Died at Kingussie 4th September, 1866, at the early
age of 41, greatly regretted by the parishioners and by numerous
friends throughout the Highlands. His remains are interred in
the new chiu-chyard, but unfortunately no tombstone has been
erected to mark his resting-place. Let me express th: hope that
this omission will yet be supplied. I may, perhaps, be allowed to
state that Mr Mackenzie, the postmaster of Kingussie, will be glad
to receive contributions from any old friends of Mr Stuart's who
may be inclined to join in paying such a fitting and well-merited
mark of respect to his memory.

18. KENNETH ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, M.A., LL.D.

1867.

The present Minister. Is one of the three sons, devoted to the
Ministry, of the late John Mackenzie, M.A., Minister of Lochcarron,
of whom only two now survive. Of these three sons, one of their
number (the much-respected Minister of Ferintosh) two or three
years ago filled the highest position in the Church — that of Mode-
rator of the General Assembly — with great credit to the Highlands
and the universal satisfaction of the whole Church. His brother
(the present Minister of Kingussie) succeeded their father as
Minister of Lochcarron in 18.56. Presented by Charles, 6th Duke
of Richmond, and admitted as Mhiister of Kingussie 7th March,
1867. Has thus been now Minister of the Parish for 21 years.
Is well known far beyond the bounds of Badenoch as a faithful
and excellent clorg^^nian, and as one of the warmest, most active,
and intelligent friends of education hi the Highlands. Degree of
LL.D. bestowed upon him by his Ab7ia Mater, the University of
Aberdeen, in 1887. Has been Chairman of the Kingussie School
Board (with the exce{)tion of a short period) since the passing of
the Education Act in 1872. Is also the energetic Secretary of the
Ladies' Gaelic School and Highland Bursary Association, which,
for many years, has done such good work in the way of giving a
higher education to Gaelic-speaking lads connected with the
Church of Scotland, and encouraging such of them as may be
found suitable to study for the ministry.

Dr Mackenzie is unwearied in his exertions in the way of pro-
moting the good of the parishioners of Kingussie generally. I am
sure I simply echo the cordial wishes of the people of Badenoch

216 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

when I express the hope that he may be long spared in health and
strength to go out and in amongst us.

The Sketches of the Ministers of Alvie and Laggau must be
reserved for a future paper. In concluding these imperfect
sketches of the Ministers of Kingussie since the Reformation, let
me, in connection with the present ecclesiastical state of the parish
— with its two Presbyterian Churches, not many yards apart,
and its Catholic Chapel, or Mceting-Housc — quote the following
lines from our old friend. Professor Blackie's, " Lays of the High-
lands and Islands" : —

" Three Chiu'ches in the village stand ;

This serves the State and that is Free,
The third doth own the Pope's command,

And God in Heaven claims all the three.

*' All units from one centre flow,
And all the strangely- woven strife

Of high and low, and swift and slow,
Makes music in a larger life.

" As the huge branches of a tree

Clash, when the stormy buftets blow ;

Hostile they seem, but one they be.

And by the strife that shakes them grow.

''So the vast world of adverse things,

That witli a reeling fury nod,
liattles of Churches and of Kings,

Have one unshaken root in God.

" Who this believes will fear no harm
From counted articles or beads ;

There's room in (iod's wide-circling arm
For all that swear by all the creeds.

" Creeds are but school books kindly given
To teach our stammering tongues to spell

His name ; all help the good to Heaven,
And none can save the bad from Hell."

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 217

28th MARCH, 1888.

At the meeting held on this date the following were elected
ordinary members of the Society, viz., Mr D. Cargill, accountant,
Koyal Bank, Inverness ; Mr John Campbell, jr.. Inspector of Poor,
Kingussie ; Miss Helen Mackenzie, 7 Palace Road, Surbiton,
Surrey ; Mr George Macpherson Grant, Ballindalloch ; and Mr
Ronald Macdonald, teacher, Central School, Inverness. Thereafter
Mr Roderick Maclean, Ardross, read a paper entitled " Notes on
the Parish of Alness." Mr Maclean's paper was as follows : —

NOTES ON THE PARISH OF ALNESS.

Two years ago I had the honour of reading before this Society
a paper on the topography of the Parish of Rosskeen, in which
some friends in the Parish of Alness were so much interested that
they wished me to prepare a similar paper on their Parish, which
I have done, and now take the liberty of reading. I hope those
friends and others will find a few things in it which will interest
them.

The Parish of Alness lies to the north of the Cromarty Firth,
extends in a north-westerly direction a distance of 16 miles — its
greatest length ; and its greatest breadth is 7 miles. It comprises
an area of 72 square miles. Except conipanitively small portions
south and east of Fyrish, at Boath and at Glenghiss, the whole is
pastoral and mountainous. Several ot the hills reach elevations
of from 2000 to 2700 feet. By the Ordnance Survey of 1881, the
extent of arable land is 3050 acres, and of moor, wood, tfcc, 43,297
acres.

The Rev. Mr Angus Bethune, Minister of Alness, in his statisti-
<jal account of the Parish published in 1797, gives tlie origin of the
name thus : — " Alness signifies the Promontory, a headland of the
river or brook, being composed of the words Auilt, bmok, or
Amhain, river ; and Ness, a headland, which is the termination of
many places where there is a headland or promontory," 1 cannot
agree with Mr Bethune in this derivation. There is a headland
where the river enters the sea, but the Norse have not left their
mark at all in place names in that district. The promontoiy
immediately West of the mouth of Alness river is called a
"rudha," and the promontory immediately East thereof, at
Invergordon, is also called a " rudha " (Celtic) ; and all the old
place names, both along the shore and inland, from Dingwall to
Nigg, are Celtic, so that I conclude we must take Alness to be

218 Gaelic Society of inuerness.

derived from Celtic words. When I was a boy, old people
pronounced the word " Anes " — the " e " being silent, so that I feel
I must adhere to the same derivation as I gave in my former
paper on Rosskeen, " Ath an Inuis," the ford at the island or flat
land at the river side. The river Alness is a rapid one, and its
banks, along the greater j)art of its course, are precipitous till it
reaches to within half-a-mile of the scii, where it leaves the con-
spicuous terrace (from 70 to 80 feet high) along the northern shore
of the firth. At the foot of this terrace there is a pool called ^^Po/l-
a-cJutrarhaidh,^' — "the turning pool," — where, before the present
through cliannel was cut in 184G-7, the river frequently changed
its course to the west, to the cast, and in different directions
between. Several traces of the channel are to be seen below-
Tcaniuich House on the west side, and towards Dalmore on the
east side. A small stream flowing by the church of Alness, half-
a-mile west of the river, is, at its lower end, called "west ford,"
indicating that it entered a branch of the river there, that there
existed an east ford, and that there was an island or islands
between. Here, tlien, was the easiest place to ford the river, and
tlic old road that passed that way can still be traced. From
recent arehieological discoveries, this place was centuries ago more
populous than the surrounding places. The first Christian place
of worship was built near the ford, and, before the County was
divided into parishes, it is quite natural to suppose the name given
to the churcli would have been EaijIaU Ath-an-Innis — "the church
at the island ford ;" latterly the parish named after the church,
shortened to "Auos," and corrupted to "Alness."

Commencing with the names of the places next the seashore, I
take them succes^sively inland.

Teaninich — Tujh-an-Aoyiaich. The house of the market-place, or
of the assembly of people. The flat at the ford here was a very
suitable place for a market-stance. The markets are now held at
the east side of the river in the Parish of Rosskeen. The present
bridge crossing the Alness from Teaninich to Obsdale was erected
in the beginning of the present century.

In 1799 the former bridge* was swept away during a great flood
in the river. It stood immediately north of the present bridge, and
its foundations can still be traced. In the eastern abutment there

♦ The bridge was built at tlie expense of Lady Lovat, who was of the
Balnagown family, some time after 1635, for convenience to herself when
visiting Balnagown from Beaufort. Lord Lovat got a Charter for the chapel
land and fishings (»f Obstaill (now called tlic fialungH of the River Alness) in
1635.

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 219

was a cell for criminals. About 1750, the last prisoner who
occupied it managed, with the assistance of a friend, to make his
escape by wrenching off the iron grated door during night, a few
hours after he was incarcerated. On the terrace immediately
west of the bridge can still be traced the remains of the entrench-
ment occupied by Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis and a strong body
of men to guard the passage of the bridge during the rebellion of
1745-46. Sir Robert Munro, and his brother Duncan, who was the
surgeon accompanying Sir Robertas regiment, were both killed at
the battle of Falkirk, on 16th January, 1746, and are buried there.

Baiie chreagain — The town of the little rock. The last of this
little rock was removed by the present tenant three years ago. It
was situated to the west of the Parish Church.

The original village of Alness, composed of a number of
scattered houses, stood on this farm, south and ca.st of the Parish
Church. The Alehouse was at the east side of the Church-yard,
its back wall forming part of the enclosure of the Church-yard. In
it parties watching newly-l)uried bodies lest they should be lifted
by doctors si)ent more of their time over the ale stoup than watch-
ing their charge.

The present village was laid off about the beginning of this
century, on leases of 999 years. It is told of one man who, on
receiving his lease from Captain Munro, the proprietor, about 70
years ago, asked would he get a renewal of his lease on the expiry
of the present one. The Ca[)tain said to him, "When your
present term expires come you to me and I will renew it." The
man, quite satisfied, said, " Well, Captain, you were always a
gentleman of your word, and I will take you at your word." In
the middle of the 17th century the farm of Balachraggan
was part of the estate which belonged to the famous Rev. Mr
Mackilligan, Minister of the Parish of Fodderty, who was ousted
for nonconformity to Prelacy. The estate came into his possession
by his wife, who was a lady of the Fowlis family. I am indebted
to the Rev. Dr Aird, Creich, for several interesting reminiscences
relating to this eminent man which are worthy of being recorded,
and I here give them.

**Mr Mackilhgan was admitted to Fodderty 2Gth February,
1656; deprived by Act of Parliament and Privy Council, June
and October, 1662 ; deposed May, 1663. He removed to his wife's
property, below the church of Alness. I heard my father say that
the wood to the south-east of the old toll-bar used to be called
* Coille Mhic Caolagan.'

220 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

" Mr Mackilligan was the leader at the conventicle which wa:s
held at Obsdale, near the sea-shore, and about a mile east of the
river Alness, in the month of September, 1675. Bishop Paterson*
was then Bishop of Ross. His feelings towards Mackilligan were
bitter, and he was constantly on the watch to find cause for Mr
Mackilligan's ai)prehension. At last he was informed of the pn»-
posal to hold this meeting, and to dispense the sacrament — the
only Communion siiid to liave been held in the Presbyterian
Church north of Nairn from 1662 to 1689. Wodrow (Vol. II.,
j)age 285, edition 1829) says — "The design of this solemnity
(Communion at Obsdale) having taken air, the Sheriff-depute, Sir
Roderick Mackenzie of Findon,t a moderate gentleman if left to
himself, by the instigation of the Bishop sent a party to apprehend
Mr Mackilligan. Ex])ecting the solemnity would have been dis-
pensed at Alness, tlie soldiers came there, and, not finding him,
they fell a-pillaging his orchard, which kept them so long that the
forenoon's work at Obsdale was over before they reached."

Records do not ap})arently agree as to the very spot on which
the Conununion was held. Wodrow says — " The holy ordinance
w^as administered in the house of the Dowager of Fowlis."J
Another author, whose name has escaped my memory, says that it
was held in a sheltered ])lace among bushes, and it is traditional
among the people of Rosskeen and Alness that it was held at an
old fir tree, now in the last stages of decay, in a garden immedi-
ately above the farm-liouse of Dalmore.

I believe that the three accounts are parts of a true whole, for
I have a map of Obsdale, dated 1791, which shews the dowager's
house, waste land covered with bushes, and the tree, all on a small
area of ground. My impression is that during the service the

* 15ishr»p l*atersuii dieil 18th January, 1679, aged 75 years. He had fiTc
80118, aud a daughter, wh(» married Major Kennetii Mackenzie of Suddie. — (Dr
H. Scot's " Fasti of Churcli of Scotland."

+ TliiH Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Findon wa.s fourth son of Alexander
Mackenzie, first of Kilcoy. His eldest daughter Lilias married Sir Kenneth
Mackenzie, Haronet of Scatwell. She was bcrved heiress on the death of her
father, mother, aud only brotlier, in the lands of Findon in 1693, and built
the j)resent mansion-house of Findon in 1696. (See '* History of Mackenzies,"
page 425). Hugli Munro was proprietor of Findon in 1673.

X Dr Aird says of this lady that ** she was daughter of Sir Hector Munro,
first Baronet of FowHs, and widow of her excellent cousin Colonel Sir Robert
Munro, second son of Colonel John Munro of Obsdale." In cutting a drain,
about ten years ago, near the site of the dowager lady's house, one of the
w'orkmen found a silver shoe-buckle, with the inscription, " Capt. John Munro
of Obsdale," engrave<i ui)on it, probably the same man as this Colonel John
Munro. The buckle is unfortunately lost.

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 221

minister stood at the tree, the congregation sat, sheltered by the
bushes, close to the tree, and that when they were warned of the
approach of the soldiers they dispersed. Mr Mackilligan, being
the only one wanted, took refuge in the dowager lady's house, and
there dispensed the sacrament to the lady and friends who were in
the house with her. In his search for Mr Mackilligan, the officer
in command of the party of soldiers entered the dowager lady's
house while Mr Mackilligan was there, and I here give, in Dr
Aird's words, how he escaped : — " There was in the house when the
officer entered the famous Sir John Munro of Fowlis, son of Sir
Robert. Sir John was a famous soldier, and an eminently godly
man. He married Ann, daughter of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, first
Baronet of Coul. He was very portly ; if he lay flat on the
ground it would take four men to help him up. When the officer
appeared near the house, Sir John covered himself with his military
cloak, and having taken Mackilligan under the cloak, hid him
behind his immense legs."

Wodrow states that " after the soldiers left the ministers and
people met again in the afternoon and had no more disturbance,"
but he does not state where they met. The tradition is that they
met in a hollow north of Fyrish hill, not on the same afternoon,
but on the following day. "After 1687," says Dr Aird, "Mr
Mackilligan was allowed to preach on his own estate. He sum-
moned Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Findon to law for the damage
his orchard sustained from the raid liis soldiers perpetrated, and
got large damages. With these damages he built a meeting-house
on his estate, where the people assembled peaceably under his
preaching until the Revolution. Owing to an ailment under which
he laboured he required to be near a surgeon, and could not return
to Fodderty, his old Parish, which he was entitled to do, but went
to Inverness, preached there to such as would come to hear him,
but not in the High Church, as the Magistrates and many of the
people were so prelatic that they would suffer none to enter the
pulpit but an Episcopalian, for about ten years after the
Revolution. He died in Inverness 8th June, 1689, and his dust
lies buried there."

The present Parish Church was built in 1782, and the Manse
in 1795. The Church was repaired in 1875, and the Manse having
been accidentally destroyed by fire, except the walls, in 1869, was
renewed the following year.

Culcraggie (Ctd-a-chreagain) — Behind the little rock. The farm
lying immediately north of Balachraggan, and probably formed
part of Mr Mackilligan 's estate.

*?99

Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Coulhill (Cnoc-naCuil) — The hill of the nook, from one of the
nooks at the base of the hill near the river Alness.

Clais-namhuidkeag — The hollow of the yellow flowers. In the
time of the Rev. James Fniser, who died in 1770, this place was
noted for pious women, and it has been said that the minister,
though a man of great learning and ability, often feared to preside
at meetings held by the old women for discussion, lest they should
bring forward points too weighty for him to grapple with. Dr
Aird has in his possession an ivory snuff'-box which belonged to this
eminent divine.

Contullich (Ceann-nan-tulaich) — The end of the hillocks. A
small castle stood here, which was replaced by the present fann-
huuse about the end of the last century. In the beginning of the
last century the castle was occupied by a wild character known by
the name of Eachiann Odiiar na mart — Dun Hector of
the murders. Ills proper name was Hector Munro. He
had a brother at New Tarbat, in Ejister Ross, who wiis
almost as ferocious as himself. Hector was appropriately named
" the murderer," for any man from the heights of the parish pass-
ing along the road, a little to the east of his castle, who would not
take ofT his bonnet, and place it under his arm, would be shot.
He killed many. One man from Kildermorry, who, in passing
by, unfcrtunately omitted to take ofl his bonnet, immediately met
his fate ; and on the report reaching Kildermorrie, a cousin of the
nun-dered man, Ross by name, but better known as " An Liosach *'
((iille-losa), vowed he would put an end to Hector's career. The
following (lay he carefully loaded a sure Spanish nnisket, and j)ri>-
ceeded to Contullich. As he approached the castle he concealed
his nmsket, by keejiiug it pei])endieular at his off side. Ho
observed Hector htauding at an open window, and took off his
bonnet, but s<.»on i\'])lac'ed it, which roused the ire of Hector, who
rushed for his i^nm, came to the window, and aimed, but, before he
could fire, the Kildennorrie man shot him dead, thus ending his
nuirderous career. He had a vault into which he placed the
bodies of liis victims, and only opened for each fresh victim. It is
but natural to su])pose that after Hector's death the ghosts of the
nnu'dered would be disturbing the ])eace and quietness of Hector's
successors in the ciustle. Almost every night footsteps were heard
ascending to, and deseeuding from, one of the rooms, known as
** Maeleod's room," in which was placed the window from which he
shot most of his victims. On one occasion a ghost was so darinjr
as to thrust its hand through the jamb of the kitchen fire-place
and take away a bannock of barley bread from a girdle on the fire.

Notes on the Parish of Alness^ 223

The ghost disturbances came to an end by Thomas Macdonald,*
the tenant of the farm, about the end of the last century, opening
the vault and removing the bones — six cam loban loads, some say
sixteen loads — to Alness churchyard. I knew a man who, when a
boy, saw the bones removed.

Other wild stories are told of Hector, among them that when
he went out to dine he had a naked footman with a fox's tail bound
behind him, running before his horse. On a cold wintry night,
with snow and severe drift, his cattleman, who, while feeding the
cattle, and Hector present, said, "It is cold to-night on Druim-na-
gaoithe" (the windy hill). "You will experience that," said
Hector, and immediately ordered him to make up a burden of
straw, and carry it on his back, over the " windy" and other hills,
to Easter Fearn, on the southern shore of the Dornoch Firth, a
distance of thirteen miles ; and he did it.

At the time of the Rebellion of 1745-46, there lived at Con-
tullich a very strong man. On the retreat of the rebels from the
skirmish at the Little Ferry in Sutherlandshirc, a few of them
passed through this district. One was so severely wounded that
wlien they came to the Dalneich ford of the river Alness he could
proceed no further. His comrades took possession of a horse
belonging to a crofter there to carry him. The remonstrances of
the owner of the horse were re})elled, and his life threatened if he
persisted in trying to retain his property. Consequently, unknown
to the rebels, whose way led by Coutiillich, he crossed the river by
another ford, and reached Contullich before them. He found the
strong man turning over his dung heap with a crojnan, who, on
having heard of his friend's loss, coolly went to meet the rebels,
croTtian in hand, and demanded the hoi-se. On being tirmly
refused, he belaboured them with his uncouth weapon, put them
to flight, and restored the horse to its owner.

Novar (Tigh-an-Fhamhair ) — The giant's house. Tradition has
failed to record who this giant was.

Cnoc Fyrish (Cnoc Faire) — The watching hill. One of the
chain of beacon hills from Fairburn (Faire hraigh cunhuinn) — the
watching place above the river — to Cnoc-na-h-aire, the watching

♦ This Thomas Macdonald (Taylor) was contractor for the carpenter work
of Alness church in 1782. He was a powerful man, and, with the assistance
of a labourer, made the whole of the work within the specified time. He
cleared as much money by the contract as enabled him to take Contullich
faxTCL On account of the constant annoyance he and his family received from
the ghosts, he pulled down the castle, and built the present farm house on the
same site, but clear of the vault.

224 Qaelic Society of Inverness.

hill ill the parish of Tarbet, Easter Ross. There is a curious
monument on the top of Fyrish, which attracts the attention of
strangers. It consists of three arches, and two obelisks on each
side of the arches, gradually increasing in height towards the
centre. It, as well as two other monuments on the neighbouring
hills, was built by General Sir Hector Munro of Novar in the end
of the last centuiy. 1 saw^ in Boath one of the buckets used in
carrying on horseback prepared mortar to the top of the hill for
the building.

Gleann Glais — The glen of the stream. " Glais" is obsolete Irish
for a stream. Hence, anything of the colour of water is called
"glas" by Gaelic-speaking people.

Moultavic ( Maol-duhh) — The black, bare place. The heather
here is black and stunted.

Ducharie (Buhh<har) — The black turn, or bend, in the valley
between Cnoc Fyrish and Cnoc Ducharie.

Ardoch ( Ard-achadh ) — The high field.

Caishhin—'Y\\G name given to a hill once famous for its cheese-
producing herbage.

Driiim-nnn-damh — The ridge of the stags.

MeaU-iin-tuirc — The hill of the wild boar.

Bdnn-nad'ioUaide — The saddle-backed hill.

Cnoc-liath-fad — The long grey hill.

Lealty (Leth A I It duhh )~Oi\q side of the black bum. This
small estate was bought by the late Sir Alexander Matheson
of the Miinros of Lealty in 1846. The extent of arable was small
at the time of purchase, but it is now all improved as far as
j)racticable. There is to be seen at Lealty House the lifting-stone
of the old Munros of Lealty. It is of granite, globular, 2 feet in
diameter, and weighs 7 cwt. It is siiid, on an occasion of the sons
of one of the lairds of Lealty and the heir of the laird of ToUie, on
the opposite side of the river, trying feats of strength, that the
heir of Tollie injured his spine in trying to lift the stone. His
father complained to the laird of Lealty, who, during the following
night, got the stone removed to Lealty burn and sunk it intxi a
deep pool. His sons, having missed the stone the following
morning, made a quiet search for it, restored it to its former place,
and there it now rests, bidding all observers defiance to lift it.
There is a vein of iron ore on this estate. A sample of it, which,
in the end of the last century, was sent to the Carron Company at
their own request, produced 7o per cent, of iron. In 1849, a
Birmingham Company sampled it with the same result.

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 225

Cnoc Alasdair — Alexander's Hill. This hill is situated West of
Lealty. On its south-west slope the remains of seven ancient
British houses are to be seen. They are circular, about thirteen
yards diameter, and the entrance facing the south-east. I cut a
section through one of them, and found in the centre what I took
to be decomposed charcoal. The fire-place was evidently there.

Boath (Both) — A hut. The name is said to be derived from
the hut built by the first occupant of the })lace. This must have
been very long ago. On the farm of Ach-a-cairn — the field of the
cainis — are the remains of several tumuli. These were entire a
century ago, but, within the last 70 years, were removed for build-
ing houses and enclosures. Two of the cairns were large and
vaulted. One had a rude stair descending to the floor, and it had
been the temporary abode of a noted cateran from Lochaber. In
1745 a scene took place near these Cairns which I believe to be
true. It is, that big Donald Cameron from Laggan-ria- Drama,
Lochaber — the leader of a band of caterans who were pillaging the
country — seized a horse which belonged to Donald Fraser, one of
the Boath Crofters. Fraser having observed this, ran to his house
for his nuisket, which was loaded, met Cameron, who was armed
with a loaded musket and pistol, and demanded the restoration of
his horse. Cameron, qualifying his language with a volley o'
oatlis, declared he would shoot Fraser if he persisted in his claim,
and, raising his musket, fired, but the powder flashed in the pan.
He thereupon drew his pistol, but before he could discharge it
Fraser shot him in the breast and he fell. The great-grandmother
(then a little girl) of one of my informants was present herding
cattle, and she saw Cameron rise and fall several times during the
few minutes he lived after having received the mortal wound.
When dead he was stripped of his clothing, and his shirt, which
was of fine linen, was divided among a few who were attracted to
the spot by the reports of the muskets — the girl getting her share.
His shoes were of home-tanned leather, and so large that he had a
bannock of barley bread wrapped around his foot in each shoe.
Some of his upper clothing was again wrapped around his body,
and he was buried in a hole dug at the east side of one of the big
Cairns. The rest of the gang having heard of the murder,
mustered to the spot, and burnt Fraser's house. They further
threatened to bum every house in Boath, but Murdo Mackenzie,
laird of Ardross, who was in favour of the rebellion, interceded,
and saved the dwellings of the Boath people. Shortly thereafter
Fraser left the place and never returned. I knew an old woman
who was said to have been his grand-daughter.

15

226 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

This same girl who was present at the shooting of the Lochaber
man, about the same time observed a stranger for several days
roaming through the district immediately surrounding Boath,
collecting peculiar looking stones, and having collected a quantity
of them, bought several loads of peats, which he built into a com-
j)act stack, with the stones in the centre. He set the peats on
tire, and when they were consumed his trouble was rewarded by
the ashes producing a lump of gold the size of a small hen's eg^.
If this be true, there are more gold -producing stones in Boath, and
t'^e inhabitants should search for them.

The Lairg — Sloping ground, south of the arable lands of Boath
in the pass to Glenglass, is the place to which the raiders brought
the slieep in August, 1792, when they were dispersed by soldiers,
as reported in the paper on the " year of the sheep," in the
Transactions of this Society, 1876-77.

Kildermorrie (CiUe-Mhidre) — St Mary's Chapel, a ruin at the
west end of Loch Moire. This place of worship gave the name
to the loch and to the glen — Kildermorrie. There is a holy well
near the Chapel, which has now lost its former virtue for curing
diseases. Tradition gives another origin to the name of the glen
— Ghmn Moire. Long ago a young man and his newly-married
wife, natives of the West Coast of lioss-shire, migrated to a place
where success would most attend them, and, according to the
superstition of the time, submitted their fate to the falling of a
load from the back of a horse. They therefore put the creels,
loaded with household necessaries, in the ordinary way on the back
of their j)ony, which they drove before them. The pony retained
his load till they came to this glen, when it fell off, and there the
young couple settled, prospered, and w^ere blessed with five
stalwart sons. It happened that on a snowy day the mother went
in search of the cattle, and she not having appeared at the
expected time, her husband and sons got alarmed about her safety,
and went in search. The youngest of them becoming fatigued, sat
down upon a slight elevation to rest. On rising some of the snow
was removed from his seat, whereby he noticed that the seat he
occupied was the dead body of his mother. Her name was Mary,
and in consequence of this incident the glen has been called Glenn
Moire, or Clary's glen. They were said to be the first occupants of
the glen.

Glen Morie could not have been at any time populous, as the
extent of old arable land is small and the elevation high, the loch
being 622 feet above the sea. In the end of the last century
there were only about half-a-dozen crofters. The astonishment is

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 227

that a place of worship should have been erected there. It could
not have been for the inhabitants of the glen only, as they could
not support a priest. The only conclusion that can be come to is
that this was a central station for all the glens in the neighbour-
hood. The priests introduced char into the loch, and they are
still numerous.

In the month of May, 1792, Capt. Alexander Cameron and his
brother Allan Cameron, natives of Lochaber, became tenants of
the grazings of Kildermorrie, which they stocked with sheep. The
crof lei's w^ho occupied the glen were dispossessed, and they removed;
but two men, who had part of the hill grazings from year to year,
inarching with the lands of Mackenzie of Ardross and Munro of
Tcaninich, and took in cattle at a price per head for summering,
were by mistake omitted to be legally warned out, in consequence
of which they retained possession, and, as on former occasions, took
in cattle to graze. These same lands having been let to the Messrs
Cameron, they quit« naturally ordered the cattle to be removed,
which the graziers declined. The result was that the Camerons
poinded the cattle in a fank. The graziers went to the owners of
the cattle and told what the Camerons had done. The owners and
their friends mustered in strong force, and went to relieve the
cattle. The Camerons having seen them approach, mustered their
shepherds to assist them in defending the fank. Both the
Camerons were armed, Alexander with a single-barrelled gun, and
Allan with a double-barrelled gun and dirk. One of his shej)herds
was armed with a chp, made for taking foxes out of their holes,
and the rest with bludgeons. The people demanded their cattle,
but were refused, whereupon the most powerful man of the owners
of the cattle, Alexander Wallace by name, alias " Big Wallace,"
an Ardross man, rushed upon Allan Cameron, seized his gun, and
having overpowered him, took it, as well as the dirk, from him.
James Munro, commonly called " Craggan," disarmed Alexander
Cameron, and Finlay Munro took the clip from the shepherd.
The Camerons and their party were now overpowered and sub-
missive. An old woman, mother of one of the shepherds, then
attacked the party with stones, whereupon one of them pushed her
over a cairn, and broke her arm. The Camerons now got their
choice of two evils, either to quit the place at the following Whit-
sunday, or to suffer themselves to be bound, laid on their backs in
the fank door, and the cattle to be forced out over them. They
chose the first — to remove — which Allan did, but Alexander was
allowed to finish his lease in peace. Several of the party were
tried, but only two, Alexander Wallace and Finlay Bain, were con-

228 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

siderod sufficiently guilty to be tried at the assize, eight weeks
thereafter, during which time they were lodged in jail. The«
evidence brought out that both the Camerons had their guns
loaded with buckshot and ball, and as the parties at the bar did
them no harm, but only disarmed them, they were not found
guilty. Not having been found guilty, they got 4id a day each
as comjicnsation for the time they were in jail. In the following
August took place the famous sheep raid, already taken notice of
before this Society. The glen is now a deer forest, and has been
so for the last 50 years.

There is not much of traditional interest connected with the
other place names in the parish, but 1 may name a few of them,
80 as to give their meaning.

Loneroid — The wild mjTtle bush.
Knock lea — The grey hill.
Bal-a-vihuilinn — Milltown.
Ballone — The marshy town.

Cnoc-iia-Srohie — The hill of the nose ; above the junction of
the Alness and Rusdale rivers.

Ltd t had Riabhach — The greyish slope.
All Claiaionn — The skull.
Meall-toU-a-choin — The hill of the dog's hole.
Meall-mor — The large hill.

C reachrv-nan-sriadan — The bare moimtain summit of the
herrings.

MmU-n<m-ho — The hill of the cows.
Cam Simraichte — The notable cairn.
Coire-nan-Sgulan — The cony of wicker baskets.
Loch-a-chaoruinn — The loch of the rowan trees.
Feiir-lochan — The grassy loch.

Loch Mafjharach — The loch having much fishing bait or spawn
(trout are numerous).

Jiad-a-s(jaUich — The shading clump of trees.
Coire nagaoithe — The windy corry.

As may be expected, many more superstitious tales than those
I have already mentioned are still told by old people, though,
thanks to an enlightened age, they are not believed in. 1 here
give three, and a few others of local interest.

Corjy-cre — A form of human body made of clay. About the
close of the last century the powers of the wizard were not extinct
in the Parish, for they were exercised on the heir-apparent to an
estate in the upper reaches of the Parish. The young gentleman
showed symptoms of decHne, and no medical aid could avail him

Notes on the Parish of Alness, 229

A man whose surname was Mason lived in the neighbourhood, and
it being whispered among the natives that he had communion with
the nether world, suspicion fell upon him that he was exercising
his cantrips on the young gentleman. No counter- wizard of
sufi&cient power could be found nearer than the famous Willox of
Strathspey. He was sent for, and, on examination, perceived that
the decline was owing to a Corp-cr6. It was necessary to find out
the author, of whom Willox gave a de8crii)tion so like Mason that
there was no doubt of him being the mischief-maker. A member
of the family went to Mason's house and bribed one of his
children, a girl, to give information about some things she saw her
father do. aVmong others, she told of the Corp-cr^, which she saw
her father pla:e in a neighbouring bum. She pointed out the
spot, the dicoverer went home, informed Willox, who went to have
it removed, but to the grief of the family W^illox said the clay body
was too far gone to remove the charm, and the young gentleman
must die ; but Willox said that for a suitable reward, if the family
wished, he could transfer the decline from the young man to his
father, who would die instead of his son. This was agreed to ;
the old man in a few days became insane, and shortly thereafter
his earthly career came to an end. The young man was quickly
restored to health, and he lived to a good old age.

At Clais-nam-buidheag a man coming home late from a smuggling
bothy observed a woman standing at one of the windows of his
house in the act of receiving something that was being pushed out
through the window. The woman having seen the man, ran away,
whereupon he rushed forward and caught hold of the object,
which, to his astonishment, was his own child about being carried
away by the fairies. He entered his house quietly and found his
wife sound asleep in bed with a babe beside her. The man lay
down in another bed close to where his wife lay, and took the
rescued child in with him. In a short time his wife awoke, and
found the child she had lying on her arm dead. " My child is
dead," she called to her husband, in a state of alarm. " But mine
is living," said the man, and then told her what happened. The
report soon spread, and the following day many came to see the
dead child, but none could tell whose it was. They feared to bury
it, but, on the recommendation of the Solomon of the place, it was
laid on a gravestone in Alness Church-yard, where it was exposed
for six weeks, to give the fairies an opportunity of claiming it, and
they having not done so, the remains of the body were committed
to the earth.

230 Gaeiic Society of Inuerness.

The girl mentioned above, who saw the Lochaber cateran shot
at Boath, was taken late on a Saturday night by her master to
assist him in spearing salmon on the river Alness. He was very
successful that night, more so than ever he was. The fish came
rushing towards the light of his torch, and none missed his spear ;
each fish as flung ashore was added by the girl to the heap.
Midnight passed, when, to his astonishment, a tremendous fish
came slowly on, its enormous eyes flashing brightly in the rays of
the torch. " The mermaid !" he calkd out, and moved backward,
keeping the spear advanced, till he reached the bank of the river,
when he sprang ashore and ran home, accompanied by the terrified
girl. He, however, returned to the fishing scene when daylight
appeared, and took home the fish ; but he never thereafter went
a-fishing late on a Saturday night.

Past generations were not far advanced in religious know^ledge
in the upper parts of the Parish. I will give two examples.
During the incumbency of the Rev. James Fraser, about 150 years
ago, a Kildermorrie crofter called u]Km him for baptism. The
minister found the man very ignorant. He asked him where he
was brought up. " I was bom," said he "at Bad-a-sgailich, and I
was brought up at Thi(j-a-stae (both in the glen). My education
consisted not in a knowledge of God and religion, but in the milk-
ing of cows, the curdling of milk, the grazing of stots, and, ho ! ho !
on with them.'' " Man, do you know there is a God !" said the
minister. " Do you know yourself there is a God T was the man's
reply ; '^ if there were not a (lod how could a foal come from a
mare, a calf from a cow, or a child from a woman."

My next story shews a degree of clevenness that is worthy of
being recorded. Rev. Alexander Flyter was translated to the
parish of Alness in, I think, 1821. He was a very gentle and
earnest man in religious matters, and did all that lay in his power
to instruct the people under his care. In one of his earliest visits
to the upj)er part of the j)arish, he held a diet of catechising at
Kinloch (Ceann-an-loch), the east end of Loch Morie, at the house
of Donald Ross (Mac Eachuinn). Donald Wiis a famous smuggler,
and a prince of flatterers. He had no great desire for the minister's
visit, which was announced from the pulj)it on the previous
Sabbath, on account of the break it would make in his smuggling
operations that day, but he resolved to be courteous and affable
towards liis minister. There were no roads suitable for springed
conveyances in Boath in those days, so that the minister made the
journey on horseback. When he came, accompanied by the
catechist of the district, in sight of the house, Donald went forth

Notes on the Parish of Alness. 231

in haste to meet him, with his bonnet under his arm, and uttered
as a salutation, " Lord bless you, what a pretty man you are !"
They shook hands, the minister dismounted, and Donald put the
horse in charge of one of his sons, with the instruction to put him
into the bam that he might get his bellyful of com from the heap.
" Do not that," said the minister ; " the horse would injure him-
self. Just give him water and a feed of com." Donald now con-
ducted the minister and catechist into his house, but immediately
turned back to order his son to give the horse a wisp of straw
only. On his return the catechising commenced. " Donald," said
the minister, " I always begin with the head of the family ; what
is effectual calling?" "And what is effectual calling?" said
Donald. " I want you to answer the question," said the minister.
" Indeed, Mr Flyter," said he, " it would be a great shame for me
to open my mouth on such a subject in your presence. There was
never a blessing on this parish till you came to it. You are
BO pretty and so peaceable ; you are not like wild Mr Garment,
who is this day catechising on the other side of the river, frighten-
ing all his people ; you draw the people, and they love you. I'll
not open my mouth ; you are the man to put a question and to
answer a question ; repeat the answer yourself." Mr Plyter
acquired his knowledge of Gaelic after he was licensed to preach,
and was not at the time referred to so fluent in the language as
afterwards, so that he took up the Gaelic catechism and read the
answer. " Indeed," said Donald, "you read it well." The minister
was not satisfied with the knowledge of Donald's children, and
gently reproved him. Donald's excuse was the great distance from
a school and his inability to pay for a tutor, which resulted in the
minister, at his own expense, sending a tutor for a year to instruct
Donald's children. Highland hospitality in those days would not
be hospitality without the whisky bottle. A bottle was produced,
but the quality of the whisky did not please Donald. Another
and another was sampled till the right stuff was got. When the
minister tasted the whisky he suspected it was of Donald's own
distilling, and seriously counselled him, showing him the great
evils resulting from the practice of smuggling. " Do you advise
me," said Donald, " to stop it ?" " Oh, yes I do," said the minister,
who was delighted to get the reply — "Well, I'll never put a
black pot over a fire again since you say I should not ;" but no
sooner was the mmister out of sight on his return journey than
Donald sent one of his sons to turn the malt and another to kindle
the fire under the black pot.

232 Gaelic Society of Inuernesa,

There are many stories told of Donald how he cheated the
" gangers," but I must dispense with them at present, as I would
occupy too much time.

One story more and I am done. Mr Flyter was on another
occasion catechising at Lealty, when John Holme, who resided
tlierc, had put to him the question, " What benefits do believers
receive from Christ at death?" He answered correctly. In
questioning him on the answer, the minister said, " Now, John, do
bilievcn: rest in their graves ?" John replied naively, " There was
a day when they would rest, but now the doctors will not allow
them."

4th APRIL, 1888.

On this date Mr Hugh E. Fraser, Commercial Bank House ;
Mr Hector M'Lean, 28 Old Edinburgh Road ; and Mr Hugh
Fraser, 42 Union Street, Inverness, were elected ordinary mem-
bers of the Society. The Secretary laid on the table a copy of
" The Constitution and Bye-laws of the Scots Charitable Society of
Boston," with a list of officers from the original records of the
Society, iis a donation towards the Hbrary, from Mr John M*Kay,
Ben Reay, Canada. Thereafter, Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A., read
his paper on " Highland Superstition." The paper was as
follows : —

HIGHLAND SUPERSTITION.

The ain: of this short paper on a great subject is twofold.
First, it aims at directing attention to the interest and importance
of the many superstitious customs and beliefs which yet live in
the practice or in the memory of the older people of this genera-
tion, and which are fast dying out ; and it is hoped that members
of the Gaelic Society, and any others who read this paper, may be
stimulated to collect or record what they can discover or what
they know, and transmit the same to the present writer or any
responsible official of the Society. The second aim of the paper
is, in order to further the collection and recording of these fast-
dying superstitions, to supply a body of method — a classification
and order — which will facilitate this object, and, by entering into
details, recall superstitions that would otherwise be overlooked.
A few typical examples are given under each heading, and, as far
as possible, these are superstitions that have not yet been recorded
in any book that deals with the subject.

Highland Superstition. 233

DEFINITION AND DIVISIONS.

Superstition, as a subject of study, is a branch of Folk-lore,
and it will be well to know clearly what is and what is not super-
stition in relation to ether subjects of folk-lore. The custom, for
instance, whereby a band of young people visit the neighbouring
houses on New Year's night — " Oidhche Challainn — calends of
January" — and, midst the noise of beating sticks on dry sheep-
skins, demand in rude rhyme for food and drink, is not a super-
stition ; but when the same young people are refused entertain-
ment by some churlish householder, and they j>romptly go round his
house contrary to the sun's course, or anti- sunwise, an action
which is expected to bring ill-luck, the custom is then on the
borderland of superstition ; this particular action of going sunwise
or anti-sunwise is superstition. Folk-lore has been variously
defined as "the survivals of archaic beliefs and customs in modem
aaes," and as " all that the folk believe or practise, on the
authority of inherited tradition, and not on the authority of
written records ;" but, as often hat)pens. and it is esi)ecially true
in regard to Folk-lore and Sui)erstition, it will be better to define
the subject by giving its contents. Miss Burne, founding on Mr
Gomme's previous work, has produced a classification of Folk-lore
which has been practically ado[>ted by the Folk-lore Society, and
we may therefore consider it as scientifically the best. It is
somewhat as follows : —

I. Traditional Narrative, or folk-tradition, which com-
prises (a) Folk-tales, which include the folk and fairy tales of the
countrj' from Cupid and Psyche or the Bodach Glas to the Wifie
and the Kidie or the merest nursery story ; (h) Hero Tales, where
Fionn and Arthur may figure ; (r) Ballads and iSongs, as we find
them in the Ossianic ])oetry and in lays and lyrics of all
times ; and (</) Place Legetuls and Traditions, which record the
stories of battles, and romances about places, esj)ecially about
caves and Civstles. II. Superstitious Belief and Practice, or
simply Superstition: {a) Gohlindom — ghosts, fairies, brownies,
and local demons — tales of ghosts seen and noises heard, and
practices to ward off the fairies; {b) Witchcraft — witches and
counter-magicians, sj)ell and charm ; (r) Astrology ; and (cC)
Superstitions connected v.fitk material things, such as water, fire,
metals, weather, animals, plants, diseases, and sun and moon ;
divination and folk-medicine being half-way between witchcraft
and animal and plant lore. III. Traditional Customs : {a) Local
Customs ; (6) Festival Customs ; (c) Ceremonial Customs ; and (d)

234 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Games, IV. Folk Sayings : (a) Jingles, Nursery Rhymes,
Riddles, d'c, ; (b) Proverbs ; (c) Old Saws, rhymed and unrhymed ;
(d) Nicknames, Place Rhymes^ and Sayings ; and (e) Folk-
etymology.

In tliis classification, Superstition takes its place as a leading
branch of Folk-lore beside Traditional Stories and Ballads,
Traditional Customs, and Folk-sayings and Folk-etymology. It
comprises beliefs and practices in regard to supernatural
beings, to witchcraft, to astrology, and to the objects of
the natural world viewed as -possessing some supernatural
influence. As a branch of folk-lore, Superstition belongs
to the beliefs and practices of the non-cultured classes;
it is to the men of education and culture in a nation that
these beliefs and practices appear as superstitious. Superstition
is, therefore, a relative matter, and depends on the degree of
culture to which a class, or an individual, has attained. The
religion of a lower race is a superstition in the eyes of a higher
race. Tacitus calls the religion of the Gauls and Britons
superstition and it was a general custom with the Romans so to
dub the religion of any race outside themselves and the Greeks.
Christians regard all other religious systems as superstitions; and
among Christians themselves some regard the beliefs, and espe-
cially the practices, of their neighbour Christians as neither more
nor less than superstition. Many baptismal practices, for example,
of one sect arc, in the eyes of another sect, superstition, not to
speak of postures and vestments which one church may deem
essential, and which another regards with horror. In a similar
way the religion of the same race at a former stage may become
to their posterity a superstition. When Christianity superseded
the old Celtic Paganism in these Isles, it did not, and probably
could not, crush out the old religion. The method adopted in
case of nations outside the i)ale of the old Roman Empire was one
of compromise, for heroic insult to the prevalent paganism achieved
nothing but martyrdom to the missionary. Pope Gregory the
Great, in his letter to Abbot Mellitus, who was on his way to
Britain (a.d. 601), shows the method adopted — "The temples of
the idols in that nation ought not to be destroyed ; but let the
idols that are in them be destroyed ; let holy water be made and
sprinkled in the said temples ; let altars be erected and relics
placed. For if those temples are well built, it is requisite that
they be converted from the worship of devils to the service of the
true God ; that the nation, seeing their temples are not destroyed,
may remove error from their hearts, and, knowing and adoring

Highland Superstition, 235

the true God, may the more familiarly resort to the places to
which they have been accustomed. Aud because they have been
used to sacrifice to devils, some solemnity must be exchans^ed for
them on this account, as that, on the day of dedication or the
nativities of the holy martyrs, whose relics are there deposited,
they may build themselves huts of the boughs of trees about those
churches which have been turned to that use from temples, and
celebrate the solemnity with religious feasting, and no more offer
beasts to the devil, but kill cattle to the praise of God in their
eating. . . . For there is no doubt that it is impossible to
efface everything at once from their obdurate minds, because he
who endeavours to ascend to the highest place nses by degrees or
steps, and not by leaps." Hence we understand that local rites
were consecrated to God ; and the old gods, who were considered
demons, were superseded by the Saints, who now took the place
of the pagan deities as patrons of wells and consecrated spots, and
were even adopted into the literature of the people as the heroes
who cleared the land of the dragons and lake monsters which
required to be appeased by human sacrifice, in this case also
superseding the Herculean demi-gods of the former paganism.
Our present superstition is, to a great extent, a survival from
paganism ; sometimes, as in the case of Charms, there is a con-
siderable remodelling of the old materials to suit Christian names
and ideas. Superstition has, indeed, been defined as "the sur-
vival, in another phase of culture, of earlier religion and science."
Among the Romans superstitio could mean only two things —
either the religion of other races than Romans or Greeks, as we
already saw, or an excess of religious zeal and practice. Theo-
phrastus, a Greek writer of the fourth century b.c., exactly
expresses the classical view when he says that "Superstition
would seem to be simply cowardice in regard to the supernatural."
Following the lines laid down in the foregoing discussion, we pro-
pose the following definition of Superstition, as fairly complete
ami capable of producing a good classification : — Superstition con-
sists in beliefs and practices founded upon erroneous or non-cultured
ideas in regard to the supernatural and its interference in the
phenomena of nature. By " erroneous or non-cultured ideiis" are
meant beliefs and ideas that are rejected by the culture and
education of a people, though held by the non-cultured classes.
Following the lines indicated by this definition, we consider the
subject of superstition in two main aspects — first, the Supernatural
per se, or by itself; and, secondly, the Supernatural in its Inter-
ference in the phenomena of nature.

236 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

A.— THE SUPERNATURAL.

The supernatural which belongs to the religion of the cultured
and educated classes aj)pears also in folk-lore. This happens
jiiostly in the case of invocation to the Holy Trinity, as against
ghr)sts and evil beiuL^s, and in charms. In charms also the example
of Christ and the Apostles is often appealed to in rustic and runic
rhyme. The only thcolopcal being who is dealt with in a
thoroughly j)opular fashion is the Devil. In fact, the devil of folk-
lore is no longer the theological Satiin. He is a thorough Pagan ;
the Mephisto])lieles of Faust reflects the popular idea of the Evil
Power in its best form.

The sui)ernatural of folk-lore includes beings and powers not
recognised by the theology of culture. Besides the folk-lore devil
nnd demons of a like character, there are ghosts of the dead and
ghosts of the living, as well as gliostly manifestations in the form
of noises, lights, and corpse candles. There are goblins of all
kinds — fairies, brownies, uruisgs, and gruagachs. These are land
j)()wers, but there are also sea goblins — water kelpies and mer-
liiaids. This sums genenilly the su])ernatural beings of super-
stition. But the supernatural is not confined to beings; it may
be impersonal — a power diffused through nature and .invoked by
certain actions, or attac^hed to certain persons as gifts — a power of
leechcraft, divination, fascination (evil eye), and luck or ill luck.
It may be invoked by spell and charm, or it may act on the prin-
ci[»k' of symbolism or analogy. The Zulu who has to buy cattle
may be seen chewing a bit of wood in order to soften the heart of
tlie seller he is dealing with, for as the wood gets softer in his
mouth, the other's heart is softcnhig in like degree. This is the
l)rincii>le of the famous Clay Body or corjmn creadha of Highland
witchcraft. The ])Ower known as witchcraft, however, depends
oi. a combination of su])ernatural elements — spells, symbolism, and
i vil eye, with a distinct leaning on the power of the devil, who is
lord and mii-ster ui witches. The supernatural may be therefore
c(>nsi(lered to fall into two distinct divisions. First, Supernatural
Heintfs ; and secondly, ^ni^erndhiral Injiuence^, Powers, and Gifts,
The latter, or second heading, is intimately connected with the
Supernatural in its Interference in nature, and is in fact that
subject in the abstract.

L— SUPERNATURAL BEINGS.

The supernatural beings of folk-lore fall under the three
general headings of (1) the folk-lore devil and demons generally,

Highland Superstition. 237

(2) ghosts and wraiths, and other such manifestations, and (3) the
whole field of goblindom — fairies, brownies, water-kelpies, and the
like.

l.—The Folk-lore Devil.

The devil may appear in manifold shapes, human and animal.
If he appears as a human being, he generally takes the form of a
handsome dark stranger, but he is easily recognised, for he has
hoofs instead of feet — either the cloven hoof of the cow or the
horse's solid hoof. The animal shapes he most affects ai*e those of
the dog and the horse, or rather the mare. He appears, as a rule,
only when men are doing wrong, either swearing or card-playing,
or quarrelling somehow. There are, however, occasions when he
seems to appear without any of these limitations of person or
occasion. Two travellers were crossing the Monadh-lia range,
when they met the figure of a woman running with exceeding
velocity towards Strathdearn. They proceeded a little, and two
black dogs met them coursing along, as if on the scent
of the track of the woman. A little further on they met
a dark man upon a black horse riding after the dogs.
He asked the men if they thought the dogs would over-
take the woman before she reached the churchyard of Dalarossie,
and they said the dogs might do so. The men had not emerged
from the moors of Monadh-lia when the black rider overtook them,
having the woman across the pad of his saddle, with the dogs
fixed in her body. *' Where did you overtake the woman?" said
one of the men. " Just as she was about to enter the churchyard
of Dalarossie," was the reply. When the travellers reached homo,
they heard that the Good-wife of Laggan — a famous witch — was
dead, and then they knew that it was her spirit they saw making
for the holy ground of her burial, and pursxied by Satan himself,
and, alas ! overtaken by him.*

On a Saturday night, a company of rough men were playing
cards in the village inn of Snizort, Skye. Quarrelling and swear-
ing over trifles were going on, when a distinguished stranger
entered without knocking or bidding. He challenged any of
those present to a game with him, and he defeated them singly
and collectively. They then began to get curious as to his name
and business. A card happened to slip off the table, and one of
the players bent down to pick it up, when, horror ! he noticed
that the stranger had horses* feet on him. Concealing his know-

* ** Lectures on the Mountains " (W. Q. Stewart), p. 199, and popular
tradition.

238 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

ledge from the rest of the company for fear the visitor might also
know and get " unpleasant," he went to the hostess. She recog-
nised the gravity of the case, seized a Bible, entered the room, and
shook it in the stranger's face, when lo ! he disappeared as a
blaze of fire up the chimney. Needless to say, the company soon
broke up without more card-playing.

A young man was courting a girl once, and every night visited
her bringing with him presents of all kinds — combs, brooches, &c.
She did not know who he was, and could give her mistress no
information about him. The mistress told her to look at his feet,
and, when she did so, she saw that they were cloven hoofs. When
she called for help, he disappeared in smoke. She died soon after,
and, in trying to biu*y her, they could not lift her coflBn. On
oj)cning the coffin, they found all the combs and other articles
with which she had been presented stuck all over her flesh, facts
which conclusively j)roved that her wooer was none other than the
devil.

The devil may appear in animal forms, especially as a dog or a
mare. A go<lly man in Sutherlandshire saw the devil piissing him
in great haste (godly men and kirk elders have many privileges
in such matters). He asked him where he Wiis going. He wa.s
going, he said, to kindle into a fire a small spark, that fell in a
certain house. The godly man followed him, and saw him enter a
house near. He went to the window, and there he saw the good-
man and goodwife scolding one another, and the devil sitting
between them in the form of a doggie. When one of them was
done scolding, the doggie placed his paw on the other, and kept
them at it. The godly man went in and stopped them. On a
Siuiday morning, the same godly man saw the devil passing in
great haste. In answer to inquiries, he said that as it was Com-
munion Sunday he would require to go and dress the girls of
Golspie, and off he set. We see that there is a moral under all
these appearances. In regard to godly men and elders, any person
is safe from the attacks of the devil if he flies to land tenanted by
such. Their land is " holy ground." A man chased by the
devil made for an elder's land, and when he got over the boundary
line of it, he cried to the devil, " Dare to come into the godly
man's groimd," and history has to record that he dared not.

A Glenelg widow had a shepherd, who, one evening after
returning home, was told that a sheep of the widow's was lying
dead far away in the hills. He was told he mnst go for it, for
fear the dogs would destroy or eat it. But the ihepherd only
blasphemed and uttered imprecations on himself if he should go.

Highland Superstition. 239

Latterly he went, and on nearing the place he saw what he took
to be a fine black mare moving restlessly about. He tried to
drive the mare off, but in vain ] he swore, and this only made
matters worse. • The mare set furiously on him, and left him with
bare life, and with the promise extorted that he would meet her
again at a fixed time and place. And he did meet the mare again
and again, but, finally, on the advice of a good man, he went to
Stratherrick, where he was no longer troubled by his unearthly
tormentor. The man, however, died a violent death. Similarly,
men have been attacked by dogs, and had to keep fighting
appointments with them. It is also the same with a certain class
of ghosts, as we shall see.

A defence against the evil power was found in various ways :
one might take refuge on holy ground, as already seen, or one
might breathe a fervent invocation to the Holy Trinity. But an
infallible method in dealing with the devil, as well as with ghosts
and powers of evil generally, was to draw a circle round oneself.
Against the barrier of this circle, the evil spirit would rush, and
change into frightsome flames, but the flames could not enter the
charmed ring. Or, by bland speeches, he would try to entice the
man outside the circle. In neither case must the man leave the
circle.

The devil is also apt to be cheated by clever mortals. He had
informer times a "black school," or sgol dubky in Italy, where
some adventurous Highlanders went and received training in the
" art that none may name." At the end of the session or period
of training, the pupils were all set free at once from out a dark
room, and the devU stood at the door to seize the last man as they
rushed out, for the last man was his due. The clever Gael cheated
the devil easily. As he came up leisurely, his majesty made a
grab at him, but the scholar objected, declaring there was one
behind him, and pointing to his shadow. The devil then seized
the shadow, and the substantial man escaped, but was ever after
shadowless. In Sutherlandshire, the hero of this tale is one of the
Reay chiefs, called Donald Duival Mackay, said to be first Baron
Reay (1628). In the southern Highlands, as in the Lowlands,
Michael Scott is the hero of these stories.

Donald Duival had a hand-to-hand fight with the devil, and
overcame him. He would not allow him go until he gave him
-whatsover he asked. This was myriads of elves shut up in a box,
or a book with clasps, as some say. The box or book was some-
how opened, and every one of the elves rushed out, invisible, one
version says, and kept crying, " Obair, obair — work, work." He

240 Gaelic Society of Inuemess.

set them to thrasli liLs corn, bxit that was done in a minute. He
then asked them to build him a "square"' or farm out-house, and
it wjus put up in no time. Then he asked them to strip the bill
above his house of its heather. Before he could look about him,
they had all the heather at his side. He then asked them to
build sand mounds in the scii, and they were spoiling the harbours
when he stopped them and asked them to make ropes of the sand.
This they are still w()rkin<; at, it is said, for they have not been
able to hit on a method of makiu^^ ropes of sand purely.* Could
they be allowed to use straw along with sand, they would succeed.
Michael Scott nearly danmied up the Inverness Firth at Fort-
Geort;e by the sand mound which the little men ran into the sea,
and which is still to be seen there.

Sometimes a num l)argains with the devil to the effect that, if
he gets all he desires for a series of years, he will render himself
up to the devil, body and soul, at the end of that time. A man
bargained with the devil once that, if he got tiie power of turning
stones into money, he would give himself up to him at the end of
seven years. He wa^ to deliver himself up to the devil at the end
of his stable. The man got very rich. He took do\\n the old
stable, and built a new one in circular form, so that there was no
end or corner on it. At the close of the seven years, he did not
go out that night at all ; so next day the devil met him, and
accused him of breach of contract. " But," said the farmer, "there
is no end on the stable to meet you at." " Oh, you are right,"
said the devil, " for I was kept running round it all night, and
could not find the end." So the devil did not get that man that
time. Another man got immense power by telling the devil he
would be his when a candle lit at both ends would be burnt
through. As soon as the devil granted the power, the man
extinguished the candle, and safely locked it away, and thus
saved his life, and made himself rich.

2. — Ghosts and Wraiths ; Ghost Noises and Lights.

There are ghosts of the dead and ghosts of the living :
the ghosts of living persons are known im wraiths. Highland
ghosts have nothing very characteristic about them in the present
day. But the old Gaelic ghost seems to have been a very sub-
stantial fellow from what we know of him in the folk-tales. In
the old Irish literature, when heroes like Cuchulinn are summoned

*FoT various versions of these stories, see Miss Dempster in Folk-lore
Journal, Vol. VI., pp. 152-4.

Highland Superstition. 241

back to life, they appear as glorious and golden as when they were
alive. Some Highland tales present the facts the same way. lu
the tale of the " Barra Widow^s Son,"* the good genius of the
piece is a man who turns out to be really a ghost, but the people
he comes in contact with see him in no respect diiFerent from
mortals like themselves. In the same way the secondary hero of
the tale of the " Giant and the Fair Man-Servant,"t the fair man-
servant himself, is the ghost of a body ransomed by the kindness of
the hero. One or two similar tales have been brought together by
the present writer in the 12th volume of the " Celtic Magazine,"
under the title of " Substantial Ghosts." These material ghosts
remind us of the very physical heaven that the classical writers
make us understand the Celts of old believed in.

But the modem ghost is a poor unsubstiintial thing. True,
there arc tales of ghosts that give a good pommelling to those
whom they meet, but the story goes that the man's return blow
falls, as it were, on a windbag. These fighting ghosts make
appointments with their victims, and the latter durst on no
account refuse to meet them. When they return from the
encounter, they look for all the world like men who have had a
stiff boxing match or wrestle with opponents. There arc many
stories of this " bnuser" ghost. %

Why do ghosts walk ? They are ghosts of the unhappy or ci
the avenging dead. When a person dies suddenly and has left
someth'ng unsaid or undone which is of the utmost importance,
his ghost may return. A murdered person's ghost may walk,
seeking to tell its wrongs. The person may have committed a
sin — a murder, theft, or act of injustice. His ghost walks till the
matter is righted. A hidden treasure may bring the ghost back
from its rest. The ghost of a person who is grieved for too much
by his nearest relative may return, for it is an act of insubordina-
tion against Providence to grieve too much for the dead.

How is the ghost to be laid ? It must be spoken to. But
there is nothing upon which superstition is more sure than
that the person who speaks to a ghost never " does a good turn
after." Hence one form of the superstition says that only a good
man should speak to a ghost, as the person who does so must soon
die. If one meets a ghost, he should invoke the Holy Trinity, and
no harm can come to him. Some recommend the repeating of the
23rd Psakn.

• Campbell'8 "Popular Tales," II. pp. 110-29.

tMrs Wallace, ** Celtic Magazine," XIII. pp. 20-8.

+ See Mrs Grant's ** Superstitions of the Highlanders," I., pp. 239, 244-5.

16

242 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

The wraith, or ghost of a living person, appears as a rule only
when that person is going to die, or, at anyrate, is going through
some great crisis, or is to go through some such crisis. Yet the
belief in the Highlands also is that wraiths of persons in good
health and in no danger may be seen. Sometimes sweethearts are
seen ; a man may see the wraith of his fair one, and they many
and are haj)j)y ever after. Those who are gifted with the second
sight can see or feel funerals as they pass along the road ; and
hence arises the caution given to travellers by night : " Never
walk in the middle of the road ; you may get entangled in a
phantom funeral." Some men have nearly got smothered in such
funerals ; others have been carried back miles from their way,
seeing nothing, however, but feeling the crush.* Many are the
stories of death warnings — corpse candles wending their bobbing
way to the churchyard ; the unearthly " tachran" or premonitory
death yell ; the noises of sawing and planing in the carpenter's
shoj), or the lights seen in it, before a coffin is to be made.

It is unlucky to do anything to a tombstone in the way of
damage or removal. A house is haunted if a tombstone, or any
stone connected with a tomb, is used in its construction. A man
once, in building a house, wius in a difficulty to get a stone to suit
for a certain purpose. He noticed a gravestone in the churchyard
that would suit, and by night he abstracted it from there and built
it into the house, having first to chip it into proper smoothness
and shape. When he came to dwell in his new house, he found it
haunted, and so troubled was he with his ghostly visitants that he
consulted the minister on the matter, telling him about the grave-
stone. The minister told him to return the stone to its place, and
this he did. But he did not get relief, for the ghosts came back,
calling " A^rt peinnigearty na peinnit/ean" — " the chips, the chips of
stone !" They wanted all the chips he had broken off the stone,
a thing which it was impossible to collect and restore. And he
had to endure his tormentors.

3. — Fairies and Goblins generallp.

The Fairies. — Of all other-world beings the fairies are the
best known, and possibly the most popular. The Gaelic name for
fairy is sithich, a fairy man is duine slth, a fairy sweethefirt is
leannan slth. They are connected with the tumuli^ or green
hillocks of the country ; and, as these are often the grave mounds
of ancient heroes, and as such a mound is known as sUhean^ which

• See the writer's article on " Phantoms of the Living," Cdt, Mag,, XIL, 827-32.

Highland Superstition. 243

is allied to the Latin sedes (a seat, settlement), the fairy name of
8tth may also be hence derived, as Dr Whitley Stokes suggests.
This might connect them with the dead, and there are some who
hold that the fairies are the departed. But they are likely
descended from the old powers of trees and hills and streams,
answering to the elves of Norse mythology. They are always
represented in the Highlands as little people dressed in green.
Two fairy ladies are thus described to us — " In there stepped two
beautiful damsels, about two feet high and dressed in green.
Their faces were. the most beautiful the people ever saw."

Hallowe'en is their great night. Then cnoc na sltk, we are
told, is open at a certain hour, and many are the stories of way-
farers being beguiled into the open hillock. Here is a typical one
from Wester Ross : — A tailor and a shoemaker were returning
home on a Hallowe'en night from a smuggling bothy with a small
keg of whisky. While passing the cnocy or cathair slth, they saw
it open, and the fairies inside, dressed in scarlet, dancing to
exquisite music. The tailor, on whose back the keg was strapped,
was seized with a sudden desire to have a reel, and, despite the
shoemaker's entreaties, in he went. No sooner was he in than the
door closed. The shoemaker had to turn away disconsolate for
the loss of friend and whisky both. But a year from that date,
and at the same hour, he went to the hillock again ; to his joy he
found the cathair was open, and, on looking in, there was the
tiiilor going round in the reel, with the keg of whisky on his
back. He seized him by the shoulder, and dragged hiin out. But
the tailor expostulated. "Tuts, man, allow me finish the reel,"
for then he believed that he had only commenced a reel that had
already lasted a twelvemonth. Some stories add that among
other proofs that ought to appeal to him was the fact that the
rope fastening the keg had sunk deep in his shoulders.

Mortals may have fairy sweethearts, male and female. A
woman having a leannan sltk is more rarely told of, but many
men in modem times could be pointed out who had fairy lovers.
A Uannan sltk has great power for either good or harm. If, on
the first encounter, the man sees the fairy first, he has her com-
pletely in his power, and she can gift him to become almost any-
thing — mostly to become rich — but she may gift him with musical
powers and kindred arts. On the other hand, if the fairy sees the
man first, the man is in the power of the fairy ; he is her slave,
and must meet her when she appoints it, or else run risk of life.
It is important to see any supernatural being ere it sees the
mortal. A man was one night crossing a river, and when he was

244 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

in the middle of the stream he saw a fairy or sprite under the
bank. Fortimately, he saw it first, so that, when the fairy came
forward and attacked him, he was stronger than it and overcame
it. ** Let me go," said the fairy, " and I will give you your choice
of three wishes — first, to have a beautiful family ; second, to have
abundance of com ; or, thirdly, to get fish always whenever you
set your line." The man chose the latter gift, and ever after his
family was famous for fish-catching.

The fairies get mortal cattle and other goods in this way. When
people say, in irritation or otherwise, that a beast — a cow, for
instance — is not good, when as a mutter of fact she is good, then
the fairies take off that cow, and leave one of their own in its
place. When people say they have not something when they
have, then that belongs to the fairies. All liquids spilt on the
ground, says Grant Stewart,* go to the use of the fairies.

Fairies have a special predilection for the following class of
persons — babies, mothers or wives, and bridegrooms. The change-
ling baby is tlie commonest character in stories of the fairies. In
the Highlands, the belief has been very prevalent that the fairies
would steal a child and leave one of their own in its place. This
change is usually undei-stood to be possible only in the case of
unbaptised children. When the fairies take away a baby, they
leave one of their own number to personate him, and he is a most
troublesome child. Treated ever so well, he won't grow, and he is
constantly crying : " a bad crying child is a fairy," says a Suther-
landshire man. It was a difficult matter to discover if the child
was a fairy or not, and various plans were resorted to. One w^ay
was this : — The mother went to the village blacksmith with the
suspected cliild. He put the baby on the anvil, raised the sledge
hammer on high, and vowed by all the powers that he would
knock it to jelly. If the child was hnnian, it merely cried at the
raised hammer and the threatening look. If it was a fairy, or
urvisg, it would fly away. Then the mother had only to go home,
and find her own baby, rosy red, and fast asleep in its cradle at
home. Sometimes the baby was i)laccd on the crook above the
fire, and a blaze set under it ; the fairy child would fly screaming
up the chimney — the true baby would be found at the door out-
side. A Rothiemurchus stoiy has it that a woman consulted a
wise man as to her child, telling her doubts that it was a fairy
child. He told her to cross over Coylum bridge on her way
home, and just on the top of the bridge, or half-way over, she
must tumble the child from off her back and nm. If it was a

* ** Highland Superstitions," p. 83.

Highland Superstition. 245

fairy, it could not pursue her across the water line, and she would
find her own baby at home in the cradle fast asleep. This was
what she did. She threw the baby from off her back on the
bridge and ran. An unearthly howl rent the air, and she heard
the quondam baby speak in good Gaelic accents very bad language.
Curiosity made her give a look over her shoulder, and there on
the bridge she saw a wee, withered old man, shaking his fist in
impotent wrath, and shouting that if he had only suspected what
she was to do, he would have offered her personal violence.

The fairies were also fond of stealing women in a certain
interesting condition ; they would thus have mother and child.
There are many stories of mothers who had lately bonie children
being stolen, and also of wives. In their place, in every case, an
animated stock was left, which shortly after died, and was duly
buried, the husband thinking all the time it was his real wife.
Meanwhile the wife was among the fairies, and she might be
recovered by another man, and live with him as his wife, forgetful
of her past history, until her real husband by chance visited the
new husband, and, being struck by the resemblance, would ask
about the woman's history, and then all her past would come back
to the woman.* Bridegrooms were also an object of especial
attack on the part of the fairies. Fishermen and boatmen tell
many stories of how a boat in which a bridegroom was ran
imminent risk of shipwreck. So bad was the case on the north
coast of Sutherlandshire on one occasion, that the bridegroom's
brother was for casting him out of the boat into the sea.

Various preservatives were resorted to. People must watch day
and night over a mother and child, and have a fire on in the room.
This is to go on for three days, say some, till the christening, say
most. The mother is safe only after going to church. If people
would not w^atch, they would go round the bed whereon lay
mother and child sunwise, carrying fire, at mom and eve, or they
would, instead of the fire, carry roimd the Bible thrice, and shake
its open leaves, and adjure the evil powers to fly to the Red Sea or
anywhere. A piece of iron placed in the bed had efficacy against
fairies.

The Gruagach. — There are at least two different beings
denoted by the word Gruagach, the literal signification of which
evidently is the " wigged" or " well-haired one," from gmag, " the
hair of the head, a wig" — a term which also signifies in old
glossaries " a wife." In the popular tales, the Gruagach is a
supernatural male personage, and, as a general rule, he is a

• For Buch a story, see " Legends of the Braes of Mar," p. 108.

246 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Hercules-Apollo — a teacher of arts and worker of supernatural
feats. The Irish Gruagjich is a male — an enchanter, goblin, or
S])ectre. The (iruagach of our superstition is genemlly a female :
the word Gruatjark in the modem language actually means "a
maiden," doubtless " one with long hair." Armstrong defines the
Gruagach thus : — " A female spectre of the class of Brownies, to
which the Highland dairymaids made frequent libations of milk."
She is a household goddess, in fact, but generally restricted to
families of Tiame and note. A (Jruagaeh, says Campbell, used to
haunt Skipness, and is still remembered there i\& a supernatural
female who did odd jobs about the house for the maids. The
Gruagach was invisible, but &he could make herself both felt and
heard. She was, in fact, a female brownie. The male Gruagach
is mentioned by Pennant as a deity like the Brownie, worshipped
in old times by libations of milk. He adds that milkmaids still
pour milk on stones that bear his name. The Rev. Mr Macqueen,
Pennants Skye mentor, explained (iruagach as "fair-haired,"
equated him with Apollo Chrusokomos (golden-haired), and aptly
refen'ed to the A[)ollo (irannus of the Musselburgh inscription.
Little is known about the Gruagach at the present day, and we
could glean only the following from our incjuiries. A Kintail
student wrote : — " The (Jruagach, according to the authority from
whom I received my information, wa.s a household goddess that
frecjuented the houses of persons of note in certain districts of the
north of Scotland. The case from which I could glean most was
about a Gruagach which freciuented the house of a family in the
north of Koss-sliire, generally known as Teaghlach Bhaile-Loin.
The house was Seaua-bhaile, where the Gruagach had her alxxie
ami was frecjuently seen l>y mem])ers (►f the family. The domestic
servants had a visit from her which did not make them anxious
for a second meeting. The domestics were rather late of bringing
the usual Sunday water sup[)ly from the well on one Saturday.
They were rather merry in their late toil, and were indulging in
language not altogether Senj)tural. On tiieir way back to the
house, this Gi-uagach attacker! them to the injury of their persons,
and then reproved them for their conduct. The disappearance of
this Gruagach is said to have occurred on the death of one of the
family uf Baile-Luin." A more curious accoimt of the Gnuigach
comes from Lewis, and is to this etiect : — The Gruagach was a
respectable man, suj)ernatural of course, dressed in a black suit,
with l)uckled shoes, and having a yellow stick in his hand, when
he was seen. He was called *' Manadli nam Ministeirean," or the
"forebodhig of the ministers,'' for wiienever he was seen, clergy

Highland Superstition, 247

came afterwards, and he has not been seen since the advent of
the ministers.

The Scotch brownie is a mixture of the Gruagach and the
Uruisg, which comes to be dealt with next. The most famous
brownies on Gaelic ground were those of Tullochgorm, in Strath-
spey. The brownies of Tullochgorm formed a eouple — a male and
a female. The male was a practical joker, and used to pelt the
servants, but he also worked for them, especially at the winter
threshing. A coat and cowl was left for him one night in con-
sideration of his services, and he was heard to say —

Fhuair Brunaidh c6t* is currachd
'S cha d6an Brunaidh tiim tuilleadh

" Brownie got a coat and cowl, and Brownie will not work a turn
more." And he was never seen thereafter. It would appear that
the giving of the clothes sent him away — whether out of delight
over the gift, or from disgust, it docs not appear. But w^e have
heard a story of a worthy couple getting their house cleaned and
sorted over night by a band of fairies, and when, out of compassion
and gratitude, articles of dress were left for them to clothe them-
selves with, the fairies, on entering and seeing the gift, got so
excited that they went at once away with their presents, dancing
and rejoicing, and never returned again. The female Gruagach,
or Brownie of Tullochgorm, was known as Mag Mhullach or
Hairy Left-hand, who acted the part of invisible tablemaid or
general servant. She used to slap the servants about, and carry
tales to the master, conduct which made her often unpleasant.

The Uruisg. — The uruisg is the nearest Gaelic representative of
the Lowland brownie, Armstrong defines the Uruisg thus — " A
brownie, or a being who was supposed to haunt lonely dells, moor-
land lakes, and waterfalls. He seems to have had the qualities of
man and spirit curiously commingled." The uruisg, however, was
a sociable being, for he appeared much about farmyards and cattle
houses at the end of the harvest. He was particularly fond of the
products of the dairy, an intruder upon milkmaids, who made
regular libations of milk or cream to him, to charm him off or to
procure his favour. He could be seen only by those who had
second sight, but he had the power to make himself visible to any
one. " He is said to have been a jolly, personable being," says
Armstrong, " with a broad blue bonnet, flowing yellow^ hair, and a
long walking staff." He adds that every manor-house had its
uruisg, and in the kitchen a seat near the fire was left unoccupied
for him. When irritated, through neglect or disrespect, he could

248 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

be wantonly mischievous, though generally good-natured. A lazy
hobgoblin as a rule, he yet could do many arduous tasks in
kitchen and bam with speed and precision. These kind turns
were done without bribe or fee, for the offer of these, says Arm-
strong, would banish him for ever. The same honest lexicographer
adds that these beings had general assemblies, in the rocky
recesses of some remote torrent usually, whence their loud voices,
mingling with the water's roar, carried to the ears of wondering
superstition detached parts of their unearthly colloquies. From
present-day superstition or story we have been unable to gather
much more than one Rabelaisian tale about the uruisg, which does
not do great credit to his wit.

The Fiiath : the Bocan. — These two terms are general. The
word fuath means any supernatural being ; its force is brought
out by the term apparition. The hocan is simply a l^gl^, any-
thing that can frighten. Stories about both are common.*

The Water Poirers : The Water-Kelpie. — The water-kelpie —
each ui.<f/e (water-horse) — is a personification of the power of
streams, lakes, and even seas. This being may be beneficent,
merely kindly tricky, or malignant. The malignant aspect is the
usual one on Gaelic ground. The watcr-kelpie may appear either
as a horse or a man. In the former case the horse is ready
caparisoned ; and the wayfarer, weary with his journey, may
mount the horse, and, once mounted, the rider can never get off —
he is stuck fast to the horse. Even were it only one's finger, it
would stick to the horse, and tales relate how people had to cut
off finger or hand to save themselves. The horse, having its
rider safely mounted, at once gallops off to its lake and plunges in.
There is a movement of the waters, a gurgling noise, and shortly
after the heart and lungs of the human victim are seen floating at
the water's edge. In human form, the kelpie ap})ears as a hand-
some young man usually ; he off ere friendship to men, love to
women, and, when he has them in his })ower, he suddenly becomes
a horse, and ruslies off into the water with his victim. The kelpie
may also appear as a young woman, fair to see, but with hoofed
feet likely, or as an old woman craving protection and shelter.

The kelpie, and the mermaid too, are connected with the dis-
closing of present and future events. It was by means of a water-
kelpie's bridle that the ever famous Willox of Strathavon could
tell the anxious incpiirer who among his neighbours had thieved
his goods or charmed away the milk of his cows. A Willox of old
had knocked that bridle bit from out a water-kelpie's mouth by his

* See Campbeirs " Popular Tales," XL, pp. 98-100.

Highland Superstition. 249

aword, and till within comparatively late years the family repre-
sentative was the grand oracle of the north in such matters. A
stone which an ancestor of Willox reft with violence from a mer-
maid gave the water in which it was immersed the virtue of
picturing the form of the person who was bewitching the cattle of
the consultant or the form of the thief who had stolen his gear.

The following story is one of many similar tales that have
reached us. A long time ago a young maiden belonging to the
island of Eigg was retimiing home by a short cut across the hills.
When she was half-way home, she saw a beautiful young man
coming to meet her. They at once became friendly, and sat down,
w^hen he placed his head on her lap and fell sound asleep, having,
however, hold of her gown in his mouth, and his arm round her
waist. She had up till now thought he was a human being, but
on looking at his head she knew he was not, for his hair was full
of water weeds and sand from a lake that was near the place where
they sat. She realised her danger, and having cut oft' with her
scissors the bit of her gown which he had in his mouth, she ran
for home as fast as her limbs could carry her. When she was near
home she heard a tremendous noise behind her, and, on looking
back, she saw the much-feared water-horse, for such the young
gentleman was in reality and had now become in pursuing
her. When she looked, the horse immediately changed into a
man, and cried out to her that, although she had cheated him that
time, he would catch her yet. Then he disappeared in the
direction of the loch. For some time after this she avoided going
near that loch, but as time wcTit on she coni]jletely forgot her
adventure, and on a certain Sunday evening she and some com-
panions were resting on a hillock not far from the loch. They
.saw a fine young man coming towards them, nor did they suspect
the real character of their handsome visitor. He stood gazing at
them, when, all of a sudden, he ran towards them, caught the
young girl in his mouth, and, assuming the form of a horse, rushed
off with his prize to the loch. The others who saw this strange
scene ran for help, and some young men with guns went in pursuit
of the monster to the loch. When they reached the loch, they
were horrified to see the woman's heart aiid liver floating on the
curface, and the lake greatly troubled from the monster's spouting
up of mud and water from below. The young men fired at the
spot where they thought the horse was, and it is believed that
they killed him, for he has not been seen from that day till now.

The Mermaid. — The mermaid is known in Gaelic as " a'
mhaighdean mhara," or "the sea maiden." She is always kindly

250 Gaelic Society of InuernesS'

disposed, and the following story is told of her in various parts
and in various versions : — There was a man in Sutherlandshire
some time ago, and he went down near the sea-shore, and what
did he see but a number of seals coming ashore. Immediately on
landing they cast off their sealskins, and put themselves in the
form of women. The man ran down and caught one of them,
while the rest in terror took their sealskins and fled to the sea.
The one the man caught he took home, and afterwards married.
He had meanwhile hidden the sealskin away under the thatch of
his cottage. He had four children by his mermaid wife. She
always kept asking for her sealskin, but he never told her where
he hid it. One day, however, she was drying clothes, and, in the
process of hanging them up, she came upon her sealskin. She
took to the sea, and never again appeared. The children of the
place used to fish, and this man's children were always more suc-
cessful than their companions. Their mother, people said, put the
fish in their way.

II.— SUPERNATURAL INFLUENCES, POWERS, AND GIFTS.

[We can only give the headings, with one or two examples, of
the rest of our subject ; we hope to fill in details in future papers,
from a considerable mass of material to hand, and we shall be
happy to receive information of similar superstitious beliefs and
practices nc\v or lately existent in various parts of the Highlands].

1. — Symbolism and Analogy,

The principle that like effects like, though the kind be different,
is best seen in tlie case of the corpan cread/ia, or criathach. This
superstition is still actively existent. A great many other super-
stitions depend on this principle — charms, omens, dream-reading,
&c. A wot marriage-day denotes sorrow and tears. Alw-ays go
deiseily or with the sun. A heart-shaped object is turned so as to
put a person's heart back into its place, when displaced by fear.

2. — Luck and lil-luck.

This depends much on the foregoing principle. It is unlucky
to see the first lamb of the season with its back to you. Certain
persons are unlucky to meet in going on an enterprise. Some-
times this arises from personal peculiarities, as, for instance, a red-
haired person is considered an unlucky " first-foot" at New- Year
time. Certain persons, animals, or actions, have luck or ill-luck
attendant on them.

Highland Superstition. 251

3, — Spell 8 and Charms,

A spell is laid upon a person, animal, or property by some
adverse power, as by a witch. Taking milk from the cattle of a
farm is a usual form of it. Also, some had power to put rosad
(mischance, spell) upon arms, especially firearms, whereby they
were of no use. The rosad was placed upon firearms by a
rhyme spell, and an old man w^ho has this rhyme refuses to repeat
it as being too wicked. The charin, on the other hand, prevents,
or removes, or transfers evil (or good). A charm requires a
rhyme, as the name really implies by its derivation, though some-
times certain cabalistic actions may be enough, as in the case of
the " silver water'' cure of the evil eye, though here a charm or
invocation to the Trinity was made use of usually. Of the pre-
ventive charms, the Sian (signum or blessing) is the most famous.
This could preserve a man from wounding or harm from the time
he left the presence of the charmer till he came back, and it was
usually placed on those going to battle. We give it as a specimen
of these rhyme charms. It was very difficult to get it, we may
say ; indeed, the people are very loth to give these charms away,
or to tell them to outsiders.* In the Sian, the charmer and his
protege go to a retired s])ot. Here the recipient of the
charm goes on his knees ; the charmer lays his hand on his head,
and, with eyes shut, he utters the following rhyme, going round
him sunwise twice. And he goes once round him anti-sunwise,
saying a different rhyme, which, unfortunately, we cannot get.
The rhyme is : —

Sian a chuir Moire air Mac ort,

Sian ro' marbhadh, sian ro' lot ort,

Sian eadar a' chioch 's a' ghlun,

Sian eadar a' ghlun 's a' bhroit ort,

Sian nan Tri ann an aon ort,

mhullach do chinn gu bonn do chois ort :

Sian seachd eadar a h-aon ort,

Sian seachd eadar a dha ort,

Sian seachd eadar a tri ort,

Sian seachd eadar a ceithir ort,

Sian seachd eadar a coig ort,

Sian seachd eadar a sia ort,

Sian seachd paidir nan seach paidir dol deiseil ri

deagh uarach ort, ga do ghleidheadh bho

bheud 's bho mhi-thapadh.

♦ There ia a good collection of them in Vol. VIII. of the " Gaelic Society
Transactions," pp. 123-128 ; also in the Celtic Maqazine, Vol. XIIL, pp. 34- 4

252 Gaelic Society of Inuernesa.

An effort should be made to collect more of these interesting
charms ; we have only half-a-dozen or so of unpublished ones.

4. — Divination and Second Sight,

There are two phases of this subject — divination, which any
one can practice, and second sight, which is a supernatural gift.
There was divination by the "shoulder blade" — eolas slinnein —
where the shoulder blade of an animal (a sheep generally) was
stripped of its flesh, and examined by an expert ; and there was
consulting of the future when some young person slept by the
hearth in a pair of newly-made unwashed blankets, and whatever
was dreamt of came to pass. Second sight is well known. If one
that had second sight saw or felt a funeral, another that was with
him might see or feel the same by stamping on his foot. Some
say that it was necessary to sUmip on his foot and take his right
hand. Others say that one could see the same as the second
sight seer by looking over his right shoulder.

6. — Gift of Leechcraft

Some persons are gifted with powers of healing. The seventh
son can cure king's evil by touch or application of water, and the
seventh son of a seventh son can cure all diseases incident to
humanity. Some men were supposed to be gifted with powers
of blood-stopping (c(tsg falaX and anybody born feet foremost can
cure a strained spine or hurt back.

6, — Fascination or Evil Eye,

The Gaelic proverb says — Sgoiltidh an droch shuil clock.
" The evil eye can split a stone." This superstition appears to be
universal — *^from China to Peru." The great cure for it has
been the silver water. The water is lifted at a ford or bridge,
over which dead and living pass, in a wooden dish, silver is placed
in it, and the whole is passed thrice round the person's head, and
he is made to drink of it. Many preventatives are resorted to
against the evil eye. Ked thread tied round a cow's tail, or a bit
of rowan wood hid about the cow's tail, will defend the animal
against any supernatural harm.

7.— Witchcraft.

This is the most potent and sinister power that can be wielded
by any human being. It is, as already said, a combination of
nearly all other powers, including a dependence on the devil, who

Highland Superstition. 253

is lord and master of witches. Witches work by symbolism,
ill-luck, spells, divinations, and evil eye, and they may invoke the
power of the devil to their help. They can transform themselves
into animal forms, especially into hares, cats, and even deer.
Sailors dislike a bee to appear in their boat ; it is sure to be a
witch. A man was once sowing com, and on resting, he noticed
a small beetle (daolag) taking the seeds of com from his land to
his neighbour's. Knowing it to be witchcraft, he captured the
beetle, and put it in his snuff-box. For several days his
neighbour's wife was absent, and no one knew where she was.
When he opened the box, out she sprang !

B.— THE SUPERNATURAL AND THE PHENOMENA OF NATURE.

Under this aspect of the question, we deal with beliefs and
practices in regard to the various objects of nature that touch
man or his interests, and also facts of nature like birth, hfe, and
death, and facts of life — marriage, occupation, and general
activities, especially do we treat here of cattle and their
diseases. And first we deal with —

I.— GBNERAL BITES AND PRACTICES.

The most important general feature in the prevention or
removal of supernatural evil is that of sacrifice in its various
forms. We saw that milk libations were poured out to the
(Truagach. In the 17th century, bulls were sacrificed to St
Mourie at Loch Maree. In cattle murrain, it is the proper course
to sacrifice one of the animals to the spirit of the plague. A black
cock is sacrificed for epilepsy, and there are traditions that, at the
building of certain great houses, human beings were sacrificed.

Euphemism wtis resorted to in speaking of anything evil in the
way of spirits or of plague. The small-pox was called a' hheau
mhath — the g'od lady. The sunwise turn is another common
feature of superstition. The number 3 is also the commonest and
most sacred.

IL— THE HUMAN INDIVIDUi^L.
l,^Birth—The Mother and Child.

The imminent danger to mother and child from fairy power
has been already touched upon.

But there is even an ante-natal danger. It is most strenuously
believed that birth-marks and such like are deformities caused by
excessive and ungratified desires of the mother while pregnant.

254 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

You must bless the baby in praising it, for there is danger
from one's evil eye. The evil eye is peculiai^Jy apt to fall on
babies.

You should not measure a baby ; it suggests its coffin. Yon
should not cut its nails too early in its life. A child must not look
at itself in the looking-glass. Don't rock the cradle, and the baby
not in it ; it will give the baby a sore stomach.

2. — Naming and Baptism.

A child's name must not be used till it get« it by baptism ; it
h.is no name till then. It is not safe from evil powers or the fairies
till christened. In going to baj)tism with a child, take a piece of
bread, and give it to the first person you meet. Some restrict this
to tlie first man, if the child is a boy ; to the first woman, if a girl.
It is a bad sign if a child docs not cry on being baptised. If a boy
and a girl are baptised together, the boy must be baptised first,
otherwise he would want his beard when grown up, and the girl
w^)uld have it.

J. — Boyhood and Youth.

A good and afixictionate child will not be a long liver. It is
unlucky for })oys to teaze or bother in any way old women ; they
may htum them by some occult power. Boys think it unlucky to
find a cuckoo's nest ; they are sure to fail that year.

4. — Marriage.

(a). Bridegroom and Bride in relation to Supernatural Beings
and Powers. — The fairies do not like a bridegroom, and he must
also beware of the machinations of a jilted sweetheart. Let him
on the day of marriage put silver in the sole of the stocking of his
right foot as he puts it on, and evil power will not affect him.

(h). TJie Marriage Ceremony^ dx. — Tuesday and Thursday are
the lucky days for marriage. Don't marry in May. The morn-
ing is the bride's " end" of the day, and bad or wet weather then
betokened ill to her. A dog must not pass between the couple
during the ceremony. The first pair married in a new church will
be childless.

J. — Death.

(a). At Death. — The howling of a dog betokens death. Open
the doors and windows at death ; place a nail in the meal-chest,
and other produce.

(b). The Corpse, — Salt is placed on the breast of the corpse in
a plate, " to keep down the swelling." It is unlucky for man or

Highland Superstition. 255

animal to cross over a corpse. The body of a murdered person
will bleed at the touch of the murderer.

6, — Burial,

The Funeral. — It is unlucky to look at a funeral through a
window, or standing in a door. When a funeral is scattered and
straggling, another member of the family of whom one is being
buried will soon follow. At the first funeral a child sees, he must
get a " skelp" (blow) on the head to make him cry.

The Churchyard. — The last buried has to act as ghostly watch-
man till the next burial. Hence, if there were two funerals on the
same day, there used to be a rivalry as to who would be first in
the churchyard.

Suicides were buried outside the churchyard. A coin was
j)laced in a stranger's grave, " as payment for the burying -ground."

III.— HUMAN BEINGS.

1. — Persons Lucky or Unlucky to Meet,

Some persons are lucky to meet on one's setting out to do
anything ; others, again, are unlucky. Fishermen are especially
j)articular on this point. In a general way, a woman is a bad
comh'dhail (congress), more especially if she is bare-headed, with
dishevelled hair, bare-footed, and with nothing in her hand. A
person who has a grudge at one is a bad corrMhail ; so is any
person with an evil eye. A common expression in impatience or
anger is Droch comhdhail ort I " Bad congress on you !" that is,
bad luck to you.

2, — Persons Supemaiurally Gifted,

The general possibility of such powers existing has already
been dealt with. Men and women may possess one or more of the
following gifts : —

(a). Second sight.

(h). Powers of healing, blood-stopping, and the like.

(c). The evil eye.

(d). Witchcraft.

(e). Other gifts, such as playing the bagpipes to surpass
everybody.

3, — " fTwc" or " Skeelt/'^ Persons^ Workers of Counter-Charms^ d:c

K there are evil-doers in the world, and people who possess
gifts that are baneful to the rest of mankind, equally there must

256 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

be wise people who can work counter- charms or give good advice.
These people answer in office to the medicine men of savage tribes.
Life could not be lived without them. Their foremost representa-
tive this century was Willox of Strathavon ; but every district
could boast of some wise man or woman that could give advice or
w^ork a charm.

IV.— THE HUMAN BODY IN HEALTH AND DISEASE.

1, — Peculiarities^ like Moles and Birthmarks,

What do such marks denote ? There is a complete repertory
of information on such marks. One quotation must suffice : —

" Wart on palm is luck to lad,
Wart on instep, luck to lass."

2. — Bodily Actions and Affections.

These comprise such ordinary actions as sneezing, tingling in
the ears, itching in the palm, and so forth. Spitting is a sign of
contempt, and it is always safe towards the property of others;
but do not spit in the fire. At sneezing, say to the person doing so,
" God bless you." It is lucky to sneeze. Tingling in the ears and
itching in the palm give rise to many superstitious fancies. One
should not sini; when making a bed, else sleep will not be theirs.
Laugh before breakfast ; cry before supper.

3. — Bodily Wear and Tear.

Cutting of Nails and Hair. — Do not cast out or let loose about
the house either the parings of the nails or the hair that is cut off.
If witches got the nail parings, or even the hair, they could work
the person liarni by moans of them. As to the hair, birds might
fly away with it, and make it part of their nest ; and, if so, the
person would have a sore head — a complaint which may occur
in any case if the wind blows away the hair. The parings of nails
given to a person in a drink will send him mad, much the same as
alcohol. Do not cut your nails on Sunday, or your hair on Friday.
The following rhyme says Monday and Friday respectively : —

Di-luain bho d' ingnean,
'S Di-h-aoine bho d' fhalt.

Other CaMs. — When a person loses a tooth, he ought to throw
it over his left shoulder to ensure luck.

Highland Superstition. 257

4. — Diseases,

Warts, — The superstitious cures for warts are almost legion.
Such cures are these — Washing the warts with water that has not
touched the ground — that is, rain water collected in hollow stones ;
washing them with pig's blood, with the spittle after long fast or
sleep, rubbing the warts with salt, cfcc. A charm may be super-
added ; thus one is directed to rub the moisture of the mouth on
the wart, and keep saying —

011a bh\dh gum beannaicheadh
Air a h-uile gin de na foinneachan.

" Oil of food, bless each of the warts." Or the principle of analogy
may be resorted to : — Rub one of the joints of a barley stalk (glun an
edmaj to the wart — one joint for each wart — and go unknown to
anyone and bury the stalks. As they rot, the warts decay. It is
the same with stolen beef ; it is placed under a stone, and, as it
decays, the warts go away.

Whooping Cough. — Take food out of a sphn-heo-adhraic — a
spoon made out of the horn of a live beast, a horn which, of
course, has been lost by fighting or accident. It is cured by what-
ever is recommended by a man riding a piebald steed, thus
addressed : —

Fhir tha marcach an eich bhric.

Ciod as leigheas air an t-sruth-chasd ^

"Rider of the piebald horse, what is cure for the whooping
cough T

Toothache. — The general belief is that toothache is caused by a
worm burrowing in the tooth, and hence we need not be astonished
that on the principle of analogy the following cure is recom-
mended : — Roll a caterpillar in a bit cloth, and put it under the
tooth. Another cure, on the principle of gruesomeness, is to go to
the churchyard, and get a nail from a cofiin; place it on the
aching tooth. There are wells which cure toothache, and there
are charms also.

Sore Eyes. — For Leamhnad, or Stye, stand on your head in the
sea till nine waves pass over you ! or count one hundred without
drawing breath.

Raising of Uvula. — There was a charm for the raising of the
uvula, known as edlas cioch shLugain. The little red, nipple-like
sea-weed found in pools of salt water when the tide is out, and
called in Gaelic alltuinn dhearg, is procured and tied to the crook
while the following words are repeated : — " Ann an ainm an Athar^

17

258 Gaelic Society of Inuerneas.

a' Mhic agus an Spioraid Naoimh, air cioch-shlugain A. B. (person's
name)." This is an appeal to the Trinity "for the uvula of A. B."

Siuellings. — Swelling of tlie breast or pap was cured by a
rhyme. Swelling in the limb could be cured by tying a silk
thread on the limb above the swelling, and, as the thread worked
its way down, it cleared the swelling before it, and then slipped off
altogether.

Colic, — This was cured by a charm,* but another method
consisted in making the sufferer swallow a bullet. The idea was
that colic was a knotting of the entrails — hence the name snaim
mionaich.

Blood-stopping. — This is known as casg Jala, and some were
gifted by a supernatural power to stop blood, or, indeed, anything
that ran like it, by the word of their power. A cure was, on one
occasion at least, effected thus — A bowl of the blood of the person
l»lectling was boiled ** to rags ;" he was made to swallow the
powdery stuff remaining, and was cured.

Sprains. — A sprained ankle is thus cured — Take a thread and
tie three knots on it in the name of the Trinity, and then tie it on
the ankle. For sprained joints, a deer's sinew in the rutting
season was made use of. A sprained or hurt spine is cured by
lying prone on the ground, and allowing a person who was bom
feet foremost to trample on one's back, as already indicated.

Wounds. — A wound caused by a dog is cured by bathing the
wound with water which has been rinsed through the dog's mouth.
It is the same in the case of serpents. Water off a dried serpent's
head cures a serpent's bite, if the wound is washed with it. These
cures go on the princijJe of analogy — " a hair of the dog that bit
you.''

Scrofula. — Kings and seventh sons have the gift of curing
scrofula. 'I'he persons so gifted performed the outward details of
cure variously. A common way wais for the gifted person to take
a bottle of water, wet his hand ^v'ith some of it, and apply it to the
diseased part, and then hand the bottle over to the patient, who
took the bottle with him, and did not allow it to touch earth.
The patient himself rubbed it on thereafter. Sometimes a silver
coin was bored, and hung roiin 1 the patient's neck, or at the part
aflectcd, in addition to the water j irt of the cure. Scrofula was
cured also ])y the touch of the dead hand of a criminal.

Bpilepsi/, — The sacrifice of a live black cock, which must be
buried at the spot wliere the j)erson had the first fit, has been
already mentioned as a cure. Change of kingdom was sure to cure

For the charm, gee " Inverness Gaelic Society Transactions," VIIL, 124.

Highland Superstition, 259

it. A drink from a suicide's skull waa a sure cure. Bishops
could cure it by virtue of their office ; they could similarly cure
the insane. •

Fet)€r8. — In the case of fevers, the element of colour came into
operation. Red flannel round the throat is the correct arrestive
of colds and inflammations in that part. The euphemism applied to
the terrible small-pox — " the good lady" — has already been
noticed.

5.— Farts of tJie Body (Dead).

The gruesome practices of drinking from a suicide's skull in
the case of epilepsy, and the touch of a dead criminal's hand as a
cure for scrofula, have been already mentioned. This principle of
gruesomeness is, it will be seen, the opposite of euphemism, as in
the case of the small-pox, yet both principles are doubtless founded
on the same idea, that the disease or fever is an evil being which
must be finghtened or flattered.

V.-THK MIND AND SOUL.

The mind may be considered, like the body, in regard to
health and disease. First, we may deal with the point where
niind and body are nearest being one — in sleep and dreams. Then
the affections come to be next treated ; thereafter, the nature of
the soul, and, lastly, insanity.

1, — Sleep and Dreams.

The superstitions about dreams are almost numberless, nor is
there any other class of superstition so actively believed in and
practised upon at the present time. To dream of the following is lucky
— a deer, a white or a brown horse, a dog, snow (plenty of fish),
the sea, ships, silver, letters, anything blue, ripe fruit, <fec. The
catalogue of unlucky things to dream of is unfortunately higher ;
it is unlucky to dream of a black horse (death), a serpent, weazel,
a pig, fish, gathering shellfish, a baby girl, seeing oneself bare-
footed or carrying a child or ploughing, loss of tooth (friend lost),
a boat on land, a hole in one's boat (death of friend), eggs (gossip),
broken eggs (quarrels), coals or peats, dirty or dark water, a river,
butcher meat, one's marriage ring broken (death in family), a coach
(funeral), one's child falling into the fire (severe illness for the
child), a kiss (false person), fire (anger), red, grey, green. A
washing means a flitting ; crossing a river, flitting ; marriage,
death ; and so forth.

260 Gaelic Society of Inuerneee.

S. — 27ie Affections.

Love is said to be the most potent of the affections, and there
are many superstitions in connection with it. The love philtre is
not unknown on Highland ground. Duncan Ban Macintyre has
rhymed one process whereby a young woman may retain the love
of her sweetheart ; the poem is entitled " Kann Ghabhas Maighdean
d'a Leannan "♦ The maiden is desired to rise early on Sunday
morning, to go to a level stone, to have the people^s bless-
ing, and a priest's hood. This last, along with a wooden shovel,
is to be put upon the shoulder. Nine ferns, cut by an axe, and
three bones of an old man taken from the grave, are to be burnt
to ashes, and the ashes to be rubbed, in face of the north wind, to
the loved one's breast. When this charm-ceremony is performed
the end in view is assured. The composition of love philtres is
often not pleasant to think of or to mention. Thus, catch a
worm before sunrise, take its middle part — the soft white ring —
dry it into powder, and give this to the person you wish to fall in
love with you. That person will love you madly.

3.— The Soul

There is a belief that a sleeping person should not be wakened
too suddenly ; his soul may not have time to return to his body.
The soul in such cases is fancied to be an insect — a bee usually,
and hence comes the idea of the bee-soul^ which appears in some
Highland superstitions. A young lad was sleeping outside on a
sunny slope one day, and somebody came upon him and roughly
wakened him. The lad was practically insane thereafter, but a
skilled person was consulted. He directed that the lad should a
year exactly from the former time again sleep where he was
before* and be allowed to waken of his own accord. This was done,
and, as he slept, the wondering onlookers saw a beautiful bee com-
ing along and enter the lad's mouth. When he awoke he was per-
fectly sane and sound. According to the late Rev. Mr Macgregor,t
the belief existed in Perthshire that the soul could be seen leaving
the body as a bee. A mysterious bird may be seen visiting a
dying person, and it is well known that a bird alighting on the
house where a dying person is portends that person's death.

* Poems, Maclachlan & Stewart, p. 214-5.
iSuperttUionf In *' Prophecies of the Brahan Seer," by A. Mackenzie.

Highland Superstition. 261

4. — Insanity,

The curious belief that bishops can cure the insane has already

been noticed. There are several wells for the cure of insanity, the

most famous being that of Loch Maree. It is of this well in the

island of Loch Maree that Whittier writes these beautiful lines —

" Calm on the breast of Isle Maree

A little well reposes :
A shadow woven of the oak,

And willow o'er it closes.
And whoso bathes therein his brow,

With care or madness burning.
Feels once again his healthful thought,

And sense of peace returning.
Life's changes vex, its discords stun.

Its glaring sunshine blindeth ;
And blest is he who on his way

That fount of healing findeth !"

Mental derangement may occur from a sudden terror ; a per-
son is then said to be a cockall d! chridhe — his heart out of its
shell or place. Then some wise person was called in to turn the
heart back to its place, and his method was as follows : — Some
lead was boiled, and poured, with invocation of the Trinity, into a
wooden vessel, in which there wiis water, and which had been placed
on the sufferer's head. Then search wiis made, and the piece
likest a heart wiis taken and turned round. The heart then turned
back into its place, and the person came to himself. The heart-
shaped object was carefully preserved ever after, or otherwise a
relapse was to be feared.

VI.— THE HOUSE AND HOME.

There are still stories of human sacrifice at the building of
great houses to render them supernaturally safe, but in ordinary
cases a good rowan tree growing beside the house, or a stick of it
across the lintel, was deemed sufficient. There is much efficacy in
a horse shoe nailed somewhere about the door.

i. — Flitting ami Entering New House.

In leaving a house leave dust in it, for it is not lucky for the
incoming tenant to find the house clean and swept ; the luck is
then swept out of it. People might leave ill-luck in the house,
which would affect the first thing that entered it. Some threw in

262 Gaeiic Society of Inuerness.

a cock first, because it is a blessed bird ; and a person is recom-
mended to put a dish of salt first thing into the newly-entered
house. Pains was taken with the first fire ; it was unlucky if it
went out.

2, — Domestic Life,

Meals. — It is not lucky to do anything during meals. Do not
give food over your hand. It is unlucky to spill salt, nor is it
lucky to break a glass or cup. Be sure, say some, to have butter
every morning ere going out.

Repose and Rising, — The old people in some parts, when they
went out and saw the sun for the first time, blessed themselves
and tlie sun, and turned sunwise.

Woman's Work — Washing, Cloth-making, d:c, — Some say that
wiwhing-day is lucky only on Tuesday. Don't stir porridge
against the sun. Never sing while you are baking. Never threa-
ten anyone with the broom. You must not have a washing in a
house when a corpse is there. Don't use the water in which eggs
were boiled. A dozen of eggs when set under a hen must be the
baker's dozen of 13.

3, — Furniture,

The cracking of furniture portends removal, and is unlucky.
The creaking and knocking about of furniture, and noises caused
by it, portend death to the owner or somebody in the house.

4. — Clothes.

Never wear new clothes at a funeral. For good luck part of
one's clothes must be worn wrong side out — say a petticoat or a
stocking. If a stocking is on wrong side out it protects from the
evil eye, and crotal or saffron-dyed stockings will protect one jfrom
consumption. A spider on an old dress means a new one soon.
It is lucky to get new clothes on New Year's Day. Put money
into a new purse.

Vn.-OCCUPATIONS.

The various occupations of farming, cattle-tending, himting,
and fishing have their various and peculiar superstitions.

i. — Farming — Land and Crop,

It is a common belief that the virtues of the grass and com
on one farm may be transferred to another farm by magic means.
The virtues of one district may, in a similar way, be transferred to
another. A Stratherrick man one day saw a stranger toiling up

Highland Superstition. 263

a hill there, with a switch over his shoulder, and apparently carry-
ing a heavy though invisible burden. The man stole behind the
stranger and cut the switch ; the burden, whatever it was, fell
back into the Strath. It turned out to be the productive virtues
of the glens of southern Inverness-shire and Perth, which the
-wizard was carrying north ; but they fell in Stratherrick, w^hich a
generation or two ago was almost literally a land flowing with
milk and honey. This switch appears in several stories. A farmer
found another among his grass with a switch, which he trailed after
him. When the farmer went where the other was, the latter
dropped the switch and went away. The farmer took it up,
brought it home, and threw it in a comer. But it happened that
his wife was churning, and the chum became so full of butter that
the wife could not turn the handle. The farmer understood how
matters were. One day a man going up Strathnaver was astonished
at seeing a woman beside the river, with something in her hand,
lashing the water and calling out, " Both sides of Strathnaver to
me." And he said to her, " Would you not give half to me T
She said she would, and when he came home there was not a
vessel or any place in the house but was overflowing with milk.

2, — Farming — Cattle ami Sheep,

Superstitions about cattle fall under two heads — The produce,
or toradh, of the cattle may be taken away, and the aim must be
to keep the toradh intact, or to recall it when lost by wizard spells.
The second point is the treatment of cattle diseases.

Toradh. — If a witch can get the name of a cow, or a hair from
her tail, and also see the milk, she can transfer that cow's produce
to her own cow, and, if she has no cow, she can transfer the
milk to the couplings of her house, and draw it from there as she
likes. Various methods were adopted either to prevent the loss
of or restore the toradh. For prevention, a scarlet thread was tied
round the cow's tail where it could not be seen, or a sprig of rowan
was placed in the tail. When the toradh was taken away, the
only chance was to cause the witch have retention of urine, and
this might be done by catching the cow's urine in a bottle ere it
fell to earth, corking the bottle tightly, and laying it by so aa not
to touch the earth. Soon thereafter the person who was doing the
mischief would come to get the spell raised off* her, which was not
done till she raised her spell from the cow or cattle.

Cattle Diseases, — The murrain^ or plague, was averted or
appeased by sacrifice — the sacrifice of one of the sound animals.
Driving the cattle through the needfire^ or forced fire, was another

264 Oaelic Society of Inverness.

means of cure or prevention. A third method consisted in
the use of charms. One process may be briefly described
thus : — Should any more of the cattle die, open the first
beast, take out the liver, lungs, and heart, and put them in a bag.
Carry this across the first bum on the neighbouring estate, and
there bury it. While crossing the stream for this purpose, repeat
this rhyme : —

" Fhir a sli^id a' ghaoth o' dheas,

Tog leat an t-earchall so thar an eas.

Tug leat a mhi-dhteichd

Dh' ionnsuidh 'n taobh as an d'thainigte leis."

Cattle diseases are not all plagues, however. There are such ail-
ments lis the rtiaidhe, or the lodging of the milk in the udder,
wliich is cured by a comparatively innocent charm, or by rubbing
thereto an amulet stone.

S. — Hunting,

S[)(>rtsmen do not like to see a hen as the first animal to meet
them. I'oachcrs could hiy a spell on the deer, so that anyone
passiiiLT by could see nothing of the dead staij: but the heart.. This
was cjilled tlie sian. Some say the charm made the game — what-
ever the ;^'ame was — invisible ; and the same charm has been sent
to us lately as (me which snnigi^lers tind useful on the west coast
of Koss-shiro to rundcr themselves invisil)le to the excisemen. Mr
Macki-nzic jjives it in the cSth Vol. of the Inverness Gaelic Society
Transactions, p. 127, and it is as follows: —

" Fa (ithe cuiream ort
\)]\o chu, bho chat,
r.ho hho, ])ho eacli,
J)ho dhuine, bho bhean,
Fiho ;^^hille, bho nighean,
'S bho leanabh beag,
(ins an tig misc rithisd,
An ainui an Athar, a' Mhic, 's an Spioraid Naoimh."

"A nuiLnc chnid I put on thee fnv'i doix, cat, cow, horse, man,
woman, hid, lass, an<l little child, till I come again, in the name of
the"' Trinity.

OM spcrismcn of tlie uncanny kind could deprive deer of either
sight or smell, according as it suited them best. In the wind of
tlie door, the sense of smell was taken fn»m them : otherwise, the
sense of sight Hence the question — Co dhinbh is fhearr let mise

Highland Superstition. 265

thoir sealladh na f;^leadh dhiubh ? " Whether would you rather
me to deprive them of sight or smell T

4* — Fishing,

No occupation is more surrounded with superstition than that
of the fisherman. From the moment he leaves his own door, the
fisherman lives in a world full of supernatural influences. If a
woman meets him, unless she is of loose character, as he goes, it
is unlucky ; if a person runs after him to give him or tell him
something, it is unlucky. Then there are endless superstitions
about the lines, about baiting, about the boat, and so forth.

Vm.— ANIMALS.

The superstitions about animals are concerned for the most
part with the luck or ill-luck there is attaching to meeting them,
or attaching to their actions.

1. — Animals and luck or ill-luck.

Animals of Luck or Ill-hick. — Some animals, like the hare, are
extremely unlucky to meet, or, on a journey, to cross one's path.
To see one magpie anywhere about means joy ; two seen means
grief ; three, marriage ; four, death j aiul five, a funeral. An
otter's skin, says Martin, brings luck ; victory in battle is on its
side. In going a jouniey, if a mouse runs across one's path he
must kill it, and success will attend him ; if he fails in this, that
day's work will also be a failure.

Postures of Animals when seen, (Oc. — It is unlucky to see the
first lamb of the season with its back to one. The following is a
translation of a well-known Gaelic rhyme —

" I heard the cuckoo while fasting,
I Siiw the foal with its back to me,
I saw the snail on the flagstone bare,
And I knew the year would not go well with me."

3. — Animals and Divination.

Divining the future from the action of animals, especially
birds, is as old as human history. A crow perched on a chimney
portends death in that house ; so does the howling of the dog.
If a cock crows before midnight there is some news coming from
the quarter in which he is looking; if his feet are warm it
denotes good luck for the owner ] if his feet are cold someone is
to die.

266 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

3. — Animal Characteristics,

Stories are told of animals to explain why they are good or
bad — blessed or cursed. One such must suffice. Christ met a
beetle once as he was pursued by his enemies, and, as animals
could then speak, it told next day to Christ's enemies, who had now
met it on the pursuit, that Christ had passed there the day before.
A hornet, overhearing the conversation, said — " You beast, you
beast, you liar, you liar, it is a year yesterday since the Son of
God passed here." The following is the dialogue in Gaelic : —

Beetle — An de, an d^, chaidh Mac Dh^ seachad
Hornet — A bhiast, a bhiast, a bhradag, a bhradag,

Bliadhna gus an d^ chaidh Mac Dh^ seachad.

Accordingly the hornet is blessed, and the beetle cursed, and hence
crushed cruelly when it is met with. Cattle is considered blessed;
the expression is — " The beasts are blessed," and, hence, at night
people would go more readily to the byre than to the bam, as
being safest from evil powers.

4. — Difference of Sex.

The question of sex is of immense importance in superstition,
for the female has an ill reputation when supernatural danger is
at hand. If one were travelling by night and encountered an evil
spirit, the dog would help his master, but the bitch would help the
evil spirit. Hence the rule was not to take a bitch with one when
travelling by night, or, if a person did so, he must tie his garter
round the bitch's neck, or, as some recommend, draw blood from
her tail, and then she would defend her master against the evil
power. A shepherd in a lonely hill bothy had two dogs, male and
female. One wet evening a bird came down the chimney, perched
itself by the fire, and began to dry itself. As it grew warmer it
grew larger, and finally l)ecame a woman towering high. She
attacked the shepherd, and was helped by the bitch, but the dog
helped his master, and with such effect that the witch fled for her
life, with the dog clinging to her breasts. When the shepherd
returned next day to his home hi the valley below, he found that
a young woman, a neighbour's wife, was nigh death's door, having
been mysteriously torn in face and breast the night before.
Another story tells how a piper in flying from an evil power in the
shape of a female fiend came upon some horses ; he mounted the
first he got to, but it threw him off, the second did the same ; they
were both mares. The third he came to was a male, and he got

Highland Superstition. 26T

safely mounted and away, with the evil spirit close at his heels.
He escaped with a struggle.

Even women may be uncanny companions in such circum-
stances, as this story will show. A piper and his bride were one
stormy night returning from a marriage. So furious did the snow-
storm rage that they were fain to take shelter in a lonely bothy
by the way. They tried to light a fire, but there was no wood.
His wife was like to die with the cold when the piper broke his
pipes to pieces and made a cosy fire. They were getting pretty
comfortable under their difl&cult circumstances when a most ugly
being entered, and began to warm himself at the fire. The mar-
ried couple expressed the wish of retiring to rest, when the mon-
ster asked which of them was to have the wife. " Who," said the
piper, " but he to whom she belongs T Then they began to fight,
and the piper overcame the monster, and laid him on the floor.
The monster appealed to the wife not to see him lying as he was, and
at once she came to his assistance. They both routed the piper, and
cast him out of the bothy. He made his way home that night,
but the wife did not return for a few days. In due course, the
veracious story records, the wife had a son who resembled the
monster, especially in having a Satyr's caudal appendage j and
it is said that descendants of his live still not a hundred miles from
Bonar-Bridge.

IX.— PLANTS AND TREES.

i. — Plants,

The plant earr-thalmhainn or yarrow was kept in the chum as
a charm against evil influences. Bog myrtle or roid kept ofi* the
fairies. A four-leaved clover had many virtues ; if you got it, you
would see your sweetheart ; it was good against the evil eye, and
a woman in a certain interesting condition ought to have it hidden
about her petticoat. The puff'-ball is the devil's snuff*-box.

2.— Trees.

The virtues of the rowan tree are well-known, and so it must
not be burnt in the fire. The aspen is not liked ; it was the tree
that Christ was crucified upon, and hence it quivers. Do not go
after cattle with an aspen stick. The pine is a lucky tree,
" serviceable to living and dead," as the old word says. Juniper
was burnt in the cattle stalls that its fumes might keep ofl* witches.

268 Gaelic Society of Invemeaa.

X.-PLACES.

1.— Places of Good w lU Fame.

A churchyard is of course an uncanny place. Passing there
by night one may meet a ghost ; indeed, the daring to do such a
thing invites the evil spirits to meet one and puuish him. Deep
pools and noisome caves are also uncanny ; and the spot where a
murder or a suicide was committed is accursed ; a ghost may at
any time be met with there. Even the place where a person
dropped down dead, or where one died accidentally, is not canny.
Churches and elders' grounds are, on the other hand, sacred from
evil powers. Old chapels were places of superstitious resort in the
17th century, and there are numerous edicts of the Presbytery and
Synod Courts on record against the practice. This excerpt from
the records of the Synod of Moray, under dat« of the 26th April,
1626, when the meeting \\'<\& held at Elgin, must suffice: — "In
respect it is surmysed that many people hes gain this year to
wells and chepj)ellis in forme of pillgrimage from all quarters
within this province, therefore ye Synod ordaines everie brother
to sumond a number of their parochincrs to compeir oulklie
[weekly] before ye bishop and his bailzie qo hes obtained ane
commission for repressing yo same and that ye brethren of ye
exerceis of Elgin begin this course the next oulk."

2. — Pecn liarities.

Any peculiarity may make a place have some superstitious
connection. Most caves have stories told about them — a piper
may liavc disap|)eared into one. Hocks and stones of pecufiar
shapes, and more especially holed stones, or stones shaped like
chairs, arc famed in superstition. Thus Clach-bhan, or Wives'
Stone, near the I jinn of Avon, was famed iis the resort of ladies in
a certain condition ; if they sat on the stone, safety was theirs and
innnunity fnnn pain.

3,— Holy Wells,

Their number is ahnost countless. Nearly every district has
a holy well and a rag bush near at hand. Their yirtues were
various ; cures for madness, lameness, deafness, &c., formed leading
characteristics in each caso. The old records of the Church are
full of fulminations against the resDit to wells and the *' supplica-
tion" of them.

Highland Superstition. 26^

i, — The Ancient Monuments,

The stone circles and the megaliths and monoliths scattered
about the land do not now give rise so much to superstition as to
myth and story. Here and there we meet with the grave of some
hero of Fenian renown, buried under some huge monolith, but
superstition has little to do with them, though the early Mediaeval
Church seems to have had a struggle to suppress the worship of
stones and monuments.

XL— MATEBIAL OBJECTS AND INANIMATE NATIVE GENERALLY.

We may here follow the old division of the four elements —
fire, water, earth, and air.

1. — Fire.

Fire is a most sacred element in superstition. A barrier of
fire kept evil spirits away, and hence they circulated people in
certain crises, like birth and death, with fire. The need-fire was
resorted to in cattle diseases, and, in any case, the cattle were in old
times passed between the Beltane fires. Even in modem days, the
youth used to jump through the Hallowe'en fires (samknagan)
when they got sufficiently low in the blaze to do so with safety.
It is lucky if one's clothes take fire. Sparks from the fire mean
money coming. People should be careful about giving a kindling
to others ; no kindling should be given on New Year's Day.

2,— Water,

Evil spirits cannot follow one across a running stream, and the
water from the ford, over which dead and living pass, has efficacy
against the evil eye. A south running stream had virtues in its
water more than any other stream.

S.'-Earth.

Objects of earth as an element includes all metals and other
materials of which the solid crust is formed.

Metals. — Iron is of special value in warding ofi^ witches and
fairies, for they delight only in the weapons of the age of stone
or bronze. Silver too has much efficacy j a silver coin in a gim is
sure to kill or maim a witch when a leaden bullet would have no
effect.

Salt — Salt appears in many superstitions. It is unlucky to
spill salt, or to offer to or take salt from another.

^70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Stones. — Stones of a crystalline character, and of a rounded
form, are used as amulets ; they may protect the person in battle,
the water off them may cure cattle or even persons, and rubbing
them to the diseased or sore parts brings a sure cure. Flint
arrow heads are fairy arrows, and are lucky to have about the
house. They are used as amulets.

Earth from the graves of one's ancestors is considered on the
West Coast as a charm against dangers in foreign parts, especially
in battle.

4. — Air,

We may consider thunder and storm and rain as belonging to
the province of air. Putting a tongs in the fire stops thunder.
Lighting a fire outside brings rain, or whirling a brand round one*s
head does the same. A wind may come if it is whistled for lowly
and gently, but you should not whistle for wind out of mere sport ;
it will come as a h\irricane, and perhaps drown you.

XII.-FORM, NUMBER, COLOUB, AND SUCH.

i. — Form,

We saw that a heart-shaped piece of lead was turned back so
as to put a person's heart back into its proper place. Rings have
much potency in superstition, and rotundity generally forms an
important element, csj^ccially in the efiicacy of stones and amulets.
What exactly lends its virtue to the horse shoe we cannot say —
whether it be its form, its material, or its having belonged to the
horse. It may be all combined.

'J. — Pictures and WHtin(/.

Some decent old Highland ])eople have been known to object
to getting their photographs taken. They thought that they lost
some virtue or power l)y the j)roccss. A picture falling from the
wall is a sure precedent of death. Toothache charms are written
on a slip of paper, and carefully kept about the person if possible.
The paper must not be lost ; if it is the toothache at once returns.

S. — Number,

There is luck in odd mmibers, it is said. The sacred numbers
in the Highlands are 3 and 9, and next to these come 7 and 13,
but the latter is not a favourite nimiber, especially if it denotes
the number of a company. It was the number present at the
Last Supper, and it is regarded still as unlucky.

Highland Superstition, 271

Jff.. — Colour,

Colour, we said, was efficacious in inflammatory diseases,
especially red colour. Green must on no account be worn at a
marriage ; it is the fairies^ colour, and they would resent it. We
have known people that would wear nothing green. The colour
of one's hair forms an indication to one's qualities —

Fear dubh d&na, fear b^n bleideil.

Fear donn dualach, 's fear ruadh sgeigeil.

Xin.— TIMES, SEASONS, DAYS.

Superstition, as well as custom, fixed on certain days of the
year or the week as lucky or unlucky, or as proper to conduct
some rites bearing on the supernatiu-al world. Day and night,
the sun and moon and the stars — all have their share of super-
stition.

i. — Day and Night

Nearly all the superstitions about night have already been
noticed. It is the time " when churchyards yawn, and graves
yield up their dead." But after the crowing of the cock night is
as safe as day ; this indefinite hour is generally set down as one
o'clock in the morning. Evil spirits up to that hour roam about
seeking whom they may molest. The hour of sunrise is an im-
portant hour in superstition ; then must one cull the flowers, or
find the objects upon which certain charms depend.

2, — Sun, Moon, Stars.

Sun. — The sun is always of good reputation in superstition.
For luck, every thing and every person must, at the start, turn
sunwise : — ** Car dciseil air gach ni " — sunwise tiUTi for every-
thing.

Moon. — Many are the superstitions connected with the moon.
When old people saw the new moon they blessed it —

" Sud agaibh a' ghealach ur.

Is High nan Dul ga beannachadh."

The waxing and waning of the moon must be watched in the con-
duct of farm and other business. Beasts are killed in the increase
of the moon ; if in its wane, the flesh would shrink. The moon
has influence on the growth of trees, and trees must be cut only
at the decrease — it seasons the wood better. Alder would split if
cut when the moon is on the increase. Com and hay are cut on

272 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

the increase of the moon to avoid shrinkage. The male young of
cattle are " cut" on the decrease of the moon.

The Stars, — Astrology is practically unknown in the High-
lands.

3.— The Months.

May is unlucky for marriage. There are other bad seasons
too : mios marhh is the end of winter, practically February —
nothing grows, no beast is killed, and no marriage takes place.
The last fortnight of July and the first fortnight of August is
called mios crochaidh nan con — the hanging of the dog's month.

i,—TIi€ Days of tlie Week,

Friday is against the week always, and it is a day on which no
new enterprise is undertaken. Tuesdays and Thursdays are the
days for marriage.

5. — TJie Calendar,

The festival days had and have many superstitions and more
queer customs attached to them. The subject has been oftener
treated than any other phase of superstition, and we merely
mention the important days —

(a) New Year's Day.
(h) Shrovetide.

(c) Beltane.

(d) St John's Eve.

(e) Hallowe'en.

(f) Christmas.

In later times the old practices have died out, leaving only the
mirthful side of the customs formerly in vogue. This relates
especially to the various practices of divination resorted to by
young people in order to find out who is to be one's future
partner in life. It is the young also who keep up the practices of
Hallowe'en and other fires, round which and through which they
dance and jump with mirthful glee.

Mr William Mackay thereafter read the following paper : —

TWO LETTERS BY SIMON LORD LOVAT.

The following letters have been kindly sent to me by W. Hay-
Newton, Esquire of Newton, Haddingtonshire. The first was
addressed by Lord Lovat to Miss Ann Stuart, daughter of Bailie

Two Letters by Simon Lord Lovat 273

John Stuart, one of those aristocratic merchants who carried on
large businesses in Inverness in the olden time. Mr Stuart was a
grandson of one of the barons of Kincardine, in Strathspey, and
was closely related to the famous Colonel John Roy Stewart. His
wife was Christina Macleod, daughter of Alexander Macleod of
Drynoch, a cadet of the family of Macleod of Macleod. Their
daughter, Miss Ann Stuart, was therefore a near connection of
Lord Lovat, who addresses her " My dear cousine." Sir John
Stuart, Count of Maida, was her nephew— a grandson of the
Bailie.

The ball which the young lady was to attend was given by the
St Andrew's Lodge of Freemasons, which consisted of the gentle-
men of the county and the elite of the burgh. Evan Baillie of
Abriachan, to whom Lovat refers, was Master of the Lodge for
several years ; and Major Caulfield and Collector George Colville,
whom he also mentions, were prominent membei*s. St Andrew's
Lodge was united in 1839 with St John's Lodge, which is one of
the oldest in Scotland.

In 1742 Miss Stuart was married to Richard Hay-Newton of
Newton, and the second letter was written to the bridegroom on
the occasion of that event. The present Mr Hay-Newton is a
lineal descendant of the marriage.

I. — TO MISS ANN STUART, INVERNESS.

My dear Cousine,

I was very sory to understand that you had a bad
cold since you went into Inverness. If you had stayd in my little
house, where the air is very good and wholesome, and where you
was as wellcome as in your fFather's house, it would have savd you
from the bad air and durty streets of Inverness, which has brought
that cold upon you. However, I am exeeding glad to know that
it is almost over, and I hope this letter will tind you perfectly
recoverd and in intire good health, which I wish with all my
soull, and I sincerely assure you and your worthy ifather and
mother and all the family of my most affectionate humble duty,
best respects, and best wishes.

As you promis'd to honour Miss Fraser with your good com-
pany at Christmas, I have sent this express to know what time
you would have the horse and chaise goin for you.

I know you will be much sollicited and importuned to be at
the ball that the gentlemen masons give on Monday next. If &
friend of yours was king at the ball I think it would be a right

18

274 Gaelic Society of Inuerness,

thing in you to honour it with your presence. But^ as Major
Caulfield is to be king of the ball, I know no call you have to do
him honour.

Evan Baillie told me that Caulfield and Collector Colvill were
to come here in a day or two to see me. I own Caulfield is not
blate, and if he makes me a visit after cutting my throat, and
doing me all the injury in his power, and was the great instrument
of breaking of my company, it plainly proves that he was bom
and bred an Irishman. But I have had severall proofs of the
same many years ago. But, my dear Miss, as it would be very-
impolite in me to wish that you should deprive yourself of the
pleasures of that ball since you have a great many friends that
will be at that ball that are masons, you should go to please them,
without taking any great notice of Major Caulfield ; and when the
ball is over I shall send in my chaise for you, and my friend and
your cousine, the Laird of Abriachen, will have the honour to con-
voy you liere, and you may freely command your time to go and
to come here witliout the least constraint, according as it suites
your pleasure and convenience.

Since I wrote what is above. Major Caulfield and Collector
Colvill are come here to diner. Mr Colvill is my relation, and is
always very wellcome to me, but I own that all the good manners
and politeness that ever I learned and practic'd was put to a
tr^all how to behave with the other gentleman. However, good
nature got the better, and I let him see that I could be as com-
plaisant, polite, and civil] in my own house as if he had never done
me the least injury. He was telling me that it is not sure that he
was to be king of the ball. But, whether he is or not, my kindly
advice to you, my dear cousine, is that you should have that com-
plaisance for your friends as to go to that ball, which they cannot
but take well, and they would have reason to take it amiss if you
did othcrways. But I ciU'uestly beg you may take care of your
health, for tlio ballroom is a cursed cold room. 1 wish you had
my chair to take you in and out. Duncan Fraser can get it to
you, and it will do me vast pleasure that you should take it, and
I only propose it for your health, which 1 do wish as well as I do my
own daughter's, for I am with a singular esteem and a very sincere
attachment and respect, my dear Miss, your most obedient and
most faithfull humble servant, and most afibctionate cousine,

LOVAT.

Beaufort, 20th December, 1741,
past 12 at night.

Two Letters by Simon Lord Lovat 275

IL — ^TO RICHARD HAY-XEWTON OP NEWTON,

Sir,

Tho* I have not the honour to be known to you, yet I have
that of being related to your family severall ways, tho* at a dis-
tance ; but now my relation is nearer to you than to any of your
family by your happy marriage to my dear cousine, Mrs Ann
Stuart. It certainly rejoices me much to seo my cousine so happy
as to be married to a gentleman of your birth, of your fortune, and
of good character, and at the same time I can assure you, sir, that if
a good wife can make a man happy, which is generally thought the
greatest happiness on earth, I can freely pronounce you the happi-
est man in the Island of Brit tain, ffor your young lady, my
cousine, is well known to be of a singular good temper, of a most
agreable humour, and truly endowd with good sense and under-
standing, and all the virtues that are known in her sex. It is
therefore from my heart and soul, dear sir, that I wish you and
your young lady much joy with all the felicities and advantages
that can be imagined in humane life.

I cannot omit to tell you, sir, that, as you are bom one of the
best gentlemen of the kingdome, I can assure you that your yo\mg
lady needs not yield to any gentlewoman of the kingdom for birth
and blood, ffor, as the Royall family of Stuart must be esteemed
one of our best familys, her ffather. Bailie Stuart, who is a grand-
child of the Baron of Kinkardine, is most certiiinly descended of
the Royall family without bastardy. And as to her mother,
I am oblig'd to tell truth of her birth ; she being a grand-
child of the Laird of Macleod's family, and my mother being
a daughter of Macleod's, which makes our near relation ; and I can
say, without any exaggeration, that Macleod is the head of as old
a family as is in the kingdome, and can say for the honour of his
family what few gentlemen in Scotland can say, and that is that
his predecessors were in possession of that same lands and great
estate that he has this day above 500 years ago. This I know by
unquestionable authority of Mr ALxander Macleod and Mr John
Macleod, both advocates, and known to be men of absolute honour
and integrity, who examhied Macleod's charter chest and put it in
order. I hope, sir, you will pardon this detaill, for I thought I
was oblig'd in duty to my cousine, your lady, and to you to give
you this account that you might contemn and despise the calum-
nious lyes that are invented and spread in the town of Inverness,
which that town abounds in.

If I had not been oppressd with the ague these four weeks past
I had certainly done myself the honour to have pay'd my duty to

276 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

you and to my dear cousine, your young lady, before now ; and I
woud have endeavourd to have been witness to your happy mar-
riage, and as soon iis I am in condition to travell the length of
Inverness, my first visite will be to pay my respects to the happy
new married couple, and when you think it proper to take the
countrey air I shall be mighty glad to have the honour to Ree you
in this little hutt, where you shall be as wellcome as in any of your
cousine, the Marquiss of Tweddale's, palaces, and if I knew your
dyd I would send in my chariot for you and for your lady. My
eldest daughter, who is a great favourite of your lady's, joins with
me in assuring you and our dear cousine, your lady, of our most
affectionate humble duty and best respects, and I am with attach-
ment and respect, dear sir, your most obedient and most faithfull
humble servant, and aftectionate cousine, Lovat.

Beaufort, 3rd June, 1742.

Mr Mackay also exhibited Lord Lovat's pocket-book, which Mr
Hay-Newton had sent him for that purpose. It is a beautifid
specimen of the binder's art — the clasps being of silver. It con-
tains the following memorandum in Lovat's handwriting : —

"Memo., 30th November, 1738, took the Oaths of Allegiance
and Abjuration at the Uourt-House on Great Tower Hill."

Nine years later he suffered death on the same Tower Hill for
breakiuj^ those oaths.

18th APRIL, 1SS8,

At this meeting, Mr Duncan Campbell, editor. Northern
Chronicle, read a paper, entitled —

THE IMPERIAL IDEA IN EARLY BRITISH HISTORY.

It is, in general, an indefensible thing to put the cart before
the horse, but I think it convenient, at starting, to indicate what
I am aiming at. Briefly stilted, the main propositions I intend to
suggest are something like these : — That the Roman-British
LnperatoreA were the original tap-root of both the Fionn and
Arthurian legends : That the original Feinne was the army which
inve^^tcd the first Fionn Imperator viith the purple: That Fionn
is not a personal name, but the Gaelic word for Emperor: and
That Guledig is the Welsh equivalent for Fionn and Imperator.
Allow me, at the outset, to say that, if in trying to fix historical

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 277

shadows and to catch ghosts, I may seem to speak dogmatically,
that is not because of the surety of fixed conviction, but because
of my desire to condense misty thoughts and to bring plausibilities,
sustained by some show of evidence, intelligibly before you.

It is utterly impossible to reconcile Macpherson's Ossian with
the known facts of Scottish and British history, during and im-
mediately after the Roman domination. Partial perversion had
probably taken place in the Irish Ossianic ballads, orally transmitted
from generation to generation, before Macpherson began to gather
them ; but he and his school perverted them so thoroughly that
they became at once more fabulous than Geoffrey of Monmouth's
British History. Before the year 1512, the Dean of Lismore and
his ^ brother fortunately collected a considerable number of
popular poems attributed to Ossian, Fergus, and other third,
fourth, and fifth century bards, along with resun-ection ballads
of the Tennysonian " Idylls of the King" sort. An overhauling of
the Dean's collection is sufficient to convince any one that Fionn
Mac Cumhail and his heroes and bards were all Irishmen, and
Irishmen, too, who had not at all such a connection with Scotland
as had Cuchullin* and the sons of Uisnech at an earlier period.
Fionn Mac Cumhail is presented to us as the Irish Imperator or
commander-in-chief of an Irish military organisation, forming a
sort of national standing army called the Feinne. The army is
divided into seven bands, on the pattern of the Roman-British
army, we may be sure. Most of the bands are supposed to be
of Fionn Mac Cumh ail's own race, the Clan Baoisgnc, but the two
bands of the Clan of Mom are of a different race, and so Gaul
Mac Mom forces Mac Cumhail to exempt him and his bands from
the ^payment of war tribute. The Dean gives a song by " Mac
Gilliondaig am fear dan," a Breadalbane poet who floui-ished about

* Mr Skene (Introduction to the Dean of Lismore's Book, page Ixxx.) says :
— Cuchullin was of the race of the Cruithne, and belongs both to Ulster and
Scotland. In Ulster his seat was Dundealgan, and the scene of his exploits
the district of Cuailgne and the mountains of Sleave Cuillin ; but even Irish
traditions admit that he was reared by Sgathaig, in the Isle of Skye, and here
we have Dunscathaig and the Cuillin Hills. The children of Uisneach were
likewise Cruithne, and must have preceded the Scots, for the great scene of
their Scotch adventures are the districts of Lorn, Loch Awe, and Cowall,
afterwards the possessions of the Dalriadic Scots. " As to Fionn Mac Cumhail
and his Clann Baoisgne, Mr Skene says that although a Herimonean pedigree
is given to them, it is not the only one known to the old Irish MSS." There
is a sort of probability that, like the Clann Breogan, who were an offshoot of
the British Brigantes, Fionn Mac Cumhail and his tribe had kindred in Britain,
and were not of the Milesian race at all.

278 Gaelic Society of Inverness-

1480, in which the position of Mac Cumhail and his Feinne is thua
described —

In the days of Conn of hundred battles,

I heard something like this,

Of Fioun of spears and sharp swords,

Cumliairs son of famous deeds :

That of Erin the hunting and lordship

Belonged to Mac Cumhail of long locks.

Patrimony and lordship he hadn't

Over the lands of the race of Gaul.

Forest rights they had all his life,

From Kerry north to Cam Valair.

But he possessed the old rights

Which previously were his.

From Hallowmas on to Beltane

His Fciim had all the rights,

The hunting without molestation

Was theirs in all the forests ;

Many the tributes I cannot tell

Belonged to Fionn and his men.

Tribute in Erin possessed

By Mac Cumhail from the forests —

High knighthood right to the Feinne

On the banks of every stream.

We are not called upon to deny that Fionn Mac Cumhail lived
and fought iis an imitative Irish Imperator^ with Feinne chiefly
composed of men of his own race, about the time when the cele-
brated Carausius was the lioman Fionn of Britain. The presump-
tion, in fact, is in favour of such an attempt having been made
about that time to unit€ Ireland by a military organisation,
borrowed from the neighbouring island, and headed by an imitation
Carausius. But we Icani that after a short, yet brilliant success,
the opposition and misrule of the Kings and septs of that era
prevented the triumph of the tJnion idea, and that Ossian was left
to mourn the total collapse and disappearance of the Feinne institu-
tion. As regards North Britain, if we wish to get to a true
correlation of Fionn and Feinne memorials and place-names
with the actual history of our country, including its connections
with Romans and Britons, we must push Fionn Mac Cumhail and
his Clan Baoisgne aside as impostors with whom we have little or
nothing to do.

The Imperial Idea in Eariy British History, 279

" Fionn " was probably, like " Ceesar " and " Augustus/' a
personal name or epithet, signifying the "fair" or "golden-haired
one," in the first instance, but in the third century it must, I
think, have already, like "Ceesar" and "Augustus," lost the
individual and become the Imperial dignity title. The usurping
Emperor Maximus of the fourth century is styled in ancient Welsh
documents by the corresponding Cymric name — Maxim Guledig.
Gildas in the sixth century supplies the link which connects
" Fionn " and " Guledig" by calling " Ambrose Guledig," Ambrosius
Aurelianus. That Aureliantis 'word of his is "the golden one"
literally Latinised. One would like exceedingly to know whether
the splendid Menapian Celt, Carausius, who for seven years main-
tained himself as Emperor of Britain between the years a.d. 287
and A.D. 294, had a head of golden hair. He is more likely than
any one else to have been the original Fionn who bequeathed to
future ages the idea of Imperial British unity which never could
die out ; although, unfortunately, Celtic fickleness, petty feuds,
and sept divisions left it finally to Saxon steadiness to give it full
embodiment and to profit thereby. The Saxons called their Fionn
Bretwalda, or Guardian of Britain, and after long see-saw conflicts
between rival kingly houses for supremacy, Bretwalda Egbert of
Wessex united all England. Some of his successors asserted their
Imperialism by assuming the Greek title of Basikiis in State
documents. A few years after Egbert's death Kenneth Mac Alpin
united Scotland north of the Friths of Forth and Clyde. Kenneth
was, therefore, a genuine Scottish Fionn, but nobody thought of
giving him that Imperial title. It is probable from the race and
associations of Kenneth that it was in his reign the process of dis-
placing Albanic legends and songs by tales and ballads of the Irish
Fionn and his Feinne began. He placed a Scoto-Irish nobility over
Pictland, and a Feinne of his own people on the Swordland lines
of national defence. He revolutionised the Albanic Church in the
same way as the nobility. So the continuity of history was
broken, and the native traditions becoming dim and confused, suc-
cumbed gradually to the songs and traditions of Ireland, the bards
of that country playing a great part in effecting the work of trans-
formation.

Let us glance at some of the events which preceded, accom-
panied, and followed the fall of the Roman domination in Britain.
From the beginning to the end of its connection with Rome, South
Britain was always under the shadow of the Imperial idea of
organisation and polity, and that shadow must, at different times
and in different ways, have spread over Ireland and Scotland.

280 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Scots and Picts were not always in conflict with the Emperors ; they
sometimes must have followed them in their continental wars.
Had he not been treacherously murdered by his base but clever
minister, Allectus, Carausius would in all probability have suc-
ceeded in establishing a stable British Empire independent of the
rest of the Roman world. He was a Celt himself, and his achieve-
ments and the largeness of his sea and land forces, as well as the
internal peace of Britain during his reign, indicate that he must
have secured the friendship and alliance of both the Irish races
and the Caledonians, after having first shown them how effectively
his fleet and army could repress their incui*sions. After having
for three years worn the purple he had snatched from his murdered
master, Allectus was defeated and killed by Constantius Chlorus.
If we may reasonably suppose that Carausius was the first Fiona
whose pei*sonal epithet became the Gaelic equivalent of Tmperator,
we must conclude at the same time that the army, aye and the fleet,
of Britain which invested him with the purple formed his Feinne.
This 8upj)()sition makes many dark things in our early British
history huninous and intelligible. Putting aside the ephemeral
Imperial usurj)ers who rose and fell in Britain, w^e have in the
regular or regularised Emperors, Carausius, Constantius Chlorus,
Coustantine the Great, Maximus, and Constantine the father— or
more ])robably the grandfather — of Ambrosius, men w^ho, we may
be sure, must have had bands of auxiliaries from North Britain
and Ireland in the great armies they led from these islands to the
Continent. Constantius Clilorus, after recovering Britain, ruled it
from York, whose Celtic name is Eborac, and there he died a.d.
300, fifteen months after he had ceased to be Caesar, and received
the hiLrher title of Augustus. Whether Helena, the first wife of
Constantius, was of British race or not, there is no doubt that
their son, Constantine the Great, lived many of his early years in
Britain, that it was by the army of Britain he was first saluted
ImpeTato)\ and that it wjis m;unly through the army of Britain he
made himself master of the Roman world. Is it any stretch of
imagination to hold it most credible that Caledonians and wander-
ing Scots followed this great Fionn to the East, and saw the New
Rome on the Bosphorus rising in its Imperial grandeur? About
A.D. 360, the Sjixons first appear on the scene as bands of sea
rovers who liarass the Roman province from the east, while the
Picts invade it from the north, and the wandering Scots of Ireland
pour invading hosts from the west through Wales, upon its richest
districts. The Emperor Valentinian sent his best general, the
elder Theodosius, with veteran troops, and before 370, the distiict

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 281

between the walls was recovered, and the Attacotti were grouped
into cohorts, some of which were taken over to guard the passes of
the Alps, and some of which remained at home to guard the
northern walls. The Saxons and Scots were also got rid of for
the time. The fair peace established by Theodosius did not long
endure. In a.d. 383, the army of Britain revolted from
Gratian, and proclaimed Maximus Imperator. We now come
to the early Welsh chroniclers, who call this man *' Maxim
Guledig." But for a little time longer we do not lose
completely the steadier light of the Latin and Greek historians.
Maximus was the son of a Spaniard, but it seems that he was born
and brought up in Britain. At anyrate he married a British lady,
Helena, the daughter of Eudda, a Caernarvonshire chief. He
must have been popular with all the Celtic races, for his memory
-was seemingly treasured by the Irish as well as by the Welsh
chroniclers. The British people not only confirmed his election by
the legions, but sent all their young men to join his standaixi.
Maximus passed over to Gaul with an army of thirty thousand,
gathered, we may depend on it, from all parts of the British Isles.
That was not all. The miscellaneous British army, which over-
whelmed Gratian and his army of Gaul, was followed by a hundred
thousand miscellaneous plebeian, or peasant, emigrants, whom
Maximus settled in Armorica. Thus was the lesser Britain founded,
and in the next century its British poi)ulation was much increased
l)y refugees flying from Saxon oppression. After the death of
Oratian, Theodosius the Great felt compelled to receive Maximus
as his colleague in the Empire, and to cede to him Britain, Gaul,
and Spain. He ruled these countries in peace, and with great
vigour too, for six years. Then his restless ambition led him to
invade Italy, where he was defeated and killed. The last Roman
Fionn who led the British Feinne to the Continent, and made
himself master of Gaul and Sj)ain, was Constantine, the father, or
grandfather, of Ambrosius Aurelianus. Gildas says " the parents"
of Ambrosius were " for their merit adorned with the purple." It
is a fact that Constanthie called his son Constans out of a mon-
astery, and associated that youth with himself in purple dignity.
From the words of Gildas it would seem that xlmbrosius was the
son of Constans and grandson of Constantine, since both are called
his ** parents.'' Constantine was regularly accepted by Honorius
as his colleague in the Empire, and after four years' reign he Wiis
dreaming of marching to Italy to clear it of Barbarians, when he
was wretchedly betrayed by Count Gerontius, whose British name
was Geraint. Constans was ensnared and killed a little while

282 Gaelic Society of Inuerness-

before his father's death. It was in this way that the British
Celts ever hastened by treachery and murder to throw away their
Imperial opportunities. While Constantine was reigning in Gaul
over the three countries, the friends of the Theodosian family
stirred up an insurrection in Spain, and the Greek hiBtorian
Zosimus relates that this rising was suppressed by nine bands of
Honorians or free-lances recruited by CouKtantine from barbarous
races. He further says that two of the bands were Attacotti, that
is to say, people from the district between the two walls, whether
Scots, Picts, or Britons, we cannot perhaps precisely tell, but Celts
imdoubtedly, and Scots probably.

Historical events, when attributed to wrong persons, or fixed
to wrong eras, almost assume the guise of deliberate fables. We
find in the Dean of Lismore's collection of so-called Ossianic poetry
all sorts of tremendous anachronisms and improbabilities. Ossian,
whose father Fionn and whose son Oscar perished with the rest of
the Fcinne — the bard alone excepted — Ossian an deigh na Feinne
— at the end of the third century, is brought into communion, not
always sweet, with St Patrick in the middle of the fifth century.
Perhaps the unknown bards of unknown periods who personated
Ossian had some good old wine of history to pour into their Irish
leather bottles, although they spilt it. Perhaps their fundamental
error consisted in supposing there never had been but one Fionn,
and in consequently claiming for the son of Cumhal what properly
belonged to the Roman Emperors connected with Britain who led
mixed hosts across the Channel, and ruled Britain, Gaul, and
Spain, before the Saxons came, conquered, and gave a new name
to Roman Britain. This is how a bard without a name speaks for
Ossian in a poem picked up by the Dean : —

From Mac Cumhail's fort we set out,
The expedition of eight I remember.
First of all we made for Albyn ;
'Twas with a struggle we reached it.
There a king fell by Mac Cumhail —
The expedition of eight I remember.
We then strove to get to Sasunn,
Exploits and slayings were there ;
Every stronghold was seized by Finn —
The expedition of eight I remember.
To Italy we then carried the battle,
And fiercely we fought in its harbours ;

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 28^

Triumphs and treaties we had there —
The expedition of eight I remember.
In France did we then make war,
Where we had many great hardships ;
Submission and treaties were made —
The expedition of eight I remember.
After that we fought in Spain,
There we had prey and great spoil :
I have traversed the earth in my day —
The expedition of eight I remember.
We next carried war to Britain,
'Twas fearful and full of danger ;
Yet did we earn a triumph —
The expedition of eight I remember.
We bore along " Crom nan Cam"
O'er the fierce stormy sea ;
Eveiy land made to us submission —
The expedition of eight I remember.
After it we led the chiefs,
Most gentle and holy Patrick,
Who made their submission to Finn —
The expedition of eight I remember.
Sanctify, Patrick, my soul,
Thou blessed and privileged man,
For I have sinned in thy sight —
The expedition of eight I remember.

As it stands, the song of the eight — probably eight leaders of
companies — is a fine jumble of inconsistencies and impossibilities,
but strike out " Mac Cumhail," leaving " Finn" alone in his glory,
change back " France" to Gaul, give " Sasunn" its Roman name,
strike out the reference to St Patrick, and what have we then ?
A ballad which a band of Irish auxiliaries that served Carausius,
Constantine the Great, Maxim us, or even the last Constantine, by
sea and land, might have sung with complete historical accuracy —
or at least as much historical accuracy as is usually to be found in
such ex-parte productions. In another ballad in the Dean's col-
lection we find Garry's statement to Fionn regarding the Clan
Mom's reasons for killing Cumhal, his father. This ballad contains
some very old words and phrases, and by accident or otherwise it
is free from the usual gross anachronisms : —

284 Gaelic Society of Inuemess.

Ere ever thou had'st so moved,
Walking in the steps of thy father,
Lightly could we leap o'er streams
Were it not for the wiles of Cumhal.
Twas Cumhal got influence o'er us,
Twas Cumhal oppressed us sore,
Twas Cumhal that banished us far
To the land of the strangers away.
Some he sent to Albyn fair.
And some to Lochlin dark,
The third to Greece the white.
We all from each other were torn.
Sixteen years were we all
Severed from Erin ; 'tis truth —
No small calamity was this
Never each other to see.

A sturdy assertion of relationship between the Greek and the
Gael is a striking feature of the songs collected by the Dean.
This surely could not have come down from prehistoric times,
when these two branches of the Aryan tree still remembered their
separation. It cannot be satisfactorily ascribed to the Crusades,
or to the fact that a few Irish and Albanic Celts served before
and after the Crusades in the Varangian Guards of the Greek
Emperors, although those things might have revived and
strengthened an older memory. Is it not likely that the older
memory was due to service under what we may call the British
group of Emperors, including Constantine the Great ?

We Highlanders of Scotland are in a most singular position.
Memorials of Fionn and the Feinne abound in our country. We
have a long chain of " caistealan nam Fiann" stretching from
Argyll through the Grampians to Dunkeld, and several branch
lines stretching thence through Magh Fortrenn, the longest of
which curves north-eastward and ends in the once famous fortress
of Dunottar. From Loch Linnhe through Gleann Mor-na h-Alba a
corresponding northern line of defence can be traced. Who were
the Feinne that in historic times held these great lines of forts 1
The standing armies of the Kings of Alba. The land along these
lines belonged to the Crown, mostly all, until after Bannockbum.
It was divided into " toiseachdan" or thanages among the king's
toisich and the king's men, who held it directly from the sovereign
on military service or coir a Maidheamh, that is to say, right of
the sword tenure. New dynasties, and sometimes new kings of

The Imperial Idea in Early British History, 285

the one dynasty, changed toisich and men, if they wished to put
others on whose fidelity they could better rely, or who claimed
closer kindred with thera, in the old men's places. On their first
coming into the country the Cniithne made Fortrenu their Sword-
land, and so it remained under both Picts and Scots till after the
death of Alexander the Fierce. Yea, feudalism notwithstanding,
the thanages along the Grampian line of forts, and on the Ness line
too, remained, with few exceptions, vested in the Crown, and provided
our kings with the standing army that enforced the law, until the
war of Independence. In the reigns of Robert and David Bruce
the thanages were prodigally given out on feudal tenure, and
subsequent kings were therefore less ca])able than the former ones
of upholding their authority against rebel leagues of barons, and
outrages of law-breakers.

I think I may venture to say that the Grampian chain of forts
and the Feinne which held it, were the imitated counterfeits of the
Koman wall between the Friths of Forth and Clyde, and of the
Roman army which manned it. But within the time dealt with
by the early chroniclers there never was a Fionn at the head of
the Albanic Feinne. No Pictish or Scottish King either claimed
or received that Imperial title. We know from Tacitus — and if
Tacitus had not told it we would not have heard a syllable about
it — that in the year 86 of the Christian era the Caledonian chiefs
and septs were compelled by the peril of Agricola's invasion to
compose their feuds and to elect Galgacus as leader of their united
forces. Galgacus might well have been called Fionn had the
name been then known. No place-names or other memorials of
Galgacus have come down to us. It is indeed a noteworthy thing
that although Ireland and Scotland — perhaps Scotland more
than Ireland — must have been all along alive with popular tradi-
tions of the Imperial time, yet the annalists of the two countries
from the seventh century downwards ignored the Fionn Saga
altogether. Adamnan, who died in 704, says nothing about it.
The tripartite life of St Patrick and the annals of Tighemac make
no reference even to Fionn Mac Cumhail and his Feinne. As
regards Scotland the " Pictish Chronicle," the " Duan Albanach,"
and the " Prophecy of St Beichan," ranging from the end of the
ninth to the end of the eleventh centuries are equally dumb. If
we duly consider the matter, I think we can understand why
Scottish and Irish kings, and Scottish and Irish churchmen, ignored
the popular Fionn Saga, and wished to kill it. In its true histori-
cal form it favoured the pretensions of the kings of England to
Imperial supremacy, and the claims of the Archbishops of Canter-

286 Gaelic Society of Inuemess.

bury and York to metropolitan supremacy over the older G^tic
Churches. It was a touch of the Cymric wand which brought out
the first reference to the Feinne that can be found in Irish
literature. The " History of the Britons," to which the name of
Nennius was by that time attached, was translated into Gaelic by
the Irish Sennachy, Giollocaomhan, some short time before 1072,
when he died. In Irish additions, which were afterwards attached
to that work, the " Fene " are mentioned, not as an Irish standing
army, divided on the model of the Roman exercittts into cohorts or
bands, but as " lordly men, Scuitt or Gaidheal," who for want of
land — an old complaint with the race, it seems — came from
" Scythia to the setting sun." But there is not a word in these
additions about Fionn Mac Cumhail and the other heroes of the
bardic son<;s and popular tniditions. When was the process of
imposing the Irish Fiomi and Feinne upon the Highlanders, and
through them also on the Scottish Lowlanders, fully completed '?
Evidently very soon after tlie feudalisation of the Swordland
thanages. Before 137G, Barbour could in his "Bruce" say : —

Methinkos Mortheoke's son
Right as Gow Mac Mom was won
To have from Fingal his menzie.

It is pretty clear from this reference that the Irish heroes had
inposed themselves, through tlie Irish bai*ds, upon Highland forgetr
fulness of real Imperial history, a hundred years before the Dean
of Lismorc made his collection. I may be quite wrong in several
of the views, both negative and i)0sitive, which I venture, with
considerable dittidence, to suggest to you for your further con-
sideration ; but 1 cannot be wrong in saying that we must
thorouglily rid ouitjclves of Fionn Mac Cumhail with his whole
Irish claujanifry, and begin investigations upon entirely new lines,
before we can hope to bring our Fionn and Feinne memorials into
line with genuine national history, and make the one throw light
upon the other.

Let us now see h(nv the Guledig or Imperial idea worked
among the Britons when tliey were left to their own resources.
Although faint, the historical light is rather continuous. When
the Latin and Greek historians become silent, Gildas, about a.d.
560, takes up the interrupted tale. The genuine poems of
Taliessin, Aneurin, and Lly warch Hen are nearly as old as the work of
Gildas — some of them, from internal evidence, would appear to be
(juite as old. The " History of the Britons," to which the name of
Nennius became attached in SQS, was a work which grew

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 287

by degrees. The early part of it was completed about 738,
and it is this early part which gives King Arthur's history.
Marc the Anchorite brought out an enlarged edition in 823, and
twenty-five years later came the edition of Nennius. What then
do we gather from the poetry and prose of these early Cymric
bards and ecclesiastics ? That when abandoned by the Romans,
and immediately after Constantine was betrayed and killed in
Gaul, the Britons appointed another Guledig. This was not
Vortigem but Cunedda from Manau, or Manand, near Edinburgh.
The Britons had three Gosgoixids or bodies of cavalry, each con-
taining three hundred, with corresponding infantry, on the legion-
ary model, " to man the walls and guard the passes of the island
of Britain." After the Saxons, whom he called in to aid him
against the Picts and Scots, betrayed Vorti<;cm's trust in them,
and seized much of the country, Ambrosius Aurelianus became the
Guledig. Gildas says : — " But in the meanwhile, an opportunity
happening when their most cruel robbers (*the Saxons') were
returned home, the poor remnant of our nation (to whom flocked
from divers places round about our miserable countrymen as fast
as bees to their hives, for fear of an ensuing storm), being
strengthened by God, calling upon Him with all their hearts, as
the poet says —

With their unnumbered vows they burden heaven,

that they might not be brought to utter destruction, took arms
under the conduct of Ambrosius Aurelianus, a modest man, who
of all the Roman nation was then alone, in the confusion of this
troubled period, by chance left alive. His parents, who for their
merit were adorned with the purple, had been slain in these same
broils, and now his progeny, in those our days, although shamefully
degenerated from the worthiness of their ancestors, provoke to
battle their cruel conquerors, and by the goodness of our Lord
obtain the victory. After this, sometimes our countrymen, some-
times the enemy, won the field, to the end that our Lord might in
this land try after his accustomed manner these our Israelites,
whether they loved him or not, until the year of the siege of
Mount Badon, where took place also the last almost, though not
the least, slaughter of our cruel foes, which was (iis I am sure)
forty-four years and one month after the landing of the Saxons,
and also the time of my o^ti nativity. And yet neither to this
day are the cities of our country inhabited as before, but being
forsaken and overthrown, still lie desolate ; our foreign wars
having ceased, but our civil troubles still remaining."

288 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Is it not a provoking thing that Gildas forgets to give us the
slightest sketch of Arthur's career? He tells us he was bom him-
self in the year of the siege of Mount Badon — one of Arthur's
celebrated battles — and yet he never mentions Arthur once by
name. Arthur and Medraut, or Modred, fell fighting against one
another in the battle of Camlan, on the Carron, not tar from
Stirling, in 537. Medraut was the inicle of St Kentigern, or
Mungo, of (ilusgow, and the son of that Llew or Loth whoui
Arthur himself had placed as King over the mixed Saxon, Frisian,
Pictish, and British population of the Lothians. Gildas was
twenty-one years of age when Arthur died, and yet the provoking
man tells us nothing about him ! Still, we have to thank him for
saving Ambrose Guledig from myth or oblivion. We have five
Welsh poems which are nearly if not quite as old as the book of Gildas,
in which Arthur figures, and the account given of him in the
" History of the Britons" seems to be fairly reliable. There were
(iuledigs and Guledigs. The succession of shadowy Emperors was
kept up from (.'unedda, in 411, until Ida, ten years after Arthur's
death, brought a new colony to Northumbria, and joining it with
the old Teutonic settlers there formed the great kingdom of
Bernicia. Unfortunately for the Britons, they did not give stability
to the Guledigshi]) by making it hereditary in the descendants of
the Imperial Constantine. They left that principle of stability to
be utilised by the Saxons. Still, during the one hundred and thirty
years of mortal strife, there were three Guledigs of the ConstAntine
descent, namely, Ambrose, Uther Pendragon, and Arthur. We
have only to do in the Fionn connection with the last.

vVhoever was the first, King Arthur was the last Fionn who
fought in Scotland. Almost all, if not all, his celebrated battles
were fought on this side of the Tyne and the Solway. I don't
think his first battle was fought on the river Glein in Ayrshire.
I believe it was fought on the Glein in Northumberland. Arthur
fought his battles with Saxons and Picts, but the probability is
that the Scots, who were then founding their Argyllshire kingdom,
were his allies, and that his Fionn memory went down associated
with aftectionate feelings among their descendants. If such was
the case. King Arthur was the Scottish Fionn whose place in
legend and song the Irish Mac Cumhail afterwards usurped. The
alliance of the Picts and Saxons dated back to 360, when the
Scots were also in the confederacy. But after Arthur's time, the
British people of Strathclyde — a kingdom which owed its existence
to Arthur's achievements — and the Scots of Dalriada continued
long to be friendly allies, while, as a rule, Picts and Northumbrians

The Imperial Idea in Early British History, 289

were leagued against them. That state of things endured down
to Kenneth McAlpin's time. There is a song of Taliessin which
appears to have been composed before Arthur's career came to its
close, because it mentions only his earlier battles. This song tells
us that " the blessed Arthur" was of the race of the " steel Ala,"
or legionary cavalry, that he guarded the country, made swift
irruptions with cavalry, and some famous assault over tlie wall.
We are then told about the rise of him as Guledig : —

From the destruction of chiefs,

In a butchering manner.

From the loricated Legion,

Arose the Guledig

Around the old renowned boundary.

Another old song says that three times three hundred horsemen
listened to Arthur, and that he had sixty Canhwrs, or hundreds, of
infantry to place on the niur or wall. These numbers, cavalry and
infantry, agree precisely with the organisation and full complement
of the Roman Legion.

Mr Skene, our chief guide, pliiloso})her, and friend, in all
matters of Celtic history, has ransacked the Welsh songs, and the
chronicles, with their glosses and additions, about the twelve
celebrated battles of Arthur. He places them all in the region
between the walls, and within the present bounds of Scotland.
He is right in his main contention, but I venture to demur to three
of his identifications. I think Arthur first checked the encroach-
ments of the Angles in Northumbria, and then proceeded to the
northern wall to fight with the allied Picts and mixed Teutonic
communities of the Lothians who were trying to conquer the
present counties of Stirling, Dumbarton, and Lanark. It was on
the shores of Loch Lomond, in regione Linnuisy the district called
by modem Highlanders " Leanndaidh," and on a stream called the
Dubhglas, that he fought his second, third, fourth, and fifth
battles. There the Douglas stream — or rather two of them — can
be found to this day, and from the background the towering
Beiim Artair (or Arthur's Ben) looks down on the scene of ancient
conflict. The sixth battle was at Dunipace, not far from Stirling,
and Arthurian tradition has persistently clung to Stirling through all
the centuries. The seventh waa in Silva Caledonis, the Wood of
Caledon, and its Welsh name is given as Cat Coit Celidon. I
cannot agree with Mr Skene in placing the scene of this battle in
an imaginary Coed Celyddon in Tweeddale. The wood of Cale-
donia is really what is meant both by the Latin and Welsh words.

19

290 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

King Arthur having cleared the Lennox and the line of the Carron

of the allied foes, followed them northward and defeated them

again probably at Coille Cliait, between Doune and Callander,

before they found refuge within the sheltering arms of the Pass of

Leny. Something then called him away from pursuing the foes

through the Caledonian hills at that time. That something was

probably a great invasion of Anglic settlers and sea rovers from

Northumberland ; for he fought his eighth battle at Castle

(iuinnion, in Wedale, on the Gala. The ninth battle was i» urbe

Leorp's, which the Bruts identify with Alclyd, or Dumbarton. In

1367, when David Bruce was King, the Castle of Dumbarton was

jstyled Castrum Arthuri, or Arthur's Castle, in a parliamentary

document. The tenth battle was that of Trailwii Trytvruid. Mr

Skene places this battle on the banks of the Forth near Stirling.

I think, on the contrary, that Arthur now penetrated the

Grampians, by crossing from the Teith at Coille Chait, where he

fought his seventh battle, to the Earn at Comrie. The pass of

Leny might have been held too strongly to be forced without

<j:reat loss, when Arthur skirted the Ben Voirlich hills, and marched

down the Glen Artncy forest valley, w^hich is now and always has

been called Arthur's Glen, or Ghann Artair in Gaelic. He was

following, although by devious paths, the march lines of preceding

Roman leaders, from Agricola downwards. Arthur, however, did

not take the old Roman route from the great camp at Ardoch to

the small camp at Fortingall. From the Earn at Crieff he struck

northward to Loch Tay % Glen Turret. Locha Turraid, a small

mountain tarn, gives its name to this glen. Locha Turraid has a

sandy beach or traigh^ and

On Tratheu Trywruid
Contending with Garwlwyd

Arthur won his tenth battle. The name of his opponent — Garwlwyd
— looks as it might be the purely Gaelic words, Garhh Leod —
" Strong Hero" in Welsh spelling. After the Glen Turret battle
Arthur struck Loch Tay, and rounded it by the west or KiUin
end. He has left there, on the north side of the loch, the place-
name of Tir Artair, " Arthur's Land," and this land embraces the
promontory of " Fionn-Lairig." The next place-name trace of him
which we find in tliis Grampian region is at Fortingall. The
mountain stream from Sithchaillionn, which passes the old Castle
of Garth on its course to the Lyon, and separates the districts of
Appin and Fortingall, is called by Gilchrist Taylor, in the Gaelic
poem he composed in 1437 on the murder of James L, " AU Art"

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 291

** Arthur's Bum." The eleventh battle of Arthur was fought in
inonte qui dicittir Agned, and Agned is known to be the old Welsh
name for Edinburgh. The hill between Edinburgh and the
Portobello shore of the Firth of Forth is, I need scarcely say,
called Arthur's Seat to this day. The twelfth battle was that of
Mount Badon, fought in 516. Mr Skene maintains that the scene
of it was Bouden or Buden Hill, in Linlithgowshire. That com-
pleted the series of twelve, and we hear nothing further of Arthur
for the next twenty-one years. In 537 both Arthur and Medraut,
or Modred, fell fighting with one another at the Battle of Camlan,
on the Carron, and here till last century was the strange building
called Arthur's Oven, which is mentioned in a charter of 1293, by
the name of Fumus Arthuri.

I must again revert to Arthur's irruption from the northern
wall into the heart of the Caledonian woods, for I want for a little
while to indulge in suggesting things which I ciinnot prove. Two
years ago a very remarkable sculptured stone wtis dug up near
Murthly, a few miles below Dunkeld, which is now preserved in
the Antiquarian Museum, Edmburgh. Ever since the Murthly
stone was dug up I have been haunted by the ghost of a pig.
But I must say, in justice to my tormentor, that it is not the ghost
of a common pig, but of a splendid heraldic boar, which has important
historical meaning if we could only decipher it. The Murthly stone
has three groups of figures. In what may be called the first panel
we find a dragon without wings, which looks very like a sprawling,
goggle-eyed lizard. Above the dragon is a fierce boar, that
threatens to swallow a semi-human figure which, with a back look
over the shoulder, is flying from it. In the centre panel are two
hare-headed figures, standing up on their seal or Dagon-like tails,
and vigorously shaking hands. In the third, a bird-headed man,
in something like a kilt- tunic, is fighting with a dog-headed man,
who opposes a round shield to the other's weapon, but is getting
the worst of it, as he is clearly driven down on his knee. There
is not the slightest trace of Christian symbolism, but in covenants
with unbaptised races even Arthur, the Christian knight, would
have to follow the customs binding on them. This seems to be a
stone recording a covenant of peace following a war, in which the
boar associated with the dragon obtained the victory. The hare-
headed creatures are the daoine sith, or men of peace, who
negotiated the agreement. Was the dragon not the symbol of
Uther Pendragon, the father of Arthur, or was it not indeed the
general symbol of the whole Cymric race ? If the dragon here
represents the Cymric host which followed the boar, who is repre-

292 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

sented by the boar 1 The boar is certainly the dominating symbol
of the whole representation. It was the badge of the hero of the
war, whoever that hero was. On the Earn at Trinity Gask,
near Crieff, there is another stone with the boar dominating other
animal symbols. The boar, we are told, was the badge of the 20th
Roman Legion ; but the question is. Did it become the badge of
Arthur Guledig, and is this Murthly stone a clear proof of his
having forced his way to the old capital of Caledonia, and dictated
terms of peace there to his defeated foes ? Of the semi-human
figures it is as yet impossible to make much ; but I would venture
to suggest that the dog-headed figure represents the Picts or
Cruithne. Cuchullin, the great hero of their nation, was pre-
eminently An cvy "The dog." When they erected Sweno's stone,
at Forres, centuries after Arthur's time, they put the figure of a
dog on the back of it, as a symbol of their race. To revert to
Arthur and the boar, I am ahnost ashamed to try to connect the
two, by first connecting the boar's head, which is the crest of the
Campbells, with King Arthur. But what can a man driven to his
wits' end by the haiuitiug ghost of an unclean animal do, but use
such poor spells as he knows for laying the perturbed spirit? You
will find in the appendix to the thii*d volume of Skene's " Celtic
Scotland" ])edigrees of Highland clans, which were drawni up
by old Irish Sennachies long before the spurious pedigrees of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries began to be manufactured.
Now, in the manuscript of 1467, quoted by Mr Skene, three clans
— the Campbells,* called the Clann Cailein (Colin's clan), the Mac-

* Like the Macleods, Mackenzies, and several other Highland Clans, the
Campbells got a new pedigree in the seventeenth century which placed the
Irish Diarniad 0' Duibline among their ancestors. That pedigree seems to
have been due to the boar-head crest, and to tlie accident that Diarmad's father
or ancestor bore the same name as their own eponymous Duibhne. We cannot
find a trace of tlie Diarmad pedigree before the latter end of the seventeenth
century. The " Duanag UUamh " bard, circa 1576, knew nothing about it
Ntart nan Duibhneachy not neart siol Dhiarmaidy is what he speaks of. The
unknown bard who lamented the death of Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy,
in 1631, believed in the old pedigree, for he says : —

" Precious diamond of the true blood of Arthur, powerful adamant of the land

of the Feiun ;
Whelp of a hound of the race of Duibhne, heavy to say is our remembrance

on his account.
There lies in the earth of Finlarig, the high blood of Arthur of no feeble mind."

The very first reference to the new pedigree which I can find is in the " Aos-dana
Maclthich's " lament for Archibald Earl of Argyll, beheaded in 1685 : —

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 293

kocls, and the Nicolsons — are traced back to the mythical or
mysterious personage called Fergus Leith Derg, son of Nemedh ;
but of the three, the Clann Cailein alone are traced up from their
early eponymous man, Duibhne, who cannot be placed earlier than
1 1 40, through " Arthur, son of Uther, king of the world, son of
Ambrois, son of Considin," or Constantine. The pedigree is
proved by documents to be absolutely correct from 1467 back to
1 230. It is probably correct in the main back to Duibhne, at the
end of King David's reign. Beyond that it is evidently artificial.
But the certain descent of Duibhne from Arthur is not the point.
The question is, Was Duibhne, or whoever it was, who first
assumed the boar-head badge, fully convinced by popular tradition
and the then existing monuments that the boar was Arthur's
imperial symbol 1 So much for the ghost of the boar ; let us now
consider the political consequences of Arthur's irruption into the
heart of ancient Caledonia. These were evidently great, yet it
was the Scots of Dalriada who reaped where the Guledig had sown.
They surely must have been his allies. At anyrate the concjucsts
of the Dalriadic colony between its settlement in Argyll and the
death of Arthur, were too great to be due to its own strength. The
date of the settlement was a.d. 498. Fergus Mor, leader and king
of the colony, died in 501, about the time when Arthur must have
been fighting his Lennox series of battles, Domangart, the next
Dalriadic king, made such acquisitions that he is styled Righ
Alban. So is his son Comgall, who died in 538, or just a year
after Arthur. The Albanic title piissed from Comgall to his
brother Gabran, but in 560 Gabran was defeated and slain by the
Pictish King Brude MacMaclchon, who was a few years later con-
verted and baptised by St Columba at Inverness. The seat of the
Pictish monarchy must have been removed from the Tay to the

'S iomadh leoghan is triath duineil,

Is ceann buidhne,
De'n t-sliochd iarleil ud, sliochd Dhiarmaid

Mhic O* Duibhne.

By the time of Queen Anne's death the new pedigree had quite displaced the
old, for what says John Macdonald in his splendid song of the clans ? —

Gur guinneach na Guibhnich (Duibhnich),

'Nam bristeadh cheann,
Bhidh cnuachdan ga'n spuachdadh,

Le cniadul ur lann ;
Dream uasal ro uaibhreach,

Tha dual dhuith 's an Fhraing —
'S ann o Dhiarmad a shiolaich

For lionmhor nach gann.

294 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Ness after the defeat of Glen Turret and the covenant of Murthly,
and the Dalriadic Scots, as Arthur's allies, I suppose, must have
occupied the Grampian forts, and held them for nearly sixty years,
imtil Columba's Brude defeated them, and recovered the Sword-
land, possession of which made one Rujh AlUin.

The reversion of the Imperial idea rightly belonged to the
Celtic races who inhabited Britain and Ireland when the Western
Empire was crumbling to pieces. Fionn Mac Cumhail deserved
all the laudations bestowed upon him by after- time bards for
making a strenuous attempt at the end of the third century, when
Carausius was the Fionn of Britain, to make him^cXf Imperator of
Ireland. The loc;il kings and septs, who were the Home Rulers
of the time, happened to be too strong for him, and his noble
attempt proved abortive. Notwithstanding that the subsequent
Ard Rijh system was good in theory, and would have developed
into Iinjjcrialism among a less divided and more steadfast people,
Celtic Ireland never again, after Fionn Mac Cumhairs fall, came
within hail of real national unity. The Britons made a poor
exhibition of themselves at the time the legions were withdrawn,
but when they got hardened by adversity, they and their Guledigs
fought stubbonily against many foes for a hundred years. They
failed in the end, and the Imperial idea passed over to the Saxons,
who, ])y slow degrees, embodied it. What the Saxons began the
Norniiuis comijleted, and the amalgamated races built up an
p]mpiro more extensive than that of Rome, and gave the world
the educational benetits of institutions, laws, and literature,
possessing nobler (qualities than those of previous ages ever pos-
sessed. It Would have been a sad thing for the British Isles had
the failure of the Celtic races to em])ody the Imperial ruling-race
idea been repeated by the Saxons and the Normans after they had
finished tlieir destructive work of conquest. We have reason to
be thankful that it was destined to be otherwise.

Among the many faint trails of Imperial meaning which can
be traced u]) to the word " Fionn," the strangest of all, perhaps,
is that which is foiuid in tlie " Saxon Chronicle." The nucleus of
this chronicle was compiled from different sources, chiefly from
liede, and the I'ecords of monasteries in the reign of King Alfred.
It was continued ])y unknown scribes down to 1154. The "Saxon
Chronicle ^' does ni)t mention Arthur; neither does Bede The
truledigship, its a device inimical to their race, was consistently
ignore.1 by all the earlv Saxon writers. Bede himself knew
precious little about the leaders and policy of the Britons during
tne century of invasions, settlements, and mortal strife. The new

The Imperial Idea in Early British History, 295

masters of Britain were thoroughly illiterate until after their
conversion by Augustine and his monks at the end of the sixth
century. It was not strange that Arthur should be ignored by
Bede and the later Saxon writers, seeing he fought his battles in
the district between the walls, and not with the Kings of Wessex.
The conquest and parcelling out of the country was, however, far
from completed when the Kings of the Heptarchy imitated their
British foes by choosing one of themselves to act as Bretwalda,
which was their name for Guledig. Says Alfred's chronicler : —
The first Bretwalda was ^lle. King of the South Saxons, who had
thus much sway ; the second Wiis Ccawlun, King of the West
Saxons ; the third w^as ^thelbryght. King of the Kentish people ;
the fourth was Rgedwald, King of the East Angles ; the fifth was
Eadwine, King of the Northumbrians ; the sixth was Oswald, who
reigned after him ; the seventh Oswiu, Oswald's brother ; the
eighth Ecgbryht, King of the West Saxons," who was Alfred's
grandfather. It was for a considerable time a moot question
whether a Northumbrian or a West Saxon Bretwalda should have
the good luck and honour of uniting England. The frightful
defeat which Brude Mac Bili, the hero of Fortrenn, inflicted on
the Northumbrians atDunnichen, in 686, broke the power and ruined
the dynasty of the northern kingdom ; and so a hundred and forty
years later Egbert, of Wessex, succeeded in making himself supreme
hereditary King of all p]ngland. We now come to the strange
trace of the Fionn, or Imperial tradition, which is to be found in
the "Saxon Chronicle," namely, that at the earliest period of their
having scribes at all, probably about 640, the Northumbrian
Kings enrolled " Fionn " in their pedigree as an ancestor of the
deified hero Woden, while, till the death of P^thelwulf, P^gbert's
son and Alfred's father, the West Saxon Kings were content with
a pedigree which stopped short at Woden. As soon, however, as
the West Saxon Kings realised the fact that the idea of
Imperialism was represented by the adopted Finn ancestor of the
rival Northumbrian dyuiusty, they, too, put him in their pedigrees.
Alfred's chroniclers traced back Ethel wulf's ancestors from *' Finn"
to Sceaf, a supposed son of Noah, who was bom in the ark ! We
need not much wonder that the Gaelic Fionn, and not the Welsh
Guledig, became the traditionary exponent of Imperialism to the
Northumbrians, for they were converted to Christianity in the
seventh century by Gaelic missionaries, and they had the Picts of
Galloway as allies or dependent tributaries. That connection was
apparently continued from the time when Saxons, Frisians, and
Picta were confederated against the British Guledig and his fol-

296 Gaelic Society of Inuerness,

lowers. When the Northumbrian kmgdom was formed, the whole
north must have been ringing with the fame of Arthur, who fell
at the battle of Camlan ten years before. Ida and his new colony
could have had no personal grudge against the dead hero. It was
otherwise with the old Teutonic communities which Ida consoli-
dated with his new colony, and otherwise, too, with the Plots,
whose traditions of the Fionns, as crushing enemies and invaders,
went back beyond Carausius, to the Emperor Severus, if not to
Agricola.

Wliile Bede and the eighth century Saxon scribes ignored
Arthur (Julcdig entirely, his fame, meanwhile, began to spread
marvellously on the Continent. That fame grew, and spread, and
inspired. Armorica was the cradle of the Arthurian romance,
which bus no closer relation to real history than Macpherson's
" Ossian." As tliere is in the latter a small sediment of disguised
Irish histor}', so there is in the former a modicum of British
history, but in both cases it is " a halfpennyworth of bread to an
intolerable deal of sack." Living among mysterious menhirs and
stone circles, and naturally imaginative and prone to superstition,
mindful of their ancestral connection with " Maxim Guledig," and
excited by the tales refugees from Saxon oppression told them, the
Armoricans transformed Arthur into a supernatural hero, invented
Merlin, the boy witliout a father, who grew into the incompre-
hensible old wizard, and altogether constructed a wonderful story,
which possessed miraculous power of self-increase and kaleidoscope
changes, once that it took wings among the nations. Arthur,
whom the Saxon chroniclers entirely ignored, was brought back to
Britain by the Normans, very much transformed, but, at the same
time, very much alive and kicking. Geoffrey of Monmouth, who
was consecrated Bishop of St Asaph on the 24th February, 1152,
published before that time the fkb ulcus history which goes under his
name, and which, as regards Arthur, has influenced poetic litera-
ture ever since. Did (Tcoftrey weave this romance out of his own
head, with the help of floating traditions ? I think he might truly
rei>ly to any contemporaiy who asked that question — if he could
speak (Gaelic as well as he spoke Welsh — Ma 's hreiig hh%uim is
hremj thugam. Why should the man's own distinct declara-
tion, that he is only the translator and not the author of the book,
be not accepted ? Geoffrey states that Walter Mapes, then Arch-
deacon of Oxford, and a scholarly person, who did much in his day
to collect the works of ancient authors, found, whilst journeying
in Armorica, " a history of Britain written in the British tongue,"
which he gave to Geoffrey, who undertook to translate it, and

The Imperial Idea in Early British History. 297

diligently prosecuted his task until he completed it. The British
tongue of Armorica at that time would differ very little from the
Welsh, with which Geoffrey was intimately acquainted. The book
which he translated has perislied, but so have many more about
which we hear from old writers. William the Norman was
followed, in his invasion of England, by many Armorican chiefs
and adventurers, who shared afterwards in the distribution of
lordships and baronies. The close connection of English Normans
and Bretons with their native districts in France was not broken
in 1152, nor for two generations afterwards. Had Geoffrey
attempted to impose a s})urious work upon his age, he would have
most probably been detected. But why should his statement be
<loubted at all ? Does not this fabulous history of Arthur, his
knights, and his round table, bear the brand of Annorican genius?
<ieoffrey's book, whether an original or a translation, helped
largely to stimulate the chivalrous and poetic tendencies which
began strongly to influence classes and masses at the time of the first
crusiide. The book was accej)ted a« true history, and when
Edward Longshanks laid his claims to be recognised as suzerain of
♦Scotland before Pope Boniface, one of liis arguments was that
"Arthur, King of the Britons, a most famous })rince, subjected
rebel Scotland to himself, nearly destroying the whole nation, and
that he afterwards appointed, as king over Scotland, a certain
Angusulus." The advocates of Scotland did not im})ugu the truth
of ( Geoffrey's history, but, acce])ting it as true, they pleaded that
Arthur was illegitimate, and so could not inherit nor transmit. I
have some suspicion that the complete displacement of the true
Fionn legends of Scotland by the Fionn Mac Cumhail legends
imported from Ireland, which took place before the end of David
Bruce's reign, was partly due to the way in whicli Arthur's name
And fame had been used to support the unjust claims of the
English Kings.

25th APRIL, 1888,

On this date the following were elected members of the Society,
viz. : — Mrs Dick, Greenhill, Lower Drummond ; Dr Finlayson,
Alunlochy ; and Mr Y, R. Grant, Maryhill, Inverness. The Rev.
Donald Masson, M.D., A.M., PMinburgh, then read a paper on
** Popular Domestic Medicine in the Highlands Fifty Years Ago."
Dr MasBon's paper was as follows : —

S98 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

POPULAR DOMESTIC MEDICINE IN THE HIGHLANDS
FIFTY YEARS AGO.

In Martin's "Western Islands," published in 1703, there will
be found a great variety of most interesting information as to the
popular medical remedies and surgical a2)pliance8 which, nearly
two centuries ago, he foimd in common use among the Celts of
the Isles. Martin's book is, indeed, a rich mine, wherein might
easily be quarried nnich precious ore, in the folk-lore, not only of
popular medicine, but of a thousand other delightful topics. I am
not going to review the work, nor to draw upon its multiform
contents for the materials of a lecture. Till very recently it was-
one of the rarest and most ])rccious of rare Highland books ; but
it has now been reprinted, and brought within the reach of
ordinary readers. p]very Highlander, and every student of the
Highland problem, whether on its social, political, or economical
sides, should possess and carefully study the volume. In its pages
I can promise him a feiist of fat things, and of wine well refined —
not merely a substantial repast, but a feast of knowledge, so served
and flavoured as to tickle the palate of the most fastidious literary
epicure, whatever his tastes or predilections.

Compared with Martin's varied symposium, what I Jim going to-
present to you will be but a modest repast, in which, very possiV>ly,
by the keener olfactories, a sonpc^on of Martin may be scented, for
I have lately been deep in " the feast of reason" between his brown
mahogany boards. But my whole and only purpose is just simply
to describe to you such old traditionary treatment in domestic
medicine and surgery as fifty years ago I personally observed
among the Highland i)co]>le. Let us begin with a subject whose
interest unhapf»ily touches us all very closely.

Consumption, or phthisis, though not then so common as at
present, was a well-known disease in my early dayp. It was
believed to be infectious. During the visit to my father's house of
a boy believed to be consumptive, I was warned by an old domestic
not to sleep with him, "else," as she put it, "by breathing his
breath, you'll get from him the white lights," that is, white lungs.
The phrase is significant. White lungs — that is, lungs thoroughly
infiltrated with white tubercular matter, in the form known as
" miliary tubercle" — are but too well known in the dissecting
rooms of every medical school ; and any one who is familiar with
the post mortem theatre of a modern hospital will gather from the-

Popular Domestic Medicine, 299

phrase that the Highland people of my boyhood's days were not
without some traces of sound pathological knowledge.

Besides a line of treatment to be mentioned farther on, there
were various remedies for this serious and, even then, too often
fatal disease. Nourishing food was strongly insisted upon. The
marrow of bones, especially that found in the long bones of the
ox, was greatly valued, and eagerly sought after. A soup made of
snails was also much esteemed. The snails were also cut up into
small pieces, and hung in a porous cloth before the fire, so as by
dripping to yield a juice, which was taken internally, as we take
cod liver oil. Lamb broth, made with certain herbs, was also con-
sidered very helpful. And of medicinal herbs, those most in
vogue were : — The dandelion, root and leaf, raw, cooked, and in
the form of infusion ; the marsh mallow ; the wortle berry ; colt's
foot ; the mullin ; flax, in the form of tea ; and the gentian,
mainly as a tonic. Most of these herbs are useful adjuvants of
natural digestion. They would, therefore, have a good effect in
the early stages of the disease. Others would similarly help the
liver and kidneys when, in the later stages, these organs had to
take up their share of the failing function of the now disabled
lungs. Certain mineral springs were resorted to by not a few, and
where the disease had not already taken a firm hold of the system,
they were undoubtedly of great value. One of tliese wells, which
is rich in carbonate of iron, was used by Hugh Miller when a boy
at Cromarty ; and he very highly praises its virtues, as I can also
do from personal experience. It is, however, to be noted that the
waters of Strathpeffer, our greatest of Scottish spas, have always
been contra-indicated by the popular voice in cases of suspected
phthisis.

But the Highlander's mainstay in the early domestic treatment
of this fell disease was not properly medicinal, nor yet was it
exclusively nutritional. His treatment was, indeed, very largely
nutritional, but it was also, and still more largely, manipulative.
In fact, it was, as appears to me, nothing less than that system of
treatment which is at present so highly valued in the profession
under the fashionable name of massage. And if we had the reality
of massage without the name, the operator, as in the modem
instance, was usually a masseuse, though she would be mightily
surprised if addressed by that now fashionable title. The masseuse
of my early experience was a tall, muscular, horny-handed daughter
of toil. An out- worker on the farm, she added something to her
earnings of sixpence a-day by the practice of her art. Her fee for
each sitting was half a pound of fresh butter. A small portion of

300 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

this was used as a lubricant in her professional operation, which was
as follows : — I was seated on a high chair, and had to strip to the
loins. The dame stood behind me, and set to work with a sweep
of both hands from before backwards, in the line of the lower
border of my chest, so as to satisfy herself as to the condition and
position of the cartilaginous ends of my youthful ribs, and
especially of the ensiform cartilage, which she called an duUleaa^
that is, " the little leaf." A main part of her immediate object
was to prevent the ends of the lower ribs and the ensiform cartilage
from turning inwards into the region of the abdomen. With this
object she would again and again sweep a haxid on either side,
with steady pressure of palm and fingers, from before backwards,
along the lower border of the chest ; and then, with sudden move-
ment of the fingers, she would dig in beneath the border of the
chest at its attaclnnent to the diaphragm, and pull out the ribs
with moderate but firiu and continued force. In most persons the
ensiform cartilage is more or less curved inwards at the pit of the
stomach. This the ma^sseuse held to be the fertile source of much
serious disease. Many a sore tug did she give, in vain endeavours
to rectify this undesirable malformation of my skeleton; many
and solemn her head-shakings at the poor success of her attempts.
She was })ersuaded, and almost persuaded my sorrowing mother,
that I was already in the earlier stuire of an tinneas caitiieadk, "the
wasting disease," as consum})tion was then popularly called by our
people. That her treatment was beneficial there can be no doubt.
The bones of my chest were then pliable and elastic ; much of the
chest-box, at that early age, being really not osseous, but carti-
laginous. Massage of the chest, at that age, and as my old
masseuse was wont to practice her art, cannot help being benefi-
cial. The sweeping pressure of palm and fingers, well anointed
with sweet fresli butter, though begun at the lower border of the
chest, was continued over the whole upper portion of my body,
from below upwards, from above downwards, and, most of all, from
before backwards; and ever and anon there came the dig and sweep,
and the continued pull of her iron fingers beneath the lower ribs,
and hooked round the ])eccant ensiform, to raise them outwards,
and so to " open the chest." The Gaelic name of this early form
of massage has often puzzled me. It was known as a toirt na
clac/ian cleihh dheth 'n ghille, that is, literally, " taking the creel
stones off the lad." In some way it seemed as if, by an un-
conscious anticipation of the modern theory of heredity, the old
people thought that we children were being visited with the
consequences of some excessive labour in burden-bearing on the

Popular Domestic Medicine. 301

part of our remote ancestors ; thus associating the genesis of this
mysterious disease with another of the sore perplexities of my
childhood, arising out of one of the many abstruse and mysterious
questions of Shorter Catechism. The name, in all probability, is
simply a degraded form of the words glacadh cleitke, " a catching
or * stitch' of the side." Logan (Scottish Gael, ii., p. 170) speaks,
indeed, of the one word glacadh, as being itself " among the High-
landers the name of a disease of a consumptive nature, affecting
the chest and lungs." In that sense it would be the Gaelic
equivalent of phthisis pulmonalis, " consumption of the chest."
But glacadh, in that sense, is unknown to me. The dictionaries
have it as a " swelling of the hollow (glac) of the hand." But
external swelling is not a symptom of consumption. Logan's use
of the word cannot, therefore, settle the question. It is, indeed,
to be greatly regretted that in the mouths of the Highland people,
many names, whether of plants, birds, diseases, or even of places,
have long ago, in the wear and tear of common use, lost all trace
of their first meaning.*

It may be here stated, by way of parenthesis, that the mani-
pulations of my masseuse were always accompanied by a low,
muttering, inarticulate sort of incantation, whose meaning, or even
the words, I could never catch. The meaning, in all likelihood,
^vas unknown to herself. If she knew it, she was certainly very
careful to keep her patient in the dark. She was a good Pro-
testant, and as a regular and devout cliurch-goer, she used to hear
the minister thunder out all the terrors of the law against witch-

* The following references, suggested respectively by Mr A. Mackay Robson
and Mr John Whyte, may, to some extent, elucidate the point. The first is
from the words of a song made by a man who had married a lady who was
considerably his senior, and whom he found to be rather a drag ujwn his
movements : —

•* 'Nuair a theid mi chun an fheil,
Bidh a' chailleach as mo dhcidh,
Le casadaich is glacadh-cleibh,

'S feumaidh mi bhi suidhe leatha."

The second is from the '* Oranaiche," pp. 99, 100 : —

" Cha bhiodh greim 's an fhearann so,
No tmnexu-cUibh no anshocair
Nach l^ighseadh tu le d' cheanalas
*Nuair thigeadh d' anail dliith dhuinn.

" Bu lighiche bha eUr-mhath thu :

*Nuair dh' fheuchadh tu le d' l;\mhan sinu,

Mar fhiadh a bhiodh air f^Das,

Bhiodhmaid slan a dh-ionns' ar tiima."

302 Gaelic Society of Inuerneas.

craft aiid all forms of superstition, as well as against pipers and
fiddlers. Whatever the reason, she was always reticent on the
subject. Very often did I ask what it was she was saying, but
she did not seem to understand my question, or rather, she looked
at me in such a way as was probably meant to convey that
impression to my mind.

The whole subject of health-charms among the Highlands,
whetlier used to restore health or to protect it from adverse
influence or the evil eye, has been admirably treated in Mr
Macluiin's learned and thoroughly exhaustive lecture to this Society.
I have nothing to add to what by him haa been so well said. But
reference may be made to a few Gaelic charms printed in Mac-
kenzie's " Beauties uf Gaelic Poetry," at page 268, in a foot note.
In Dr John Smith's ** History of the Druids," at page 80, there
may also be found a very old and comprehensive rule of health,
sununed up in these words : — Bi <ju sw/adi, genmnaidh, mocheireach:
" be cheerful, chaste, an early riser."

In the treatment of consumption, it appears to me that the
advanced medical science of our day is just now very hopefully
feeling its way to a new departure which may prove to be of the
utmost value and of vast significance. That departure, if ever it
is made, will be in the direction of introducing into the blood a
garniicide which, while eftectually sterilizing the germs of this
fell disease, will not seriously hurt the patient. But the sun of
this (lay of happy omen is not yet visible in the horizon, and the
sheet-anchor of the faculty must still, as of old, be found in
aliment and nutrition. Whatever nutritious aliment is easiest of
dij^'estion, and whatever we can do to put the digestive organs iu
the best condition for the proper assimilation of proper and
nutritious aliment — that is the best and the utmost that for the
present the physician can do for his patient. And that, it seems
to me, along with the chest-rubbing just described, was also the
sheet-anchor of our grandmothcra. Take for example the milk
treatment uf consumption. In my early days warm milk, fresh
drawn from the cow, and taken at early mom on an empty
stomach, wiis the favourite remedy for this, as, indeed, for all
ana'uic forms of disease. The " strippings " of the milk — that is,
the last residual product of the milking of the cow — were rightly
considered to be possessed of especially curative virtues. Now
what is this but just treatment in the way of nutritive alimenta-
tion? for it is well known that the " strippings" are peculiarly rich
in cream. Nor was it otherwise with the dash of good rum,
which, in this *' first-footing" of the daily aliment, was a usual

Popular Domestic Medicine, 303

And wholesome adjunct of the treatment. Goat milk, in my early
days, was held to be pre-eminently curative, and ass milk came
next in popular favour. Milk from the marc, so far as I can
renjember, was prescribed only in cases of prolonged whooping-
cough ; and its use was associated with the muttering of a charm
and the passing of the patient, in a certain prescribed order,
under the belly and between the legs of the mare. The ritual,
if one may so speak, of this last mentioned treatment was no
doubt superstitious and absurd. But of the other adjuncts of the
•old Highland milk-cure, it can honestly be said that they were
all such as would to-day be recommended as rational adjuvants of
the treatment. " To be consumed on the premises," that is, at
the byre door, and at early morn, was, for example, a rule every-
where insisted upon as essential. In the curative use of goat milk
it was also expected that, if at all possible, the patient should go
to the goat on her native hills. Now, it is obvious that such
adjuncts of treatment as these are in themselves, and in a very
high degree, most healtlisome and remedial, for mountain air and
early rising have always commended themselves to thinking men
as eminently conducive to health of mind and body. It were a
good thing for the young people of these days of cramming, and the
competition Wallah, if, with all their multiform and multitudinous
acquisitions of knowledge, they kept a firm hold of these simple,
old-world rules of healthful living. They know perhaps a great
deal more than their grandmothei-s, and in some things they may
be wiser, but in this matter of early rising, and a substantial
breakfast, deliberately and decently partaken of, as the reward of
a good natural appetite, they might do worse than take a leaf out
of the old world wisdom, piously stored up in such grandmotherly
books as " Meg Dodd's Cookery," and Sir John Sinclair's "Code of
Health and Longevity." The growing habit of lying lazily a-bed
till the last moment, and then hastily gulping a cup of overdrawn,
scalding tea, with a few hurriedly bolted mouthfuls of hot roll,
before racing away post haste to school or to business — this shame-
ful habit has much to answer for in the seriously unsatisfactory
health-bill of too many families in our midst, both rich and poor.
And it is perhaps one of the greatest advantages, to our young
people, of public school life, that in public schools this great rule
of early rising and a proper interval, before the morning meal, to
gather up a natural appetite for a substantial, deliberate break-
fast, is now sternly insisted upon. It is a golden rule which
every parent and patriot should by all means strive to make
universal ; and there be few of us who cannot, in some way, help

304 Qaelio Society of Inuerness^

to make it so. Why, for example, should it not be our rule to
have family prayers before, rather than after, breakfast ? Such a
rule, if only, with the honest consent and hearty co-operation of
both heads of the house, it could be made imperative and habitual,
would go far to prove that Godliness is profitable unto all things,
and has the promise of the life that now is, as w^ell as of that
which is to come ; carrying in it« right hand the clear blessing of
mundane good health, as well as the higher, if also less palpable,
blessings of that life that is unseen and eternal.

The hydropjithist, ccjually with the masseur, was anticipated
in the Highland folk-medicine of fifty years ago. The virtues of
the medicated bath were, indeed, known to the Celts of very early
times ; for w^e read of a great bath, medicated with all the slan-
lusa7i, "health plants," of Ireland, into which, at the battle of
Afdijh Tuireadh^ the wounded were plunged, with such salut^iry
etfect, that straightway every man of them returned to the fight,
and not a few of them did so again and again. Whatever of the
fabulous may enter into that old Celtic story, I can myself vouch
for the verity and the success of such items of hydropathic treat-
ment as the following : — My old schoolmaster, fifty years ago, was
wont to bathe daily in the sea, all through the winter. Another
sufferer used to wade into the sea u|) to the waist, wuth his clothes
on ; with his clothes thus turned into a wet-pack of sea water he
rushed home and into bed ; there he had numerous blankets
heaped over him till he broke out into a co])ious perspiration, and
soon j)assed into a refreshing sleep. A common form of treatment
was to boil the patient's flannel shirt, to put it on him, wrung out
of the boiling water, as hot as he could bear it, and then to heap
on bed-clothes, with the same restorative effect as that last
mentioned. As the shirt was often boiled in the potato pot, its
virtues as a hot poultice may i)ossil)ly have found an adjuvant in
the soothing properties of that solanaceous edible ! The sudden
and unexpected shock of the cold douche on his bare back, or a
similarly sudden touch of the hot poker over his seventh rib htco
(fgroto, was counted good treatment for a j)atient suffering from
jaundice. And 1 have heard in my native parish, and in my own
day, though I did not see it, of that very effectual mode of induc-
ing perspiration which Martin saw practised long before in Skye.
A great fire was kindled on the clay floor of the kitchen ; after the
fire had been kept up at great heat for a long time, it was quickly
removed, and its place was covered with a thick layer of straw, on
this a pitcher of water was poured, and then the patient, being
laid on the wetted straw, was covered over with heaped up layers

Popular Domestic Medicine. 305

of bed-clothes. The result was a speedy and copious perspiration,
sound sleep, and in all probability the permanent cure of some
serious ailment.

The literature of Celtic medicine lies outside the scope of this
paper, which professes only, from personal observation, to deal
with simples, and the simple treatment of disease by the common
people. The so-called medical treatises of the Macleans and the
Beatons — two celebrated medical families of Mull and Skye — are
therefore outside my present purpose. These MSS., so far as they
are medical, consist mostly of extracts in Latin, translated into
Gaelic, from the early medical authorities of the continent. They
are, in fact, just such common-place books as would ordinarily be
kept by educated men in times when printing was unknown, or
printed books few and far between.

Did your time permit, much that is not without interest might
still be added. The male fern has long been used in the High-
lands as a vermifuge for man and dogs. The wild garlic, the
broom, juniper, golden rod, sage, and foxglove were common
diuretics. The fresh young nettle was variously used, and is
really a tasty substitute for spinnach. The wild parsley —
dangerous though it be in unskilled hands, by reason of its close
resemblance to the dwarf hemlock — entered largely into the
domestic pharmacopoea. Eye-bright, was lus nan sul, the eye
plant ; the house leek, was lus nan cltiasj the ear plant ; while the
garden sage, like several others, was honoured with the name of
slan lus, the health plant.

Bone-setting, of course, was practised in the Highlands as
elsewhere. The art was not altogether mere rule of thumb ; for
the bone-setters had their secrets, jealously guarded, and with
much care handed down from sire to son. Nor were they so
entirely ignorant of the human skeleton as some modem critics
would have iis believe. Looking back on my own experience,
as the patient, long ago, of more bone-setters than one, I can see
that they had a firm hold of two sound principles of treatment.
(1). In manipulating an ailing limb, they keenly watched the
patient's features and movements for every indication of pain ;
rightly, as I think, taking such indications as pointing to the real
seat or cause of his hurt or trouble. In the case of old adhesions,
whether of long dislocated joints or of misfitted fractures, the key
to treatment might thus be hopefully looked for. (2). Their
second great principle was simplicity itself, but yet it was a most
powerful adjuvant of their restorative manipulation. It was this :
by locking the knee or the elbow they greatly increased the length

20

306 GaeliG Society of Inverness'

and the power of the lever with which they worked. I well
remember how thus an old dislocation of the shoulder, which had
baffled more than one regular practitioner, was speedily righted by
the bone-setter. Very gently at first he took the ailing arm in his
brawny grasp ; with keen eye inteni 1 y fixed on the patient's
features, and with the dislocated limb sl extended as to lock the
elbow, he gently and tentatively moved it slowly to right and
left, upwards and downwards : a twinge and a cry from the
patient : a pause, and some deep thinking on the part of the
operator : manipulation resumed, and the same twinge or cry
again : then, with knit brows, and putting forth all his great power
of brawny muscle, while his left hand steadied the patient's
elbow, the bone-setter made one sudden wrench, and
the thing was done. With a "click," the head of shoulder bone
was back in its socket.

For enlarged, or elongated uvula — " the pap of the throat " —
an ailment common among young people in my early days, as it is
to-day, the common practice was to search the top of the scalp for
the whorl or central parting of the hair (the "welkie," as the
medicine -man called it), and then, twisting a bundle of these
central hairs on the top of the head round the fore-finger, to give
them a sudden wrench upwards. This operation was expected to
"lift" the "fallen" uvula; a process which was assisted by
repeatedly drawing the closely -pressed palms of both hands,
embracing both sides of the face, upwards from Adam's apple,
under the patient's chin, to the top of his head. And this reminds
ine that even in the matter of that specially modem instrument,
the surgical ecraseur, our old Highland grandmothers anticipated
one of the greatest and most valuable discoveries of modem
surgery. With a noose of horse hair, passed through a common
goose (iuill, in the hands of an old Highland midwife, I once saw
the uvula as neatly and as effectually operated upon as, with the
modern instrument, it could be treated by Spence or Syme.

Of the old Highland catholicon, or universal remedy, your
time forbids me to say more than a word. Whether the ailment
was a cold or a fever, or the nmch feared small-pox, whether its
seat was abdominal, thoracic, or cephalic, and whether it was a
faintness or a fullness, there was one remedy that never came
amiss. It was a glass of good honest whisky. But Troja fuit I
Good honest whisky is no longer to be had for love or money.
Tlie making of it is a lost art — as much so as its long lost sister-art
of the ancient Picts, who are said to have made a wholesome and
delicious beverage from the fresh, fragrant shoots of the blooming
heather.

Popular Domestic Medicine. 307

In what is here set down I have drawn exclusively on the
stores of memory and early personal observation. Everything
printed on the subject, whether old or new, I have purposely
eschewed. Will you take it as my stone upon the cairn of an
interesting inquiry, that ought to lead to important results in the
service of humanity 1 And in return for any service I have thus
rendered, I would ask those present to supplement what has been
said, out of the stores of their own early experience or observation.
On one point I would specially invite farther information. That
form of early " massage," or chest-rubbing, which I have
endeavoured to describe, seems to me to have been peculiar to this
district of the Highlands. I can find little trace of it elsewhere.
And I firmly believe that it contains the elements of a system of
treatment which, in competent hands, might still be largely and
hopefully used for the relief of our suffering humanity. The
better day of a safe and cifective germicidal treatment of consumj>
tion may already possibly be dawning upon us. But what looks
like the dawn of that better day, may only be the electric flush of
a subtle delusion. Meanwhile, an intelligent system of pectoral
manipulation, would seem to be the needful complement of what
is now being done in the way of a cure by alimentation. In con-
sumption, the candle of life is burning away at both ends — at the
respiratory end, and at the alimentary end. Anything, therefore,
that enlarges the chest, increases its elasticity, and stimulates in
a healthy, natural way, its vital function of respiration, cannot
fail to be most helpful in our efforts to combat the disease, and to
set up processes of restoration or repair, through the nutrient
functions of the alimentary canal. Those of you who can add
anything to these reminiscences of the chest massage of my early
days, are urgently invited to do so. For any additional informa-
tion on the subject, and for any intelligent hints for its renewed
and more effectual application, or modification, I shall be truly
grateful. Such information had best be given now, that it might
pass at once into the Transactions of the Society. But written
communications, sent to me at your convenience, would also lay
me under a debt of obligation, which I shall always gratefully
acknowledge.

In conclusion, let me commend to your serious consideration,
the practical lessons which each of you may draw for himself, and
apply to his own case, from the following quotations : —

" I beseech all persons, who shall read this work, not to degrade
themselves to a level with the brutes, or the rabble, by gratifying

308 Gaelic Society of Inoemeas,

their sloth, or eating and drinking promiscuously whatever pleases
their palates, or by indulging their appetites of every kind. But
whether they understand physic or not, let them consult their
retison, and observe what agrees and what does not agree with
them, that, like wise men, they may adhere to the use of such
things as conduce to their health, and forbear everything which,
by their own experience, they find to do them hurt ; and let them
be assured that, by a diligent observation and practice of this
rule, they may enjoy a good share of health, and seldom stand in
need of physic or physicians."

Such is the testimony of an authority in medicine, which is second
to none. It is the testimony of Galen himself.

Here is another word of warning and encouragement : —

" Though I look old, yet I am strong and lusty,
For in my youth I never did apply
Hot and rebellious liquors in my blood ;
Nor did I, with imbashful forehead, woo
The means of weakness and debility ;
Therefore my age is as a lusty winter,
Frosty, but kindly."

So wrote one whose knowledge of men, and oi the world, has been
the admiration of learned and simple for full three centuries — I
8Up})ose I must not say the immortal Shakespeare, and I cannot
just yet bring myself to say Lord Bacon. Let us compromise the
matter, and say, so wrote the immortal author of " As You Like
It."

An interesting and instructive discussion followed the reading
of Dr Masson's paper. Dr Aitken, of Inverness, who has given
the subject a considerable amount of attention, spoke as follows : —
Mr President, Ladies, and Gentlemen, — I have listened with ver}'
great pleasure to the address we have heard from Dr Masson, on a
subject which has naturally, from my profession, interested me
much. Some yeai*s or so age, I began to collect matter for a
paper of a similar nature, and, if the Society will permit, I shall lay
before it some of the information I have collected, taking the diseases
in the order in which they come in my notes. And, first, in
regard to epilepsy, a disease always regarded with great veneration
by all primitive people, there appears to be a cure which has held
its prominence in all districts of the Highlands, with variations.
For recovery from the disease, a black cock, without a white

Popular Domestic Medicine. 309

feather, waa taken and buried in the place where the patient had
the first fit. A modification of this process was the taking of the
pairings of the nails of the fingers and toes, binding them up in
hemp, with a sixpence in a piece of paper, on which was written
the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The
parcel was then taken, tied under the wing of a black cock, and
buried in a hole dug at the spot where the first fit occurred, by
the oldest God-fearing man of the district, who must watch and
pray all night by the fire, which must not be let out. Another
very universal remedy was drinking water out of the skull of a
suicide at dawn. Charms were also lavishly employed against the
disease, and I have heard of a woman taking her son from Fort-
Augustus to Strathspey to a priest, who gave her a paper for her
boy to wear. Unfortunately, a year after the amulet was received,
it was unfolded, the words read, and the fits reappeared. It is
also said that priests have the power to transfer the fits from day
to night ; that children bom feet first are able to cure the falling
sickness ; and that power over the ailment is transmitted in
families by the "power of words," to quote the expression in which
the information was given me. But, turning to the question so
prominently taken up by Dr Masson — the treatment of consump-
tion — I may remark I was much struck by his explanation of the
Gaelic name given to the disease, as it seems to me only another
instance how accurate was their observation of nature. I have
no doubt, indeed, Dr Masson's explanation of the words he gave is
correct, for a stitch in the side, to use a common expression for
pleuritic manifestations, may be one of the first symptoms to betray
the commencement of this malady ; and I may here instance another
of the primitive means of diagnosis, given to me by an old Highlander
with whom I discussed the disease. If, he said, a pei-son spits on
the floor, and the sputum falls flat, it is certain he is consumptive ;
if, however, the sputiun " takes a start," it is certain he is free
from the disease. Turning, however, to the remedies in the
disease, in addition to those mentioned by Dr Masson — good food,
mare, and goat's milk — I may instance the following : — The plant
gooTnri (I merely pronounce the word phonetically) is taken and
boiled in a large quantity of water. The decoction is then thrown
into a tub, and the person sits over it and steams himself. In a
similar way, a steam bath is made by boiling the calf's herb in a
large quantity of water. A decoction of the Asplenium Adiantum
Nigrum, a black spleenwort, is also used in the disease ; and, as a
forerunner of the much-vaunted chemical food, and showing how

310 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

instinct often precedes scientific theories, it may be mentioned that
the Highlanders believed great benefit was to be derived in con-
sumption by the administration of a jelly made from the scrapings
of deer horns. Dr Masson's reference to the primitive massage
exercised amongst the people is extremely interesting ; but I
question if it is likely to do good in a perfectly declared case of
consumption, and I should be inclined to place more dependence
on the more primitive methods of good food, mare's milk, goat's
milk, and plenty of fresh air. Turning now to some of the diseases
regarding which I have less information, I may mention that
worms were cured by drinking tea made of rue ; that smallpox was
thought to be benefitted, if not cured, by whisky, or by whisky
and black beer ; that the application of sea-weed to the joint
affected removed rheumatism. Warts were removed by applying
the fastmg spittle to them, by rubbing them with a stone, then
placing this in a bag and dropping it on the road. Whenever any
one picked it up, the warts disappeared from the person having
them, and attiicked the finder. Warts were also cured by washing
them with pig's blood, or with the milky juice of the euphorbia.
Sores were thought to be beneficially affected by having the
Lady's Mantle applied to them. The common plantain was
efficacious when applied to cuts ; and the broad-leaved plantain
made into a poultice made " gatherings" disappear. Turning for
the moment to surgery, about which I have scant information, I
have only to mention that if a person who had the power tied a
thread round the fractured part, the fractured bone at once healed.
In inflammation of the eye, the eye affected was rubbed by the
person who had the power the first thing in the morning, his
patient fasting, with a stone on which the operator spat and
sprinkled soot. The ap])lication was continued until the part
recovered — a somewhat rough and ready treatment for so delicate
an organ. For the same disease, the eye was washed by a
decoction made from the common eyebright, or with water over
which a rhyme had been repeated. Milk and cold tea were also
*vourite applications in such maladies. For a black eye, a sHce
pi a potato was applied to it ; and a similar application was inade
to the nai)e of the neck in bleeding from the nose. In regard to
toothache, I have heard of many remedies, but the following is the
most curious — a caterpillar is taken, rolled up in a cotton cloth
and put underneath the tooth. The following charm, which an,
aged man told me he had seen used in Glen-Urquhart, and worn by
the sufferer, is said to be supremely efficacious : —

Popular Domestic Medicine. 311

St Peter sat on a marble stone,

Jesus Christ came to him alone.

" Peter, what aileth thee to weep ?"

" My Lord and God, it is the toothache."

For the bile, in addition to the remedies mentioned by previous
speakers, I may add an infusion of the inner bark of the barberry.
For a disease, if widely spread, as scrofula or king's evil, the most
efficacious means were thought to be being touched by the king, or
by the seventh son. The power of the seventh son was, however,
greater if a daughter was bom before and after the series of sons.
The child also who had been " freed" in this manner had the same
power, but exercised it in a different way. A sovereign was
dropped into a vessel of water, into which he inserted his hand,
and over the water a blessing was pronounced, and the sufferer
was sprinkled or washed with it, and usually recovered. If, how-
ever, the person who had acquired the power had any improper
relation with a female, the gift passed from him. I may also state
that water so blessed was often sent great disUinces, and one of
my informants told me of a woman belonging to the West Coiust
suffering from scrofulous sores who was cured by water sent from
a boy who had the power, and lived in Inverness. Looking now,
however, to some of the common diseases, I may refer to whooping
cough, for which the remedies appear to be both numerous and
varied ; but the most interesting aids against this disease seems to
be the following : — If the child is put on the wrong side of the
cow when he is suffering from the ailment it will go away. It is
also cured if the child is put to nurse in a family in which the
husband and wife were of the same name before marriage. Snails
were bruised and applied to the legs, and the oil made from them
taken as in consumption. A recovery was often effected by
putting a "paddock" into a tumbler of water, and getting it to
drink out of it, when, as my informant stated, it took a start, and
the cough disappeared. Children were taken across the water,
and carried to a house, at which, if they were offered food, the
disease passed away. In both Glen-Urquhart and Lochalsh mare's
milk was a favourite remedy ; and, in the latter district, water
taken from the clefts of the rocks was thought to be very
efficacious. Another, and, I am led to believe, at one time a
favourite remedy, was to break off a horn from any homed beast,
and drink out of it. Another of the common diseases which
attracted special attention was erysipelas or the rose, and from
the various modes of treatment proposed for it, I select the
following, but, in the first place, I may remark I have met with

312 Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

individuals of a family who had an hereditary power to cure the
disease by a '^ line in Latin/' The commonest and most universal
remedy for rose, extending from the South to the North of
Scotland, is the application of flour or alum over the affected part,
dusted on a red flannel cloth. Another cure was to pull
the rose herb, make a poultice of it, adding, however, fresh butter
to this. Wild geranium is used for the same purpose, and tea was
made of the Stone Cup, a fleshy plant growing on old walls or
house tops, and drank in quantity. In some districts, dry barley
meal was preferred as an application, instead of the usual flour.
Digitalis or foxglove was also applied, but whether in the form of
poultice or medicine I forgot to ask my informant. Let me
now finally direct your attention to two very common diseases,
cough and asthma, for which the remedies are very numerous, but
from these I select the following. They all, however, follow, it
will be observed, the line of modem treatment, and are tonic or
anti-spasmodic. These decoctions are made of the root of the
bramble and pennyroyal, and drank. Meal and oil is a very
common and extensive remedy Horehound "tea" is given for
cough, and is equally used in asthma, as well as a similar prepara-
tion of a plant called " ceann 6ir an sgadain." Coltsfoot tea holds an
equal place, but its leaves are more frequently smoked for asthma.
In some places a decoction is made from the root of the garden
rhubarb, whisky added, and the mixture is drank ; and another
popular remedy for cold is " sage tea and honey." Let me now
conclude what I have to say by relating an anecdote, in which the
old world and modern medicine meet. A distinguished London
physician was visiting a family in Strathspey, who had an old and
attached female retainer, in whom they were deeply interested.
As a si)ccial favour, the doctor was asked to bre^ik his holiday
custom of eschewing medicine, and visit the old woman. He did
so ; saw there was nothing wrong with her, but pronounced over
her some words, which my informant had not heard. To the
surprise of everyone, the next morning the old woman paid her
usual visit to the big house, and afterwards enjoyed vigorous, robust
health for her time of life. A year afterwards, the distinguished
physician again spent his holidays in the same district, but was seized
with a serious attack of quinsy. His friends were alarmed, and
already preparing to send off for help, when the old woman, whose
illness has been referred to, rushed into the room. She had heard
of the physician's illness, and her gratitude was stirred. She felt
she must do something for one who had done so much for her,
and hence her appearance. Believing also that the patient, like

Popular Domestic Medicine. 313

herself, had faith in charms, she began to repeat some rhyme,
waving over the bed a cotton umbrella. The scene was so
ridiculous that, forgetting a moment his own troubles, the doctor
burst into a fit of laughter. The abscess gave way, and at once
all danger was removed.

Let me now conclude what I have to say by repeating what Dr
Masson has already pointed out, the great; value of " old world"
stories. Those who attentively consider them will see, as I have
already stated, that the instincts of primitive peoples are often
the forerunners of the advancement of science. I never meet with
a tradition, or a superstition, without endeavouring to find an
equivalent one amongst other peoples similarly circumstanced,
and the true history and development of a race cannot be perfectly
understood without the thorough appreciation of such facts as Dr
Masson has so admirably brought before us to-night.

2nd MAY, 1S88.

At this meeting, the following gentlemen were elected mem-
bers of the Society, viz. : — Mr Thomiis Mackay, British Linen Co.
Bank, Edinburgh, and Mr David John Mackenzie, M.A., Silver-
wells, Inverness.

Thereafter the Secretary read, on behalf of Mr George F.
Black, F.S.A.Scot., Edinburgh, a paper on " Ogham Inscriptions
FOUND IN Scotland." We much regret that, on account of ill-
health, Mr Black has not been able to prepare his paper for the
Transactions, but hope it will appear in our next volume.

9th MAY, 1888.

On this date the Secretary intimated the following donation
towards the Library — " Notes on early Iron Smelting in Suther-
land," from the author, Mr D. William Kemp.

Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., read, on behalf of Professor Mac-
kinnon, Edinburgh, a paper entitled ^* A Collection of Ossianic
Ballads by Jerome Stone." Professor Mackinnon's paper was ajs
follows : —

314 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

COLLECTION OF OSSIANIC BALLADS BY JEROME
STONK

The following collection of Ossianic Ballads was made by
Jerome Stone in central Perthshire about the middle of last
century. A note, giving the few facts known regarding the
collector and his labours, may not be out of place.

Jerome Stone was bom in the parish of Scoonie, Fifcshire, in
1727. Under date March 19th of that year, an entry in the
parish Register runs thus — "Jeremiah, lawful son to William
Stons and Janet Heggos, in Leven." William Stons, the father, a
reputable sea-faring man, died abroad when Jeremiah was only three
years of age. Tlie widow, with her young family, was left in
straitened circumstances. Jeremiah seems to have taken early to
the business of a travelling chapman or ])ackman. " But," says
the writer in the old Stat. Ace, " the dealing in buckles, garters,
and such small articles, not suiting his superior genius, he soon
converted his little stock into books, and for some years he went
through the country, and attended the fairs, as an itinerant book-
seller." The young pedlar know the inside as well as the outside
of his books. He })0sscssed the faculty of acquiring languages
witli amazing raj)idity. Curiously enough his earliest linguistic
studies were in Hebrew and Greek. He could read the Scriptures
in these tongues before he knew Latin. The parish schoolmaster,
at a later period, helped him with the Latin Grammar. The
Principal of the United College of St Andrews, the Rev. Thomas
Tullidelph, happened to be an heritor in the parish of Scoonie.
Through this nuui's countenance and patronage Stone found his
way to the oldest of our Scottish Universities. He Wiis enrolled
in the Greek class on Feb. 24, 1748, when he was within a few
weeks of 21 years of age. On the 11th June, 1750, he graduated
as Master of Arts. Before Stone had finished his third session at
St Andrews, the Rector of the Grammar School of Dunkeld apphed
to the College for an assistant, and the newly-made Laureate was
appointed. Two or three years afterwards the Rector himself wixs
promoted to Perth, and Mr Stone was put into the vacancy by the
Duke of Athole, who had learned to entertain a high opinion of
the gifts and graces of the Usher of Dunkeld Academy. Here
Stone remahied until, as an advertisement in the "Scots Magazine"
informs us, he was struck down by fever on the 11th June, 1756,
in the 30th year of his age. [Old Stat. Ace, v. 110; Encyclopsedia
Perthensis "Stone;" Scots Magazine, Vols, xiv., 283; xvii., 92,
295 ; xviii., 16, 314, etc., ifec.J

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone, 315

Such are the main facts in the life of this child of genius, whom
the gods loved, and who died young. His name is uncommon,
and I may add uncertain, for on the three occasions on which I
have been able to trace it in the registers, it is given in different
forms. In the parish register the child is named Jeremiah^ and
the father's surname is written Stons. In the books of the
University of St Andrews the student's signature is found twice.
The name is written in Academic fashion in Latin, not, however,
as Jeremias, but as Uieronimics, " Jerome." Again, while in the
first signature the surname is spelled Stones, in the second it
appears as Stone, It is noticeable that the earlier signature is in
the unformed, probably nervous, hand of the timid pedlar, while
the firmer lines of the later show the confidence which in two
years of University life the struggling student had acquired.

We get a glimpse now and again of the character and disposi-
tion of the man. " An unexampled proficiency in eYcry branch of
literature recommended him to the esteem of the professors, and
an uncommon fund of wit and pletvsantry rendered him, at the
same time, the favourite of all his fellow students." The minister
of Scoonie, writing nearly 40 years after his death, is able to say
that Stone's old college companions " speak of him to this day
with an enthusiastic degree of admiration and respect." He was
never married, but w^e are told that he " paid a pious regard to his
aged mother, who survived him two yeai-s." The desolate widow
was during this period in receipt of an annual pension from the
Duchess of Atholc, " as a testimony of respect to the memory of
her son." The son, indeed, seems to have inspired feelings of
respect and aftection in every one with whom be came in contact.

Jerome Stone had but the few leisure hours snatclicd from an
arduous and exacting profession during six years to do the work
on which his fame and memory rest. Yet, hi the short working
day which was his portion, lie did good service, and gave promise of
better had length of days been his. He was a contributor to the
"Scots Magazine" — the only periodical published in Scotland at the
time — from his student days till his death. It is stated in the
old Stat. Ace. that he left in MS. " a much esteemed and well-
known allegory entitled * The Immortality of Authors,' which has
been published and often reprinted since his death." This tract
or treatise is not known in the Edinburgh libraries, nor in the
British Museum. When the fatal fever carried him away, the young
schoolmaster was engaged in writing and preparing for the press
a larger work entitled " An Inquiry into the Original of the Nation
and Language of the Ancient Scots : with conjectures about the

316 Gaelic Society of inuerness.

primitive state of the Celtic and other European nations." Mr
Chalmers, author of ^ ^Caledonia," purchased at a sale a parcel of books
and writings which once belonged to Jerome Stone. As some of these
"writings" contained Gaelic poetry, Mr Chalmers communicated
them to the Committee ot the Highland Society, at the time
inquiring into the authenticity of Ossian's poems. The Committee
extracted and printed in their Report the original Gaelic of a
ballad (Bets Fhraoich), of which Stone had, shortly before his
death, sent a translation or rather paraphrase to the "Scots
Magazine," being the first " Ossianic" poem ever published. But,
with this single exception, Stone^s papers had somehow dis-
appeared. The late Principal Lee, of Edinburgh, who picked up
at sales and old book-stalls all sorts of things literary,
which no one else cared to look at, fell upon a folio volume
of about an inch and a half thick, which once formed a part of
Stone's collection. At Lee's sale the MS. was purchased by
David Laing, who, some twenty years ago, presented it to
T)r Clerk of Kilmallie, when that accomplished clergyman was
editing and translating Ossian's poems. Within the last few
months the University of Edinburgh acquired this Manuscript
from Dr Clerk's family.

The MS., us already stated, is a folio of one and a half inches
thick. It is well covered with shcei)skin, and fastened with thongs
of the same material. The hand-writing is uniform throughout,
and bears an unmistakeable resemblance to Stone's signatures in the
University liegistor, especially the later one. Its contents are in three
divisions, each section separated from its neighbour by several
blank pa<^es. The third and last division consists of "Poems on
various Subjects," in English. There are in all sixteen pieces,
several of which were printed in the " Scots Magazine." Among
them are translations from French and Italian, showing that
Stone knew the modem languages as well as the ancient. These
" j)oems" show their author as a man of cultivated tastes, refined
feelings, and considerable powers of versification. Bat, even had
he lived, I do not know that Stone would attain distinction as
a poet. As a man of letters he gave great promise. He had
scholarship, taste, fancy, and wrote with vigour and elegance.

The other two divisions of the MS. are in Gaelic. One is
headed " A collection of such Modern Songs as are remarkable on
acr^ount of their beauty or the Interesting Nature of their Sub-
ject." These songs are seven in number, and together make up
about 1000 lines. With one exception, they are all well known,
and have been printed in several collections of Gaelic poetry since

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 317

Jerome Stone's day. One is a favourite hunting song, known to
Gaelic readers as the " Comhachag" or " Owl." Others are descrip-
tions in verse of the " Massacre of Glencoe, by one of the persons
who made their escape;" "The Keppoch Murder," "The
Day of Rinrory," i.e.^ Killiecrankie^ <kc., <fec. One piece is
anonymous. It is a description of the charms of the country and
country life — a favourite theme of Gaelic poets. In this song
there is a wealth of diction and illustration combined with a
certain stiffness of movement in the rhythm, and a peculiar use
of one or two Gaelic words, that one is tempted to believe it was
written by a poet to whom the language was an acquired tongue,
possibly Stone himself.

The other division consists of the Ossianic collection. The
ballads are ten in number, and, with the exception of the laat, are
now printed for the first time. There seems no reason to doubt
that the reporters on Ossian had access to Stone's collection. But
it is perplexing that Dr Donald Smith while at great pains
to cast ridicule on Hill's "Collection" (made by an Englishman after
the publication of Macpherson's " Translations"), passes by the
collection of Stone, which was written out with care before Maci)her-
son left college, by a classical scholar who had also learned Gaelic,
Smith was, perhaps, more anxious to prove the genuineness of Mac-
pherson's text than to give specimens of Ossianic literature as
preserved among the people. This may account for the
somewhat disparaging way in which Stone is spoken of even in the
" Report" (p. 23), as a young man of twenty or twenty-one (he was
twenty-nine at the time), in an obscure situation, and in an
unfavourable locality for acquiring pure Gaelic, or collecting " the
best copies of the ancient poetry of the Highlands." Of all the
ballads collected by Stone, versions are found in Leahhar na Feinne,
On comparing the various versions as they are given here and in
Leahhar na Feinne, it will be seen that Stone's collection and
M^NicoFs, written, in part at least, not long after Stone's,
show great similarity. Two ballads in Leahhar na Feinne are
practically identical with the version given by Stone.
These are Oran a' Chleirich and B(U Oscair, the first and ninth
in this collection. Mr Campbell obtained these ballads from a
manuscript written in 1762 by Eohhan MacDiarmid^ which in 1871
was (and is still) in the possession of John Shaw, a miller in Perthshire
(Leahhar na Feinne, xvii). By comparing Leahhar na Feinne (pp.
72-4 and pp. 182-3) with the first and ninth ballads here given,
it will be seen that MacDiarmid and Stone's manuscripts are,
quoad these poems, either copied the one from the other, or that

318 Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

both are careful transcripts from the same MS. No two Gaelic
scribes, taking down the verses orally, would so frequeutly commit
the same orthographical blunders.

The ballads are here given without note or comment exactly as
Stone wrote them. An edited text of the Ossianic literature is
possible only after the various versions are collated, and a pre-
liminary requisite to this task is to have them all printed in their
integrity. Several of the ballads are profusely glossed, always in
the same hand, and the glosses, sometimes valuable, always
interesting, «are given entire. There are a few pencil notes in Dr
Clerk's handwriting, which it has not been thought necessary to
insert. With this exception, the Ossianic portion of the MS. is,
printers' errors excepted, given verbaii7n et literatim as the collector
left it.

Jerome Stone was a pure Saxon. "I imi equally a stranger
in blood to the descendants of Simon Breck and the sub-
jects of Cadwallader. I have no personal attachment either
to the Welsh leek or the Irish potato." By the time he
went to Dunkeld, Stone shared fully the prejudices against
the Highliind people and their language all but universal
in his day. But he had wide literary and scholarly sym-
pathies. Unlike the dogmatists of later times he thought it
his duty to learn the language before he undertook to pass judg-
ment upon the literature. Possibly he was led with the zeal of a
convert to form an exaggerated opinion of the place and
value of the language and literature of the Gael. In an
admirable critique un Johnson's Dictionary, contributed to the
*' Scots Magazine," the young schoolmaster blames severely the
lexicographers of Britain and France for traversing the globe in
search of the origin of a great part of their respective lan-
guages, instead of looking at their own doors. " I
shall take the utmost pleasure to wander with Mr Johnson,"
says Stone, "as he elegantly expresses it, from the tropic to the
frozen zone, but shall be sorry to find him traversing the valleys
of Palestine or the rocks of Norway in quest of such as may more
successfully be found among the mountains of Wales or in the
wilds of Lochaber." Of the intrinsic excellence of Gaelic literature
he wrote with equal emphasis. In the letter accompanying his
paraphrase of Bas Fhraoich or Albin and Mey^ as he named the
ballad, the schoolmaster of Dunkeld wrote as follows to the
"Author'^ of the ''Scots Magazine" : — ''Those who have any tolerable
ac(iuaintance with the Irish language must know that there are a
great number of poetical compositions in it, imd some of them of

Oaaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 319

very great antiquity, whose merit entitles them to an exemption
from the unfortunate neglect, or rather abhorrence, to which
ignorance has subjected that emphatic language in which they
were composed. Several of these performances are to be met with,
which for sublimity of sentiment, nervousness of expression, and
high spirited metaphor, are hardly to be equalled among the chief
productions of the most cultivated nations. Others of them
breathe such tenderness and simplicity as must be affecting to
every mind that is in the least tinctured with the softer passions
of pity and humanity." Here we find this young scholar living
under the shadow of the Grampians when the waves raised by the
storm of the '45 still ran high, setting before himself a task akin
to that which, with larger material, more perfect methods, and
wider culture, Celtic scholars now carry on. Highlanders have
good cause to cherish the memory of Jerome Stone.

DON. MACKINNON.

[Since the above was written, another MS. of uniform size with
the above, and at one time the property of Jerome Stone, was found
among the collection bequeathed by the late David Laing to the
University of Edinburgh. This MS. was delivered l)y John
Campbell, Edinburgh, " to Mr John Turcan, late schoolmaster at
Kirkcaldy, for behoof of Mr George Stone, brother of the author,
on the 24th of April, 1790." It wiis purchased from the author's
brother for Mr Chalmers, and bought at Mr Chahners' sale [Nov.,
1842] by Mr David Laing. The volume was evidently written at
a later date than the one described above. It is very carefully
written and indexed, and it contains a considerable amount of
additional matter, including the treatises ** On the Immortality of
Authors," "An Inquiiy into the Original of the Nation and
language of the Ancient Scots," mentioned above ; a number
of letters to a Professor (or the Principal) of the University
of St Andrews, at whose suggestion Stone commenced
the study of Gaelic ; and several smaller pieces in prose
and verse. I have not been able as yet to read the
whole of this new matter ; but I have compared as care-
fully as time permitted the ballads here printed with the later
volume. The one is a very accurate transcript of the other — line
for line and word for word. The only difference of note is that in
the later MS. there are on the whole fewer capitals and fewer
glosses. Except in one or two cases where a change tended to
uniformity, I have left the capitals imdisturbed. Where the
orthography of the two MS.'s varies, I have followed the latter.

350 Gaelic Society of Inuemeas.

except in the few instances where the earlier MS. seemed more
consistent with the author's general practice. — D. M*K.]

ORAN A CHLERICH, OR THE DESCRIPTION OF A BATTLE
BETWIXT THE FIANS AND DANES.

1
A Chlcrich a chainidh na Psailim
Air leani fein gur borb do Chial
Nach eisd thu car tammal re Sgeul
Air an Fhein nach fhaichd thu riamh

2

Air do Chumhadhs' a Mhic Fein
Ga binn bhi teachd air an Fhein
Fuaim Psailim fa dheud mo Bheul
Gur e sud bu Cheol damh fein

3

Nam biodh tu comhadadh do Shalm
Re Fianuaichd Eirin ua'n Airm nochd
A Chlerich gur Ian olc leam
Noch sgarruinn do Chean o d' Chorp

4
Sud faoi d' Chomarich a fhir mhoir
Fuaim do Bheul is binn leam fein
Togthar leats Sheallan ann
'S barrail leam gur binn do Sgeul

5

Nam biodh tu Chlerich chaoimh
Air an Traidh 'ta siar fa dheas
Aig Easan Libhrid na'n Sruth seimh
Air an Fhein bu mhor do mheas

6
Beannachd air Anam an Laoich
Budh garamh Fraoch annsa gach Treis
Ard Righ Laghain Ceann an t' sluaigh
'S an air a laointear an t* eas

Oaaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 321

7

La dhuin a fiadh na^n dearg
'S uach deirigh an t' sealg nar car
Gu mfaciis lomairt na'n Ramh
Ansa 'n Traidh a teachd o Noir

8
Labhair Macumhail re Fhein
W dfhidir sibh ciod ^ ua Sloigh
Na'n dfhiosruigh ciod e Bhudhin bhorb
Bheireadh an deannal cruaidh 's an stracd

9
'Sin nuair huirt Connan aria
Cia bail leat a Righ bhi ann
Cia shaoladh tu Fein na'n Cath
Bhiodh ann ach Flath no Riogh

10
Cia gheibheamaid ionnar fein
Rachaidh ghabhail Sgeul do'n t' sluaigh
'S e radh Fian Flath gun Chleth
Gu'm beireadh sibh Breith is Buaidh

11
Sin nuair huirt Connan aria
Cia Righ bail leat a dhul ann
Ach Fearghus fior-ghlic do Mhac
86 a chleachd a bhidh na'n dail

12
Beir mhallachd a Chonnan mhaoil
Labhair Fearghus budh Caoin cruth
Rachumsa ghabhail an Sgeul
Do'n Fhein 's cho bann air do ghuth

13
Chuaidh Fearghus Armail og
Air an Rod an coineamh na'm Fear
'S dhiosruigh e le chomh-radh mor
Ciod 6 na Sloigh a thig o Near

21

322 Gaelio Society of Inverness.

14
Manus fuileach fearach fiar
Mac a Mhean na'n Sgiath dearg
Ard Righ Lochlin Ceann na Crioch
GioUa budh mor Fraoch is Fearg

15

Oia ass a ghabhadar a Bhuidhin bhorb
Gasridh Righ Lochlin na'n Colg scan
A dhiarraidh Comun na'm Fian
Ma chian ris an Traith fa Near

16
Air a Laimhs* a Fhearghus fhior
A.8 an Fhein ga mor do ghlonn
Cho ghabh sin Cumhadh gun Bhran
Na Comhrag mear a bhidh ga Cheann

17
Bheareadh an Fhein Comhrag cruaidh
Da do Shluagh mum faigh tu Bran
'S bheireadh Fian Comhrag teann
Dhuit fein mum faigh tu a Bhean

18
Fearghus fior-ghlic mo Bhrathair fein
Budh cosmhuil re Grein a Chruth
'S e teachd a Thoram an t' sluaigh
Gu ^m fhosgailte mor a ghuth

19
Mac Righ Lochlin sud faoi'n Traidh
Ciod e 'm fadh dhamh bhith ga Chleath
Cho ghabh e gun Chomhrag dlu
No do Bhean 's do Chu bhidh faoi bhreith

20
Chaoiche cho tugimsa mo Bhean
Do dh' aon Duine 'ta faoi 'n Ghrein
'S cho mho bheirinn Bran go brath
Na gu^n teid am Bas am Bheul

Oaaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. S23

21
Labhair Macumhail re Goll
'S mor an glonn a bhidh nar tochd
Nach tugamid Cath laidir borb
Do hard Kigh Lochlin na'n lamh breachd

22
larla Muthin ga mor a ghlonn
'S e radh Diarmad donn gun Onn
Caisgidh mi sud gar Fein
No tuitidh mi fein air a shon.

23
'S e femis a ghabhair fein
Ge d' ha mi mar chi thu mi 'nochd
Righ Tirimean na'n Comhrag teann
'S gu'n sgarruin a Cheann re Chorp

24
Beireadh Beannachd 's beireadh Buaidh
Ars Macumhail na'n Gruaidh dearg
Manus Macgaradh na'n Sluaigh
Caisgir leam ga mor a Fhearg

25
An Oiche sin duinne gun bhronn
Bainmig linn a bhidh gun Cheol
Fleagh gu farsin fion is Ceir
'S se bhiodh aig an Fhein a ag ol

26
Chonnairceas ma na agar an Lo
Gabhail doigh annsa ghuirt
Meirg Righ Lochlin gun agh
Ga thogal doibh suas air 'n Uchd

27
Chuir sin Dio-ghrein suas re Crann
Bratach Fhein budh mor a treis
Lomlan do Chloichibh Oir
'S an linne gu ma mor a Meass

324 Oaelic Society of Inuerness^

28
lomad Cloidheamh doni Chran oir
lomad Srol gu chiiir re Crann
'N Cath Mhicumhail Fian na'm fleadh
*S budh lionar Sleagh os ar Ceann

29
lomad Cotan iomad Triath
lomad Sgiath is Lurich gharamh
lomad Draosach is Mac Righ
'S ni 'n rabh fear riamh dhibh gun Airm

30
lomad Clog-mhaisich cruaidh
lomad Tuadh is iomad Gath
^N Cath Righ Lochlin na'm Pios
Budh lionar Mac Righ is Flath

31
Rinneadar an Uimigh theann
Budh Cosmhahich re Grian na'n Ord
Cath fuileach an da Righ
Gu ma ghuinneach bridh an Colg

32
Rinneadar an Uimigh Chruaidh
'S briseadar air Buaidh na'n Gall
Chroma gjich Feara annsa Chath
'S rinne Icis gach Flatli mar gheal

33
Thachuir Macumhail na'n Cuach
Is Manus na'n Riiag gun Agh
Re cheile an tuitim an t-sluaigh
Chlerich nach budh chruaidh an dail

34
Air briseadh do Sgiath na'n Dearg
Ar eirigh dhoibh Fearg is Fraoch
Theilg iad a'm Buil air Lar
'S thug iad Spamne 'n da Laoch

Osaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 9S6

36

Cath fuileach an da liigh
'S an leunne budh chian an Cloat
Bha Clachan agus Talamh trom
Ag moisgeala faoi Bhonn na'n Cois

36
Leagadh Righ Lochliu gim Agh
Am fiadh[u]uise Chaich air an Fhraoch
Dho sa 's cho b' Onar Righ
Ohuii-t air Ceangal na'n tri Chaol

37
Sin nuair a hiiirt Connan niaol
Macniom a bha riamh re h'olc
Leagar chugani Manus na'n Lann
Oun sgarruin a Chean re Chorp

38
Ni bheil ag am Cairdeas no Caomh
Rent a Chonnain mhaoil gim fhalt
O tliarla mi 'n Grasa ^n P'hcin
'S ansa leam no bliidh faoi d' Sniachd

39
O tliarla tu 'm Grasa fein
Cho niomair mi bend ar Flath
Fua^s^lnidh mi thnsa o m' Fhein
A laimh threnn a chuircadh Cath

40
'S gheibh thn do raoghnin aris
'Nuair bhios tu an d' thir fein
Cairdciis no Comnuni a ghnathuigh
No do Lamh a chuir fa 'n m' Fhein

41
Cho chuir mi mo Lamh fa d' Pliein
An gcian a mhaireas Gail a' m' Chorp
Aon bhuile a taoghuidh P^hein
'S athruigh leam na rinnis ort.

SM Gaelic Society of Inuerneaa.

42
Mi fein is M' athar is Goll
Triur budh mho glonn 's an Fhein
Ge d'ta shin gun Draosuich gun Cholg
Ag eisdeachd re h* ord Cleir
An chrioch.

AN OOMHRAG A BHA AG AN FHEIN RE CONN MAO-AN-DEABG

OR THE BATTLE THAT THE FEINS HAD WITH OONN THE

SON OF DEARG.

1

Sgeula air Conn mac-an Deirg
Air a lionadh le trom f heirg
Dol dhioladh a Athar gun fheall
Air Criochaibh ro-mhor na Heirinn

2

Aithris duinne Ossain naniigh
Mhic Fhein uasail so-ghradhuigh
Sgeulachd air Chonn fearradh 6 fearail c
An Sonn d cahiia e ciuin/ ceannoil g

3

Cia budh mho Conn no 'n Dearg mor
Oissean na'm briathra binn bheoil
Na'm bionan dealbh dho is dreach h
'S do 'n Dearg mhor mheart mheniTinaohy

4
Budh mho Conn go mor mor
A tighin an garadh k air Sloigh
Tarruing a Loinge a steach
An Cumhang Cuain agus Caolaish

5
Shuigh e air 'n Tulloich gar Coir /
'M fiuidh m curanta n ro-mhoi
Ghabhadh e ga chleasa gairge o
'S iar ann am Bailcaibh ua'n iarmailt

aReTtnge. 5 Excellent. c Manly. dHero. c Strong. /Mild.

g Good humour 'd. h Image. i Merry j Wanton. k Near.
I Naar us. m Giant. n Gigantick. o He performed his fierce actions.

Oaaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone* 327

6

Ghuaidh e m frithleanamh na Neul
Os air Cinn ann san Ath-mheud a
Is ni mb'ailte b neach faoi 'n ghrein
Na Conn na'n Airm faobhar gheur

7
Gruaidh chorcair c mar Fhuidhar caoin
Rosg corach d gorm fa mhala e choraich chaoin/
Fait or-cheardail grineal g grinn h
Fear mor menmneach fearoil aoibhin i

8
Colge nimhe re liodairt chorpj
Bhiodh ag Laoch teugmhal^^aighA: na mor olo
Bhiodh a chloidheamh re sga sgeidhe /
Aig an Laoch re han-reite ni

9
Buaidh *s gach ball an raibh e riamh
Air Ghaisge n air meud o a ghniomh
Ghabh e comhlionjo neart gun sgios^
Re tabhairt geil a mor chish r

10
Go n dugainsa Briathar cinteach
A Phaidric ga nar re inns' e s
Giir ghabh an Fhian Eagal uille
Nach do ghabh iad riamh roimh aon duine

11
Re faicsin doibh a Chona t Choinn
Mar thragha u mura le tuinn
Agns falachd v an fhir dhuinn
An coincamhtt' Athar a dhioladh

a Second height ur a degree higher. 6 Beautiful. cRed herb. (i Steep.

e Eye brow. / Mild. g Beautiful. h Neat i JoyfuL

; A venomous sting for wounding bodies. k Meeting. I Beside his shield.

m In contention or strife. n Heroism. o By the greatness of, &c.

p Fulfilling. 7 Weariness. r Taking obedience from g^reat tribute.

« Though it be a shame to tell it. t Rage. tc Ebbing of the sea.

V Enmity. w Designing.

328 Qaelio Society of Inuerneas.

12
'S e labhair Conan maol mac-mom
Leagar thuige an cead uair me
S go m buinean an Cean amach
Do Chonn ditb-measach uaireach

13

Inneach orta a Cbonain mhaoil
Nacb sguir thii d' lonan a chaoidh 6
Cho bhuineadb tu n Ceann do C'bonn
Labbair Osgar na mor gblonn

14
(ihiaiseadb c Conan na mbi cbeil d
A (Ihaindcoin e na Foinc go leir
An coineamh/ Choinn bbuadbaigb bbraish^
Mar cbar tiidhalA nia aimh-lcasi'

15

Nn.iir cbonnuirc an C'onn budh caoin dealbh^

Coiian dul an seal})hui.Lrb Arm

Thuii; e siocadh air an daoidh /•

Se toicbeadli / yo liiadh 7n a dhalbhidh n

16
B' iomad Crap is bailc is Meall
A<z- atto a suas air dhroch-ceann
Air (\\ann Choniiaiii mhaoil go rcamhar
'S na ciiig Chaoil san aon Cheaiigal

17

Beannaclid ai<_r an Lainih riun sliin
*S labhair Fian na'n Cruth nnadh
Go ma turns duit gun oirigh
A Chonan donay; mhiclieilidh^

a Plague upon thee. h Will you never give over your forwardneBB.

r Mov'd. rf Madness. c In spite of. /Over against, j^ Headstrong.

7i Withersiiins. i To his niiscliief. j Mild shape.

k He made an atteru))! at him. / And he Hying. m Swiftly.

JiToAlvy. oSwelliutf. p Worthless. g Unwise.

Osaianio Ballads by Jerome Stone, 829

18
Go ma Tunis gun eirigh dhuit
A Chonain mhicheilidh gun fhalt
Sheal shin ansin air a cheile a
Moran do mhaithe 6 air Feine

19
Gur e Comhairle chinn c doibh d
Sar mhac Fhean budh bhinn gloir
Chuir ghabhail Sgeula do'n fhear dhocair e
Gluaiseadh Fearghus bimi fhoclach

20
(iluaiseadh Fliearghus binn badhach/
Glic cialach </ raor-dhaluch h
Air Chomhairle Athair mar budh choir
(jhabhail Sgeula Chonn ro-mhor

21
A Choinn mhoir bhujidhiiigh bhraish
Fhir shugaigh ait i aoibhin
Ghabhail Sgeul thaineas/ o Fhean
Go de fath X- do thuniis a dh' P^irinn

lunisimsa shi diiitsa

Fhearghuis agua biiin/ e leat

Erig m' Athar bail learn uaithse

mhaithu m teaghlach siir moriiaislin n

23
Ceann Fhean agus dha Mhic mhoir
Ghoill agus Ghridhe is Gliaradh
Ceann Chlauna Mordhan uille
Fhaotin o an Erig aon Duine

a We look'd upon one another. b Nobles. c Grew

rf'J'hia is the counsel they took. e Troublesome.

/Childish blo<ni ling. (/Prudent. A Patient t Jovial. ; I came

* ReaBon. I Bring. m Nobles. n Of your grandeeB. o To get.

33a Qaelio Society of Inverness.

24
Eirin o thuin go tuinn a
A gheileachduin6 dome aon chuinge^
No Comhrag Cuig Ceud dar Fineadh
Fhaotin air Mhadin a Marach

25

'S go n sgarruin an Cinn gun Corpuibh
A dhaindeoinc Fhean agiis Chormaig

26
Gluaisidh Fhearghus thugin fein
A Phaidric ni n canam breug
Go n do thosd an Fhein uille
Re Sgeula an Aon Duine

27
Ciod an Sgeula on fliear mhor
'S e labhair Fean Flath an t' Sloigh
Aithris duinne e go propadh
Is na ceil oini e dhaon olcad/

28
'S e mo Sgeula on Fhear mhor
Gur Ail leis cuig Ceud gar Sloigh
Fhaotain air Maidin a Marach
Go Comhrag <7 na dithmhalaidh /i

29
'S e labhair cuig Ceud dar Fineadh
Caisgidh shinne a luath mhireadh *
(yho raibh sud doibh mar a ghraithe ;
Bhi dul ann san lomairt bhaite X:

30
Thug iad amach Cloidheamh 'n deirg mhoir
Is Connadh Catha ^n Ceud Uair /
Thug e rudhar fir an gran m
Mar Sheabhag measg Ealta n mhin-eun

a From sea to sea. h To yield. c To my. d Yoke. t In spite oL
/Do not conceal it from us be it never so bad. g To the battle.

h Of destruction. i His swift madness. j As you said.

k To go into the working drown'd, to enter into the fatal oontest.

I Fury of battle the first time.

m He took the scattering of a man through grain* n Flock.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 331

31
B' iomad Fear sa ghair a bhos a
lomad Lamh ann is leth-chos b
Iomad Claigean ami is Ceann
Cuirp gun choigil c air a bhall d

32

Cuig Ceud eile gad e bhiodh ann

Go n tuiteadh sin air aon bhall

Is Conn a cailceadh/a Sgiath

Ag iamiidh Comhraig 's gom 'b-an riar g

33
Thogh h shin i seachd fichead fear mor
Do mhaithaibh teaghlaigh air mor shloigh
Thoirt a chinn do mhac an Deirg
'S dliaithnigh / shin Fean fa throm-fheirg

34
Chuaidh air seachd fichead na dhail k
'S ann orra thainig an dioth-mhail
Thug e rudhar fir forthuin
Budh luaidhe / e na roth gall-mhuilin

35

Thuit air seachd fichead fear mor
B' abhar tuirse m e 's dobroin n
Gun leig an Fhian gair chniaidh o
Re diothugha p a mhor shluaigh

36
Fhir a chleachd q mo chobhair riamh r
A Ghoill mhic Mordhan na mor Ghniomh
Budh mhian s Suile gach Baile
'S a Phrionsa fola na diothmhaile t

a Shouting on this side. b One leg. c Unspar'd. d Upon the spot.

tf Although. /Pressing hard. ^Insatiable. A Chose. iWe.

j Observ'd.

A; Near him. ? Swifter. m Heaviness. n Mourning.

The Fein fell a-weei)ing. p Destruction. q That us'd,

r To help me ever before. s Desire. t Destruction.

332 Qaelic Society of Inuerneas.

37
'S dana learn Conn bagradh ort
Is ar Chlannu Moi*dhau nillea
Nach buine tu n' ceann deth go fearoil6
Mar rinn thii air Athair roimhe

38
Dheanainsji shin rent Fhean
(ihiola na 'm briathni bla-bhinn c
Cuirmid fujith is falachd far cul d
Biodhamid uille a dhaon rim e

39
(xa d' mharbliadh tu ni' Fheiu uille
Go diotlnit^ha an {ion Duine
Bhithin fein 's mo threuna/* leat
Riogh ua Feine gad chobhair//

40
(iluaisaidli (Joll na chulaidh chruaidh A
An am tiothanuisc a mhor Shluaigh
Biidh (leal 's dearg liuuis an fhir
Air Sheol i gairgc dul an tus loradhail ;

41

(iluaisoadh e go dith-nicasach X- dana
Air cliiocras fola na diomhaile
Dith fola do chnaimliamh 'n cuirp
Dith teino gun Anuaibh nochd

42
B' iomad (iaoir/ do theine ruadh
Tcacbd o fhao])lKir 'n an Arm geur cruaidh
Os cion an Ceann-bhearta corrach w
'S iad a cuimlmiu^li na mor fhalachd n

a 1 think Conn is impudent to threaten you and all the sons of Mora.

b Like a man. c Kindly or warm. d Let us lay hatred and ennity aside.

c Let us be all of one mind. J Might. g Helping you.

h Hard suit — i.e., Coat of mail. / Mood. j In ye beginning of strife.

A; Bold. /Flash. w Steep, pointed. n Enmity.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 33a

43
All da Chuiridha buth gharbh oith
Chuireadh h ^n tuloich air bhall-chrith c
Le 'm beumanibh d buth a leoir meud e
San Fhian uille ga n eisdeachd

44
Seachd Lathe is aon-trath-deug
Go ma tuirseach f mic is mnaoi
Giis na thuit le g GoU na 'm beum h
An Sonn mor air cheart i egin /

45
Gair k aoibhin go 'n d' rinn an Fhian
Nach d* rincadfi leo roirahe riamh
Re faicsin doibh Ghoill mhic Mordhan
A n^ uachdar ar Conn treun tordhach I

46
'Sa tabhairt Chonain a sas 771
N diagliaidh Conan a mhi-ghrais
Naodli raidhin n do Gholl an Aidh o
Ga leigheasjD ma n raibh e slan

47
Air seachd fichead 's air cuig cead
A Phaidric mi n* canam breug
Go n do thuit sin la Mac an Deirg
Is budh chruin ar Fian na dhiaghaidh 7
Crioch.

a The two giants.

b They put. c A trembling. d Strokes [9te\)s] or reproaches.

e Sufficiently great /B'ull of sorrow were. g Till he fell by. h Strokes.

tVery. jDiflBculty. * Shout. / Pursuing.

m Taking Connan out of bonds. n Quarters of a year. o Happy.

p Healing. 5 The Fein were thin after tlienL

334 Qaelio Society of Inuerneaa.

TEANTACH MOR NA FEINE OR THE GREATEST STRAIT EVER
THE FIANS WERE REDUCED TO.

1
La ga 'n raibh Paidric na mhur
Gun Salm air iiidh a ach ag ol
Ohuaidh e thigh Ossan mhic Fhein
's ann leis budh bhinn a ghloir

2

Failte dhuit a shean-fhir shuairc b
Tionsaidh air chuairt thainig shinn
A Laoich mhili a b' fear dreach
Cho dear c thu riamh neach mad ni

3

Sgeul a bail linn fhaotan uait
Ogha Chum hail na 'n ruaig naidh
'N Teantach is tinne ^n raibh ^n Fhian
na ghin thu riamh na 'n lorg

4
Dhinsinsa sin duit gun tamh
Ghiola Phaidric na 'n Salm grian
'N Teantach is tinne 'n raibh na fir
na ghincadh Fianachd Fhian

5
Dearmad Fie the ga 'n d' rinn Fian
'S an Albhuidh re linn na 'n Laoch
Air chuid do n Fliein shuas Druimdearg
Go 'n deirigh am fearg sa 'm fraoch

6
Ma dhiobair d sibh shinne ma 'n ol
Huirt Mac Ronain le Ghloir bhinn
Bheirinsa is Ailte ur
Breiteach bliadhna re mur Fian

a Care. b Witty, facetious. c Deny, d Forgot.

Oaaianio Ballads by Jerome Stone. 885

7
Thog iad go sgiobalta a 'n sgiath
An Cloidheamh san srian nan Loing
An diaish Fheinidh armidh fhial
Go Riogh Lochlan na 'n Srian sliom.

8
Muintireas bliadhna do 'n Riogh
'S e thug an dish a bfear dreach
Mac Riogh Connachar na 'n Sleagh geur
Agus Ailte nach dear neach

9
Thug Bean Riogh Lochlan na 'n Sgiath donn
Trom Ghaol trom sa bhi gu deas
Do Ailte greadhnach b an fhuilt deirg
Dh folamh c i leis an ceilg <f sa m braid e

10
Dh folamh i leis a Leabuidh 'n Riogh
Sud an Gniomh ma *n doirteadh/ fuil
Agus go flaitheas na 'm Fian
Ghabhadar an Trial g thar Muir

11
Thionoil h Riogh Lochlan a shluagh
Cabhlach cruaidh sa *m bi go deas i
'S e dh' eireadh J* leis re aon uair
Na naodh rioghran san Sluagh leis

12
Lochlanich a bhuidhin bhorb
'S ro mhaith *n Colg k re dul an cein I
Thug iad am Breiteacha m Triath
Nach pileadh iad Srian na 'n deidh

aSwifUy. i Grand. c She went, (/Deceipt e Stealth. fShed.

^Voyage. AQathered. t Going to ihe south. Rose. ib Strength.

^Far. mOath.

336 Qae/ic Society of Inverness.

13

Thogadar an Abhast ard
Re Crich Erin garbh an greish a
'S cuirthear a'm piiiible 6 a muigh
Gaoirid c on bhrugh d an raibh Fian

U
Teachdarachd thai nig nar Ceann
Teachdarachd chuire r inn/ go truagh
Comhrag treun g o Fhian na Fail
Gur e bail leo fhaoitin h uainn i

15
Freagair Ailte n Comhrag treun
Fear tliabhairt mor gheil J s' gach Oath
Ceann Mhic Neimhi is Mhic Lir
Maodhar k leis an darna / beum

16

Seachd fichid ceanart dar fein
Agus Ailte fein air thus
thuit sud le laimh Erragain mhoir
Ma'n deachadh na Sloigh an dlus vi

17
'S e radh Fean flath na 'n Cuach
'S e 'gamharc n air Sluagh Inse Fail
Co dhionga o Erragan sa ghreish
Ma n leigemid p leis air tar q

18
'Se ni ghabhar sud la Goll
An Sonn iiach burrast r a Chluth
Diongamsa Erragan sa ghreish
Leigthar edrin ler cleas ludh $

a Yoking. iTeuts. c Short, near. (2 Bounds. ePut.

/*To U8. 5^ Mighty. A To get t From us. j Yielding. i: Cut off

I Either of the two. m Before the battle join'd. n Beholding.

Match. ^Before we suffer. 7 To despise us. rNot ewy.

8 Feats of activity.

Oasianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 337

19
Cucihullan is Diarmad doun
Fearrachuth Crom is Mac an Deirg
Go d* dhidneadh a o bhiiilleaibh *ii Laoich
Ciiir diaish dhibh b air giujh taobh do d* sgeidh

20
Thoir leat c an seachd fichid fear mor
Budh doiligh d a chloth far cul
Cuir sud air laimh shoisgeil e mo Riogh
Chlannaibh Mordhan na 'n guiomh borb

21
Buin/ Icat cath foug-aradh na Fein
Nach d' idir^^ Ceim thoirt air Cul
Cuir sud air do ghualain h deish
Do Shiol Chumhail na 'n cleas-ludli

Ochd Oidhchean dhuinn* is Ochd La
A Sior chuir / ar air an *t sluagh
Ceann Kiogh Lochlan na'n Sgiath doun
MhaoidhaJ le Goll an naodhamh La

23
Tuilleanih is seachd fichid Sonn
Thuit sud le Garradh sic Goll
On'a dheirigh a ghrian moch
Gus an dcach i siar anamoch

24
Seiichd fichid do Chlannaibh Riogh
Ga 'm bu dual k gaisge 's mor gniomh
Thuit sud le Osgar an Aidh
Is le Ctioircal corrai^hrain /

a Defend. h Two of them. c Bring with you.
rfDiflicult. clA'ft. /Bring. 7 Tried. /i Shoulder,

i Always putting. j Mow'd ilown. ^• Who took it of kind. /Teni'.l

338 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Air a Bhaisde thug thu orum
A Chlerich chanfiis na sailm
Thuit leanise *s le Feaii na'm Fleth
Coimh-lion Ceann ris a Cheathra

26
Mar fear a chiiaidheas a do fhaobhar Arm
No duino gliabh Maoim b don Ghrcig
Do Riogh Lochlan no da lion e
Cho deach d duine go thir fein

Ach na'm fagliadh e e Conihthroiu na'n Arm
Deagh Mhac Innil nan Lann glas
San Aill)hidh na'n abairte re Thriath
Cho ghlaodhte/ ach an Fhian as

Tiiileamli agus k-tli air Fian
Thuit sud air an tSliabli fa dheas
Ach na'n hidhamaidr/ a Ghrian
Clio mho no trian thainig as]

29
Ach nan hidhamaid an lliogh
A P}iai(h*ic Ic mian gach Salm
(»ad thainig droing lUir niaitliaibh as
Cho (Vrinn sinn air lea.s/t san I^a
Criuch.

IIGH T^^KMAIL OR THE BUKNINC; OF THE HOUSE oF TORMAIL
I3Y GAHKY ONE OF THE FIANS.

Cliuaidh Fian a shcalg le Fiannibh
Air Sraidii ^^ornia Inse Fail
Chuireadh ris na Lairgil^h glassa
Feidh / na'm beann a b'aihige dha^'

n If it be not a man who cscaji'd. h Flying. rPtteterity.

(/Went. cGot. /IVoclaim'd.

fj Mention. h Our good. f The Deer. ' That were next him.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 339

Dfhag e 'n tigheas na'n Com buaidhich
Mac Righ Feoald na Neul cam
Crainne chiuil a a sheinneadh gu ro-mhaith
\S Eoin chiuil h re Barraihh Chrann

3
C'eud Deacaid na'n Ceann-bhert c bhulgach
Ceud Srian bhulgach na*n Each ard
Ceud Dioloid bh' air a h'ora d
Ceud Liabhaid re Barribh Chrann

4
Ceud Macan le Bhroilleach e shide/
Ceud fior-ninghean budh ghrinne^^ Meur
Ceud Cuillean le Cholair airgid
Dfhag ainn san Teach s b'f hada linn h

Ceud Brattach Chaol i uainej Datha X:
(iabhail Gaothe re Gathibh Chrann
( 'eud Cuppan is Ceud Fainne sheanta /
Ceud Clacli cheangliailt 's ceud Com cam

6
Ceud Luircach a bha gun Notibh
Faoi ur-nihalibh )n oir re Hall
Ceud Laoch nach druidciidh fa tslienduch
'S ceud saor bhean a'm Bantrachd Fhein

/
Shin Garraidh Mor Mac Mordhan
Re Taobh t'all air Leabuidh uir
Tharruing e Sran trom air a Rosgibh
'S a chcann air Brat Corcan n cloimh o

<( Musical instruments. 6 Singing Birds. r Helmets. t/ That were gil<le«i.

t Breasts. /"Silken. j/Neat. /i We were sorry for it. tSuinll.

^' Green. ACouloured. /Holy.

m Fredh liook.s. n Red. o P'eathers.

340 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Chiun a teansgal b air bhegan Ceile c *

Ag Bantrachd ur na'n Cul cam d
Deulg e Chaol a'm Brataibh gasta/'
N foltan (/ Laoch an glacaibh Chraun

Aisling gun bhruadar h Mac Mordhau
Air bhi dho na Chodal seamh
Chomiairc e garadh fa dhiamhair i
\S gun lomradh J air Fian no Fail

10
'S e dhiiisg k an Laoch as a Chodal
Aisling ma'ii rabh Moran Deur
Dhealuigh / an tseicc in ris a nian-cheann h
Fuil an Lai>cli bu gharnmih a Clireachdo

11
Do Tlionidh/? sugi-aidhr/ Ban na Feine
('liiiiU(Ui e don C'hoile le (■heum deas
Dhruiil e na Dorsaibh mar chualadh r
Thut; Crann crian s air a Ghuail Icis

\'2
La dho re Sgolta / na'n Kodaibh n
Dcadli Mliac Mordhan nan cleas truadh
(Jhuir e Sinuid v re taobh na Talla
A Dhruiiu a chuir (Jaraidh 's chuaidh w

1:5
Suil ira'ij III- Fion tliair a i^hualain,/"
Ueadh Mhac Cuinhail na'n Clcas LTJiru
Clioniiairc o Ceo tahiihaiilh daito ^
Do Thiiili Tonnail 's Lassair ard

((CiiU'X'. ffVvitjvct. (Wit.

ti Cuilil hiiul lieiuU. r I'iiis. /'Fine. .'/Hair. /t Dreamtsl.

i Warming in .secret. ,/ No uiciitioii. /Awakened. /Separated.

/?i Hide. /< Hrain. oWnuiid. /* Fruit. vSiioiting. r As I heard. «I>r\.

M'lf'uviiii:. «W<.od. rSiimak (.siimke). <'( Jarry turn'd his back aiul went.

rFian locking owv lii- shoulder. //Smell of burning.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 341

u

Cuiribh oiribli a Lcomhnaibh a gasta b
Mend sa bheil sibh n fhios re Linn c
Freagairibh an Caismeachd d anamoch e
Theassairgin gi'ad Bantrachd Fhein

15
Ag nieiid a dhochaisli/' a.s a Laochaibh
A LuasejF an Cos na 'm breth chaol
r.ouni gach fear air a chaol chrann sleadhe k
'S dfluilchadh I Mac Kejuih sa chaol

16
Thainig Deadh Mhac Crodh an Ciiil
A Theaghas./ air dol air Chuil
'S chuir e Dhruim re taobh na Talla
S ChaointeX- leis (ian-jidh an tus

17
Chuir Fian a nihcur faoi Dheud Fius
'S ghabh each nia'n Fhios a fhuair
Lenihh/ gu niaith m Fear ar Falla<*hd n
'S glacar hbh (Jarraidh .sa niuiiinh

IS

Thigse aniach arsa Mac Unihail

A dheadh Mhic Mordhan na'n ('lea8 truadh

Athchuingeo a dhiariiinjD araidhcy

Air dhetli r Manani a bhreadh .<? \iaim t

19
(iheabhadh tu t' athcluiingo araidh
l)li' aon (ylieist gu nian-adh u tu
A:^ eugmhais v T'auiaan a iarridh
Os Fear do'u na Fianuibli thu

a Lions. h Dmve.

«• Ar many of you as are with uie at the time. </ Aliirui. eLate.

/For the greatness of his hoiHJ. ySwiftnes.s. ASj»e.nr. t Was hid.

y H ousf . ikMoum'd. /Follow. 7/i Well. n Hativd. oliequeat.

pAdk. 7 Especially, at any i-ate. /'Incase. s Taken. i From me.

II Ask. c Kxcept.

342 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

20
Mac an Loin bhreadh as-aui manniaii
Athdmin^e a labhraim ribli
Mo Bhragad a fein a clniir an girrid h
Air bun c Sleiste d (lille e Fhein

21
'So thua-sgaladh/ air na (xoassaibh
Mac Uiogh Nuadlic Inse Goill
Shcachd traidhean^ a bhuan as a FlieadhaA
San Tulloch niheine i os air Ccann

DfholaiLch./ ('as Kiogh Koteabhridb
F<> FlioidX- ghlas an talmhuin troni
(ihear an Cloidheamh siid na Anabharr /
Soaclid traidhean Lan tahiihuin troni

rjiidli d'lni<lli hi na Druchd air teamadli n
Ciiisle a (Hun iroartc o Fhein
T>fhagy> Faitoal 7 a Chuilg /- Ncnnh
Fuil daito huas Trai(ihcan s Fhein

Thionail Maitliibh 's Faisle Firinn
Shuigh iad uille air Cnoc na'n Deur
P.nilh mhor a Xi linn air (xarraidli
Air Hionrh 's air Talla bliidh gar Dith ^

Labliair Fian foin gu tior-glic

Cuuiaibh u a (Ihloir shinn aguibh v na tochd

O naeh tin i tein w a tagradh.'-

'S leor a nieuda // th' aguin : do'n olc

*/ NtH-k. //r.» shorten. rllont. r/ Thii;li. r White. /L«ki*.M.

<; Foot. /< (Jreeii. i Soft. j\\u\. A' Turf. ^ Over and above.

»/i Swifter. // Descciulinir. oCiit. ^) Left. 7 Influence. r Sting.

f F(M)t. (To our Ios.«^. j/Kcc']«. rWitli you. r Since it is unworthy.

«To (lispulf. //(;it'atiier«».>. : With us.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone^ 34:^

•2G
Claochar Leuc an Fhir Chalma
Do dheadh Mhac Mordhan na'n Cleas truadh
Fhir a chuir tlachd a air a Chairdibh
Do Chorpan fein sa Talmhuin ('hruaidh

CATH NA'N SEISHIAR, ,0H THE ENGAGEMENT WH1(,^H SIX OF
THE FIANS HAD WITH TWO AND FOURTY OF THEIR ENEMIES.

1
Seishiar ga 'm biodhmaid ina'ii Riogh
Cho be 'n tscisliear budh bheag bri^li
Osgar agns Fearragan fial
Caoiltc is (noireal na*n i^orni .shriaii

Ijcig shiuii air (.'uachaii re Snith
Is riiiii shiiin an t' ol gnn gliutli
Cuach Fhian a bhnidliin an geall
Dh' iniighidh i na h-aon-aran

Tliainig scaclid Seishiar nar Coann
Do'n tshiagh fhiiileach fhaobhar-fhcann
Sa nifear hiidh taire dhibh sin
(jo'n dionga c Ceud an a Conihrag

i
Bliiodh ma bliragad gach fir ndmir
Scai)ul daingoan do'n dearg or
Os cionn na craosnigh ninihe
Lanna saoradh 's iad doth-rhaidlie

Da [Aiireach an Kididh tcaun
Ma Chnirp slieanga na'n saor-clil.inn
Bliiodh air Uachdar sin orr nille
EaiTadh uainnc air aon-dath

(/ l)i cciirv.

.•U4 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

6

Thairg Fian doibh cumhadh mhor
An Earradh fein do*n dearg shrol
Ceud Bean no Baintreach sa bhroin
'S Fear os a Cheann sa chomh-ol

'Se labhair Clann Cluiilg nan cleas
Cho bhi shinne reidh gu h' Oiche

Sin nuair dhisleugh Fean a Ghloir
'Se ^amharc air Luclid a chonih-ol
Hheil sibh p:abhail teamhachd dheth
Dill a bhualadh na'n seachd scishiar

8*
Rha mi La an rnaig na'n gleann
Huirt an t' Osgar budh mhor Greann
Rinn mi (Tniomh budh doradh dhamh
No'n ( 'eann a bhuintin do Shcishiar

9
*Se labluiir Feiwra^^an Mac an Riojrh
Marbhaidh mi mo Sheishear dhibh
Cho ohuir ( trom air neach cille
Na thig slan o m' iorniil dibh

10
'Se la])liair Cnilto na'n arin-nimh
Marbluii<lli mi mo Shoisliiar dibii
<io mo dearir o hhun ;j;u ]>arr
Am ball an t.iinigin mo udienr-lann

11
Gur mairg a dlifagadh air dail
An diaish lo 'n creimto 'n cnaimh
Marbliaidli inise is (ioll na (lai.sge
Air (la sheishear san uon aiteal

12
Gun do chrom sliinii ar Geann sa Chath
Is riim gach Fhith mar a glieall
Mharbh me fein mo Shei^hiar air tus
Slid a Phaidrie mo eheiid-chuis

* In secoiul MS., stanza-^ .S and 9 are tran.sposed.

Oaaianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 345

13
Mharbh Osgar seishiar is fear
'Sc tno dhochan bhi ga 'n iomradh
Am Fear ma dheireadh bh' aig Fian
Mar bhuine edir dha Leaiiu

U
Ghabh e is budh mhor am Beum
Na Seachd buileau san aoQ Sgeidh
'S mar bhi Osgar na n ceud rath
Cheaiigladh e shinne iiar Shcishiar
Crioch.

A CHIOSH ('HNAMHAl)H OK AN IMPORTANT DL'SIHJTK THAT
AROSE AMONG THE FIANS.

1
Sin iad thugaibh hun an Oil
Air mo shitlisa maodhair mhor
Gun aon Sgiath air Duinu dhibh
(iun a Comhdach uille dh' or

Dath na mflaith air dath an eisg
Dath an tshneachdaidh tliiir a nuas
Datli is eilidh na air chach
Rosg Riogh orr' uille gu leir

:\
Ha aon Duin air thus an t-sluaigli
Na nibiodli a mheud mar ha bhuaidh
Cho (limthigh c m four ga ( 'hois
Duine ga neubhaidli via Comhrag

4
Caoireal ccatach mar budli dual
A clii thu air thu« an t-Sluaigh
Da trian ruim oit Fhean gun fhcall
Hcituirhcar arum roimh Chaoireal

346 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

Go 11 do chuir Caoireal ma mhiclieil
Am flaitheas a sheanor fein
A Sgiath OS cioiin Sgeidlie Ghoill
All tulaclian Tighe na Halbhuidli.

G
(Jo de bheireadli sliiim duit fhir
Do St?iatli chuir os cionn mo S^^eidh

Go 11 raibli m fheabhas do mhac P^lath
Agus 1110 cbrua« a chuir Cath
Mi bhi iiiiou re baiiiial blian
Atrus 1110 bhi fial re Filidh

l>hfaraid Caoireal seach a h\imh
Dheagh Mhac Cumhail na'ii Ann seaii
Com a nibiodhe a chiosh chnamhadh
(Ja ciiir uille a dhaoii Lit hair

{)

A Chiosli chnamhadh a chiosh chnamhadh
Gnr niairg hue air na thar i
X fheoil ma na las menmnadh n fhir
Cho rail)h \\ snd ?\ch ciosh trian fhir

10
(ia be blu'iieadh nam an Smior
A chill is nach banii do mdhcoin
Breatach bheiriini ris a chnaimh
(io la bhrath nach blaishin feoil

11
Cnaimh an daindi aillidli san tsliabh
(iun a chuir an coiiv I'iamli
Thiiuar snd an Laimh na deisheadh
Air a bhlar nar tianniiisne

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 347

12
Leaiiaibh leanabaidh is Laoch lau
Cho n an comhad theid an Comhrag
Clio leanabaidh Mac Kiogh bar seal
All tini theid e fein air airdli-airt

1:5

Dheirigh Scishiar hiidir Laijcli
Kdir an Lcanamli sa n tog l^unh
(4iin fhiu na Sgein air an Crios
Air Kauai a cheile mharbhadh

U

'S e habliair Conan iiiaol Mac Mordlian
\M fear a blia riamli ris an Olc
Thugar dhamhsa mo Sgiaii fciii
\S 1^0 m bithin tliall oatoriM

*Se labhair Ossaii bog Mac Khian
Loth mar Ictli air an leth roin
Thugar dhamlisa irio Sgian fein
Is thugar a Sijian fein do Clinujin

'S iomad Og an earraidh ghaisgidli
Agus Laoicli air faicsin gudhanili
'S iomad Laoch hianacii air Lannaibh
(Jlieibhte thall ma cheannabh clmamhadh

17

Am facadh tn iongnadh riaiuli
A Phaidric chanta na n Cliar
Budh mho no n Fhein nill' theania slaii
ihi n eidrigin ma'n aon Clmaimh
Criocli.

:U8 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

SKAUi MHOR A GHLINN OR A GREAT HUNTING WHICH THE
FIANS HAD.

1
Sealg biidh chomli-mor a (ihline
Ma Leitrichaibli </ Ghline Laoire h
Ma (ihlen-(lul)h locli ma Lach
Ma theacli re Soch re Suine

Chiiaidh Fean air Sliabh inadhi machrach
A <ijhreasa(l a steach r na Feine
Nualan nua* ♦rluiiniu j^laoman
(lur \c\<id o\x\\ Baois^^e barraghlic

3
(to'h do cbruinigli an Fheiu uille
Ko cluintin doibli na Glaodh Fhiana
L<»inlan do dhfuil is do dbfiadhiigh<^
(Jus an Tiillocb n niibh 0^\\ Baois^'C

4

'S o Foan foin a roinn ram fiadhngh
Air na Fiannaibli uaisle lianbhaidh
'S clio dfair siin fhciu i:a bioni iad y
Aon Laoch diuiiiaidh // no fear Dearmaid

An dia^ihaidli iiri«j;h do na Sealgai])li
r>ndh })ht'ns Fcinn c le Mac Cumhail
(I«> ni beiubiili*»r / lo (Joll ^ixaosraidli
Tus is suii:lio na Feiini fhnlangy

Ail- do Laiiidisa (ilioill ndiio Mordhan
Fhir na in In'iathra todhach k trenuadh
Sann mar sud a bhins am fiadhagli /
<Taj* am fan tbu m m tiannaclid Eirinn

a Doclivitic'N // iteHuunding.

I'l'n ha-Ttii ill. (H'twiM. r Veni.sou. /Di\iIoil.

V Mo U'lt iH»t ainon^' tlie Fein f<»r a.^ many as were of them. ^ I)iBpIeA*>*d.

f Jpfil-.uv. / For (ioll was jealcju.s that Fein shouhl have the tiret seat.

i F<M L-e. / Thup shall 1><' thf.' hunting. m Thnugh you f^houhl not stay in, &c.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 349

7
C'ho 11 fliaii mise in fiaiinachd Eiriiin
'S e labhair Goll iia 'u ceim calma
Ach dhuitse Fhian na m breith baolach
Fagfiiidh a me mac Baoisge banbhaidh

8

hjiii niiair dhathchuinge Goll air Ossaii
A Lamh a chosne dhiiinn ar feumadh b
Aisig c shiiine slan a Halbhidh
Saor o Airlin go Eirliim

9
(Jluasadar nar Lougaibh leuradhc^
Is liar Barcaibh reamhradh reidhe e
Ann an Aros/ breith baolagh
Gabhail Gloir^ na (raoithc gairge

10
Uha shinn Bliadhain ann an Dun-Eirlinn
Ann an Aros gle ghlic tosda
Is ar mnaoi 's ar Claim an Albhidli
Is ar nannsachd ann an Dunmonaidh

11
CUuaiseadar an ccart chean/i Bliadhna
Ann an trom-ghoil I dianj na dilean k
Mac Mordhan is fir na foidladh
Go fend ainmhidh na niilte

12
Suighchear toghe / na 'n treiin fhear
( 'annadar Gloir gle m bhinn gaosde
Gnirthear Teachdair chum na m tiathe
Dhfuagradh ?i Catlia a Ogh Baoisge

13

'S iongTiadh o learn o Chlannaibh Mordhan
'S air tighinn forgla ga'n Aoise/>
Teaclul a dhfuagradh Cath a Halbin
(Jo Halbhinaibii Chlannaibh Bat^isge

a I will Icuve. 6TImt gains to us our need. clicston*.

rfLoug. c Smooth. /In the place. ^ Keceiviug the sound.

A The very end. » Love. ^' Keen. A- flood. /Best. m \'erv.

J} To declare. o It is a w^nider. j>Confe-<si()n.

350 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

u

Is nach b' ioiinan a Cnias dan Sgiunaibh
No gun Lannaibh no gun Doideabh h
Is nach b' ionnan coimh-meas c caethe
Dhuinne is do ('hlanna Mordhan

15
Is nach bionnan coimh-meas guthe
Do chuirinnibh Chlannaibh Baoisgc
'S do chlann Mordhan a Dhun-Meodhe
( ) Lanihaibh na seimh shaothrach

16
(4u'n do chuir Fean fios san uah* sin
Air Maithibh uaisle na Feinne
Dul ga n tional d \\\\\\ na m Flathe
Go ni biad sud na Civethc calma

17
Aobh agus Osgar is Oissan
(Miuir iad gur ])rosnugha« thugain
Se-coud-dcug agus tri fichid
C'lann agus Fine Mhic Cumhail

18
Thainig Clann an Duibh mhic Diaruin
Do dh' Fiannaibh dileas/"go dourainy
Deich fichid Sgiath giui aon Sgainnil
('ho budli char A do Chlaunaibh Mordhan

19
Thainig an Taog-cas Mac Diaruin
Le fcachd / Riogh ann nicud a Maise^'
\)o na Fearaibh crodhe/(" calma
I >hoanadh Marbliadli agus Glaca

20
(lo n daiuig b)lin na'ni beuman
Fear nach tugadh (ieil a naisgidli /
Cablilach nior do dli' fearaibh treimadh
Thainig fa n Cath cidi 7W thugain

a E<iu.'il. /> Hand. c Comparison.

(^ (J.'itlieihig. f Kxliurt. /'Faithful. ^r Destruction. /i Friend?.

4 Army. j IJeauty. A C'»uja^'e<>iis. Hn vain, for nought. />i Armour.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 361

21
Go'n dainig Mac Riogh Kachandrachd
Fear nacli do chleaclid anabain obain a
Le Deich-ceiid Sgiath budh dearg dealradh
Go ma bhanbhidh b dul sun trod e

Go n dainig Caoral a Halbhidh

'S budh doth-aireaiTih mend a bhuidhne

Cath feugaradh tiatiir fuileach

Go Mullach Sleibhe Suine

23
Le deich coud Cuiridh *n abaidh Clidhear
Go ndaiiiig Diarmad Ogh Duidhne
On Chogumh mhorgliarg Mugha
(io Mullach Sleibhe Suine

24
(io n dainig Faolan Ogh Baoisgc
Le deich ceud do dhfearaibh gaisge
^S le uirrid cille d do Dhfiannaibh
\Se thainig l^eli Mac Breatan

25

Le deich ceud (otan maoiriol
'Se thainig Faolan na Suireadh
'S le uirrid eille on Mhithe Meath
'Se thainig Bini Mac Boini

26
Thainig Fearghus Mac na Flathe
An cois e Athar dhfearraibh rioghail
A dhfantain/ an coish na'n Flathe
Sa dhfeitheamh ^ fada re n Laoidhibh

27
Cho tug e fein rianih no Athar
Aon La air Cath no air Teantach
A Mac a rinn Riogh re righbhean/t
Ann am pubul fiachmhor i fearradh

a Sudden. // Strong and fat. c Cruel.

rf As many again. ^ After. /Continuing. y Waiting.

A Beautiful woman. i Fierce.

355 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

28
Go ndaiiiig Osgar an tsacair a
Mo Mhacsa bha n siid a Chlerich
'S cho raibh thall b no bhos c ma chomhair d
Aon ncach go nach Bodhoin eirigh

29
Go ndainig Clann Fhian uille
A dhfulang a mhor cheim docair e
Is Glanna mearra Mordhan
A Bhuidhin shodha/ sheasrach

30
(^annadar ansin re cheile
An Comhradh budh Icor a ghrodhe^
A chuireadh Mac Goill a Craigibh
Na scealpaibh reanihradh reidhe

31
(Jlio raibh Broclid no Torchd no Taodhan
Ann an Sgeir non C-raig no Nuamhin
Nach do chuir iadsa air beantaibh
Ann an coilteaibh fada uathe

32
Go ndo shuigh Fian fehi air Bhruaichibh
A dhaniharc uaith air Phortaibh
Cho n fhac o riamh Siar on Anain
Coimhlion Colain do (liorpaibh

33
r>hi.sdh 8cachd Dorsan air Gath (ihoill
Air a n fheugradh Druim air Dhruim
Is caogad Luireach shuairc sholais
l^>hiodh ;iir (niailin uaeh aon DoiTiish

34
(i!(» ndaini^;' Art o.i>- Mac Mordhan
Is budh dnth-radh/i o san teugmhaiH
Mhairblic leis Osgar Mac Cronichinn
Altus Doni sidhc do l)h' Fiannaibh

ft Accjuisition. 6 Otlier side.

f This si'le. </ Over against hiui. ^Uneasy. /CautioUH.

.'/Terror. /iMise(?) i Meeting.

Ossianio Ballads by Jerome Stone. 353

35
Gu*n tug GoU ansin rudhar eille
Is cha burrast a sud a Chlerich
N diaghaidh Aog Osgar Mhic Chromchiiin
Agus Dom sidhe do Dh fiannaibh

36
Mhairbhe leis Deieh ceud dar feabhuin b
Le Shleaghaibh garbha geuradh
Gur iomad Corp fili faoine
Bha faoi laimh a Mhili c ghrodhadh
Agus a shleaghan gan sgannracf
Le Dhoideaibh e reamhrudh/ reidhe g

37

Gur iomad Lamh agus lethclios
Bha air an tcasguiu h le geir-loinu
neart ])huile throim shodliadh
Ghoill mhic Mordhau neabhain

38
Mhairbhe lemsa Mac Dubhain
An Cois Croman a bhuile
Aobh agus Goll Mac Ladhair
'S iad dhfag mi ann do thri builleaibh

39
Go n dVug Fian ormsc san uair sin
Is bcagan do n uaislibh na Fcinne
Am fiadhnuisc Ghoill ann san teagmhail
Mhairbhe le Fian beagan Beul-bhinn

Mhairbhe linne Bran is Leachdan
An an lathair Chlannaibh Mordhan
Am fiadluiuise Ghoill agus Gharradh
'S ann leani nach baithnid i an Dourain

a Ea.sy. b Pcoi)le. c Soldier.

d Scattering them. e Hands. J Great. g Smooth.

h Wounded. t Sorry.

23

354 Qaelio Society of Inverness.

41
'S e Dhiothaigha a ann san teugmhail
Faraon h agus Beagan Beul-bhinn
'Se ceud deug agus tri Chathaibh
Do Maithibh sud a Chlcrich

42
Go n tuginse dhuit a dhcimhin c
Go bheil an Sgeula ud fiomugb
Agus air n aile d a Chlerich
Go m feudfadh tusa a sgriobha

43
Dh^aoin iad ansin cas Sliabh Suine
Mairidh chuimhne sud gach oiche
Ar* air Chlannaibh mearradh Mordhan
Le Clannaibh borbadh Baoisge

44
Go n do shion e shinn orra/ go dionaidh g
Ann an Coiss Bheannaibh go Menmnach
'S ge budh rahor an sin air febhuin
Cho burrin shinn Goll a Chuibhreach h

45
Sann a bhiodh Goll is Garradh
iSealan an diaghaidh ar Feinne
Is sgidearlorg Aluin aca
Air feadh Moina buige breine i

46
Misi is Diarmad is Garradh
Sealan^' ann am beannaibh ard
Se gheibhamaid o Mac Cumhail
Ach go minic k urram I Sealga
Crioch.

rt Destroy d. 6 Together with. c Verity. d Indeed.
Stret[c]h. /Upon them. ^^ Keenly. A Manage. iFoul.

j A while. k Often. I Honour.

Ossianio Ballads by Jerome Stone. 355

BAS CHONLAOICH OR CONLACH KILL'D BY HIS FATHER
WHO WAS ONE OF THE FIANS.

1

Chualas air fhada o shean

Soisgeul a bhuineadh rem chuimhnidh

La bhi mi gu tuirseach trom

Air an Taobhsa dh Inse Rodhuin

2
Clanna Ruairidh na m Breth-mall
(; Thaoibh Clionchar s' o Thaoibh Chonuil
Le niir Chloinn oig air na Maghaidh
'S iad air Urlar Choigidh Ulan

3

Na m-bith s gu n tigeadh nar Ceann
Fir Laoch Ulla 's nir bhreth thiann
Gun a tigeadli orn 's ana bhall KUbh
Thoirt Diombuaidh do cblanna Ruairidh

4
Tigeadh chugin am borb fliraoch
An cuiridh Crothanda Conlach
Do dh fios na 'n Fear grathigh grinn
() Dhuin Sgaith go Heirinn

5
Labhair Connichir re Cach
Cia ghcibh shinn thuin an Laoch
Do thoirt Beachd na Sgeul dhcth
'S gun teachd le h-ara uaidhe

6
(ihluais Connail nach lag-lamh
Do ghabhail Sgeula do n Ogan
Mar dhearbha le torradh an Laoch
Cheanglad Connail le Conlach

7

(ireassar chugain air Fir laochar
itxi Conlach fraoch mhor furranach
Ceud gar Sluaigh a cheangladh leis
S longnadh shinn is buan re aithris

356 Gaelic Society of Inverness-

8
Chuaidh Teachdaireachd go Ceann na'n Con
ard Riogh longnadh Ullin
Gu Duin dealgan grianach glan
Shean Duin Cialach na'n Gaodhal

9
An Duin sin a leabhar libh
O Mheidh aon Inghean Mhoirgil
Gun deach griomh saor na'n Steud Each mear
Go Righ faoilteach na'n Fear

10
Do dh fios na h' Ulla uainne
Tigeadh Cu na chraomh thruaighidh
Mac Tend glieal is Gruaidh mar Thuth
Na deatach teachd nar Comhair

11
Labhair Conchar ris a Choin
'S fad a bha thu gun teachd gar feuchain
\S Connail suireach na'n Steud mear
'N Comhrag uainne is ccud gar Sluaighibh

12
'S 01c linn a'm bith uainne am bruid
Na Fir a cobhradh air an coirdibh
Ach ni'n re dliol ann shineadh lann
Ris an ti Icis na Cheangladh Connil

13
Na smuaintigh gun dal na Choineamh
Lamhuigh na'n geur Ann granmhuil
Lamh nacli lagadh re ncach
Cuimhidh Taoide is e n Cuibhreach

14
('u Chulan an Lamh nach sliom
lie Cuinihneach air Cuibhreach Chonnail
Ghluais e le treunadh a Lann
Ghabhail Sgeula do 'n Ogan

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 357

15
Innis duinne re teachd ad d'fhail
Labhair an Cu 's nior ghabh teagmhail
O shlios Righ an Abhradh dhuinn
Fios do shlaoinidh 'n cia do dhuich

16
Geassan orm air teachd o'm Theach
Gun Sgeula thoirt do Dhuine
Na n tugadh do dh' aon neach eille
Ga do dhreachsa bheiriadh gu hairidh

17

Comhrag is idir dhuit

No Sgeul a thabhairt mar Chairid

Gabh do Roghain a Chiabh bhog

Cho Chial taoghadh dhuit gam Chomhrag

18
Thun a Chomhrag mar budh treun
Chuaidh an Cu sa mhac fein
A Mhac fein gun dfuair gu ghuin
Le Daltana cruaidh Cath bheuradh

19
Dh' innis duinne ars' Cu na'n Cleas
O tharla tu Chaoidh faoi
Fios 't ainm no do Laoinneadh gu lorn
'S na trial dol g' allach uainn

20
Is miseadh na shinn mar thachair dhuit
Aona Choin uir aghair Eirinn
Ghaisgich uir air thuis Truid
Truaigh mo Luis bhidh agat a naisgidh

21
Mise Conlach Mac a Choin
Oighre dligheach air Dun Tigh Dealgan
N' Ruin dh fag thu m' Broinn gun fhios
W Duin Sgaich gam fhoghluim

358 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

22
Seachd Bliadhna dhaiiih 's tirse
Ag fhoghlum Gaisge o*m Mhathar
An Cleas leis na thuirchir mi
Budh dheas domh fhoghluim o'm Mhathar

23
Nar chonnairc an Cu air dol eng
A Mhac air Call a choimh bheum
Air smuaintigh air Failte an fhir
Chaill e Chuimhne s' a Cheudfadh

24
Na niairin 'b is Coiilach slan
'G iomairt air chleas an comh-lan
Chuiriniid Catli fornuidach treun
Air Fearaibh Alba is Eirinn

Cu Chilian ga b' ard a Chail

Gun n diosluigh sud trial ga Onair

A Mhac fein a thurchair leis

An 't siior shlat chorant choimh-dheis

2G
Cu Chulan a Chroidhe chruaidhe
An La sin dosa fa dhiom Buaidh
A Mhac fein gun dfuair gu Charaimh
Sho dhuibh 'n Sgeul mar chualas
Crioch.

BAS OSGAIR OR THE DEATH OF OSGAR SON OF OSSAN AND
GRANDSON OF FIAN MACOLL.

1
Cho n abair mi mi tliriath re m Chcol
Ga b'oil a le h-Oissin a noclid
Osgar agus Cairljre calma
Traothadar uille ncath Ghauradh

a In sjjite of.

Ossianio Ballads by Jerome Stone. 359

2

'N t-sleagh nimhe is i 'n Laimh Chairbre
Go n crodhte a i re uair feirge
Heireadh am Fiadhach b re ghoirah
Gur ann leadha c mhairbhte Osgar

3

'S miseadh d heireadh e e ris fein
Am Fiadhach dubh ma mhicheil
A Chuig fhcar a ha sibh ma'n Chlar/
Ach suil fir a bhi ga thachda<7

4
Dhfaraid h sinnc i a Rath gun cheil
Com an tachda / air suil fein
Go do a ghoimh k a h-air air rosgaibh
Nuair a chaonamaid a chaol reachda

Gaoraidh / ni' fiadhach moch a marach
Air a ghruaidhsa ann san Aroich vi
Cuireadar a shuil a glue
As a sin a thig a thuradh n

6
\S dearg an fhaobho sin ha thu nidhc^;
'S dearg an taogasg r/ do bhi orra
Ach gus an tainig an niugh
An fhaobh sin cho bole a hinne;il r

A bhaobh *- a nidhcas an teudach
Deansa dhuinne faisiieachd t cheudna
An tuit aon duine dhibh linn
Na n tcid sinn uille do neamhni

a Would be shaken. h Raven. c By it. d Worae,

c Did he say. /About the table. //(Mioak. h Aak'd. i We.

J Choak. k Fury.

/ Shall croak. m Fieid of battle. n Prophecy. o Exuviae.

p Washing. q Api>earance. r Beauty. 5 Bad woman. t Prophecy

360 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

8
Marbhair a leatsa cuig ceud
Is godhnar h leat an Riogh fein
Araon sa mfear lagha dheth
Air Saoghal uille go n dainig

9
Na cluineadh e thu Rosg mac Ruaidh
Na duine bhuine c ga shluagh
Na cluineadh an Fhein thu Nochd
Ma mbi sinn uille go meirsneach

10
lomlaid d Cinn gun iomlaid Croin e
B eugcorach sud iarruidh oim
Se fath f ma n'iarradh tu sin
Sinne bhi gun Fhian gim Athar

11
(ja do bhithe an Fhian is t Athar
'N la a bfearr bha iad nam Beatha
Cho buileor leamsa<7 re m linn h
(tach Seoid a dhiarruin go m faghain i

12
Na m biodhe an Fhian is m-Athar
N la bfearr bha iad na'n loath bheatha
8 tcann air am faghaidh tu sin
Aon leudy do throighe k ann Eirinn

13
Briathar / buan sin briathar buan
A bhcircadh in an Cairbre ruadh
Go n cuireadh n e Sloagh na n seachd Siong
Idir Aradh o agus iomlag/)

(I Shall be kill'd. h Sliot. r Relonp^s. d Exchange. e Shaft.

/ Reason. g I would not think it nmch. h Time. i Get.

■ IJrcadth. ^ Foot. /Oath. m dwore. nPut. o Reins. ^ Navel

Ossianio Ballads by Jerome Stone. 361

u

Briathar eill' na aghaidh sin
Bheireadh an t-Osgar gle-chalma
Go'n cuireadh e Sleagh na naodh Siong
Ma chumadh a fhuilt agus eidin

15
Noiche sin duinne go Lo
Mar re Mnaoi Feineadh comh-ol
Briathra garga leath mar leath b
Edir Cairbre agus Osgar

16
Briathar buan sin Briathar buan
A bheireadh an Cairbre ruadh
Go n' tugadh e sealg agus Creach c
A Halbain an la air na mharach

17
Briathar eille n aghaidh sin
Bheireadh an t-Osgar gle chalraa
Go n tugadh e sealg is Creach
Do dh' Albain an la air na mharach

18
Dherigh shinn an La air na mharach
Agus air Sluagh bilidh badhach
Thogadh linn a Heirinn Creach
Da Chreich-dhcug as gach Coig-dhibh d

19
Nuair a ranaig e shinn ann
Bealach/ cumhaing ann Caol-ghleann
Sann a bhiodh an Cairbre glan
A Lonamaireachd r/ a teachd nar comhailA

20
Cuig fichid Albanach ard
Thant tharr muir chairginighy ghairbh
Thuit sud le Laimh Osgair thall k
Is e mosgladh re Kiogh Eirinn

a About the shape — between. b Half and half. c Booty. d Province.

r Came or reached. /"Passage. g Greedyness. h To meet us, t Came.

j Rolling. k Yonder.

362 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

21

Cuig fichid fear Chloidheamh ghlaish
Nach deach aou clieim riamh air aish
Thuit 8ud le Laimh Osgair thall
Is e mosgladh re Riogh Eirinu

Cuig fichid fear bogha
A thainig oinie nar comhair a
Thuit sud le Laimh Osgair thall
Is e mosgladh re Riogh Eirinu

23

Cuig fichid fear fcachdaidh h
Thainig oirn a tir an tsncachdaidh
Thuit sud le Laimh Osgair thall
Is e mosgladh re Riogh Eirinn

Cuig fichid Cairbre rnadh
Thainig do mhaithibh an tsluaigh
Thuit sud le laimh Osgair, tkc.

24
A chuigar c a baisirc J don Riogh
Ar linne budh mhor am prish
Thuit sin le Laimh Osgair thall
Is e mosgladh re Riogh Eirinn

2.3

Nuair chonnairc an Cairbre ruadh
Osgar a snaidhc e an t sluaigh
An t-sleagh nimhe bha na Laimh
Go ndo Icig e sin na chomhail

2G
Thuit Osgar air a ghlun dcas
Sa n tslcagh nimhe roimh a chneas/"
Go n chuir o Slea Ji na naodh Siong
Ma chumadh fhuilt agus eidin

a Opposite. h Men of war. c Five. d Next,
c Hacking. /Through his side.

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 363

27
Eirigh Art is glac do Chloidheamh
Is seasamh aite t-Athair
S ma thig thu beo o na Caithibh
Go ma Riogh rath a thu air Eirian

28
Thug e urchair h eille nairsde c
Air linne budh leoir a hairde
Leagadh d leis le mcud a chuimase e
Art mac Cairbre air an ath-Urchair

29
Chuir iad Crun an liiogh ma Cheap
Los/ go m buidhinto leo an Laracli^
Thog e leachdiig h chonart i chruaidh
Bhar na Talmhuin taobh ruaidh
Bhris e Crun an Riogh man Cheap
Gniomh ma dlieireadhj mo dheagh Mhic

30
Togaibh libh mi noishe Fhiannaibh
Cho do thog sibh mi roimhe riamh
Togaibh mi go TuUoch ghlain
Ach go m buin sibh dhiom k an t-eudach

31
Marbh-asg I ort a Mhic na buaidhe
Ni thu breugan 'n darna huair m dhuinn
Loingeas mo slicanathar a-h-ann
'S iad a teachd le cobhair thugainn

32
Bheannuigh n shinn uille do dh' Fian
Ga *tao cha do bheannuigh dhuinn
Gus an tainig c Tulloch na'n Deur
Far^ an raibli *n-t Osgar Arm gheur

a Prosperous. 6 Throw. c Upwards.

(i Threw down. «? Dexterity in hitting the mark. /So that they might.

g Field of battle. h Stone. i Smooth. j Last.

A Off me. /Dead sijueczing. »i Sometimes.

n Saluted. ©Though he did not. j? Where.

364 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

33
'S miseadh mhic a bhiodh tu dheth a
Lathe Catha Duna Dealgan
Namha 6 na curthan roimh d* chneas
'S i mo Lamhsa rina do Leighcas

34

Mo Leigheas cho nil e m fath c
Cho mho dheantar e go brath
Chuir Cairbre Sleagh na'n seachd Siong
Edir m' aradh agus m' iomlag

35

Chuir mise Sleagh na 'naodh Siong
Ma chumadh fhuilt agus Eudain
'S na ruige d mo dhuim a chneas
Cho deanadh aon Leigh a leigheas

36
'S miseadh Mhic a bhiodh tu dheth
Lathe Cath Beinn Eudain
Namhadh na feidh roimh do chneas
'S i mo Lamhse rinn do Leigheas

37
Mo Lei<rheas cho nil e m fath
Cho mho dheantar e go brath
Goimhc an Donaigh am thaobh deas
'S dorride/ do Leigh mo Leigheas

38
Mo i^aogh fein tlui Laogh mo Laoigh
Loanamh mo Leinabh Cihil' chaomh
Mo Chroidhe lemnigh// mar Ion A
(Jo La bhratli clio'n eirigh Osgar

39
Cho do ch\iir Fian dhetli crith no grainn
O'n Lathe sin .iro La blirath
Cho ghabhadh is cho bfearrthe i leis
Ach trian don bhcatha gad abrain^"
Crioch.

« Of it. fcSweem. c Existence, fate. rf Reach. e Venom. /Difficult^
g Leaping. h JJlackbird. i Chuse. j Third of life though 1 should aay i

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone. 365

BAS FHRAOCH OR THE DEATH OF FRAOCH WHO WAS

DESTUOY'D BY THE TREACHEROUS PASSION OF HIS

MOTHER-IN-LAW

1
Osan Caraid ann Cluain Fraoich
Osan Laoich ann Caisteal Chro
An Osan sin o n tuirsheadh Fear
'Son trom ghulanach Bean og

Sud e shiar an Cam am bheil
Fraoch Mao Fedhich an Fhuilt mhaodh
'M Fear a rinno Buidheacha do Mlicy
S an air Lacinte Cam Fraoich

3

Gul nar an ban on Chniachan Tuir
'S cruaidh an Fath ma n guila bhean
'S e dfhag mosan go trom trom
Fraoch Mac Fedhich na 'm Colg shean

Ciiir i nainir a ni 'n Gul

Tighin ga fhios da Chluain Fraocli

Donn abhraid an Fhuilt Chais eill

Aon Inghean Maidlie ga m bidh na Laoich

Aon Inghean Choruil is grinno Fait
Taobh re Taobh a Nochd is Fraoch
(ia h-iomad Fear a gliradhuigli i
Nior ghaoluigh i Fear ach Fraoch

6
Nuair fhuair i amuigh e
Cairdeis an Laoich budh ghluinne gne
'S e abhar ma na reub i Chorp
Chion gun Lochd a dheanamh ria

366 Qaelic Society of Inverness.

7
Gun chuir i e gu Cath a Bhais
Taobh re Mnaoi 's na dean a Lochd
'S tuirseach do thuitim le Beist
Dh insin diiibh gun Chcilg a nochd

8
Caoirean do bhidh air Locha Maidhe
Annsa 'n Traith 'ta shiar faoi Dheas
(Jacha Raidh 's gacha Mi
Bhiodh Torradh abbuigh annsa Mheas

9
Gun raibh Buaigh air a raheasa dhearg
Budh mhilse e na mhil bhla
Go n Caniadh a Caoirean is e dearg
Neach gun bhiudh car naodh Trath

10
Bliadlma a shaoghal gach Fir
Dhinsin duibh e nois a dhearbh
Gun Caoibhreadh e air Luchd Chneimh
Briogh a niheas is e dearg

11
Naiui-clieist mhor a bha na Dheidh
Gab e Ligh a cbaiblireadh na Sloigh
A Bheist nimhe bhidli na Bhuin
Grabba do Dhuinne a Dhol ga Bhuain

12
Do bbuail easlaint throni throm
Air Inghcan Ombuich na'n Com fial
Chuireudh le a fios air Fraoch
'S dfbiosruigli an Laoch ciod e 'Mian

13
Labbair i nacb biodb i slan
Mar fuiglie i Ian a Boise Maodh
Do'n Cboircan an Locbain fhuair
'S gun Aon neacb ga bbuain acb Fraoch

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone, 867

14
Cnuasachd ni 'n drineas fein
Huirt Mac Meidhich na'n Gruaidh dearg
Garra n drinnam area Fraoch
Theid mi bhuain a Chaoirean do Mheidhe

15
Gluaisidh Fraoch air Cheimibh n' aidh
'S chuaidh e shnamh air an Loch
Huair e Bheist na suirim suain
Sa Craos suas ris an Doss

16
Fraoch Mac Meidhich na'n Arm geur
Thainig e o'n Bheist gun fhios
'S nltach leis don Chaoirean dhearg
Do n Bhall an rabh Meidhe na Tigh

17
Go maith uille na rinne leat
Labhair Meidhe budh Ghille cneas
Ni m foghain leamsa Laoich Luain
Gun an t-slat a bhuain as a buin.

18
Ghluais Fraoch air Chairr Ghille tium
A shnamh air an Linue bhuig
Budh docair dho ge budh mhor Adh
Teachd an Bhas an Raibh a Chuid

19
Ghlac e 'n Caoirean air a Ban*
'S tharruing an Crann as a Fhreimh
Toirt a Chosan air Tir
Rug i air aris a Bheist

20
Rug a Bheist air ar an Traimh
Ghlacas a Lamh anna Craos
Ghlac Fraoch is e air Chial
Truagh a Dhe gan Sgian ag Fraoch

368 Gaelic Society of Inverness,

21
Theasgair a Bheist a Chneas ban
Leadair i a Lamb go leon
Tbain Ingbean uir na'n geal-ghlac
'S gbrad tbug i dbo sgian gun or

Cho Cbombrag sin acb Combrag gearr
Bbuin e 'n Ceann di na Laimb leis
Fraocb Mac Meidliich *8 a Bbeist
Truagb a Dbe mar tbug iad greisb

23
Go n do tbuit iad bonn re bonn
Air Traimb na'n Clocba donn sbo bboss
NaT cbonnairc an t-soar Ingbean e adh
Tbuit i air an Traimb na Neul

24
Nuair a mbosguil i as a Pranib
Gblac i a Lamb na Laimb bbog
Gad ba tbu Nocbd ad Cbodaibb eun
'S mor an teuclid a rinn tu Bbos

Truagb nacb ann an Combrag Laoicb
A tbuit Fraocb le m' pronmaid Deoir
'S tuaiscacli do tbuitim le Beist
'S truagb foin nach mairion tbu beo

2G
B\idb dui])bc nam fiacb barra fbuilt
Budb deirge a Gbruaidb na fuil Laoigb
Budli mbinc na'n Coumbar Sbnitb
Budb gbille na'n Sneacbda Corp Fbraoch

Budb trcise na Combla a Sgiatb
B' iomad "JViatb a bbiodb re CbuU
Budb combfliad a Lamb sa Lann
Budb Hnne a Cbalb na Clar Laimb

Ossianic Ballads by Jerome Stone, 339

28
Bairde a shleagh na Crann Sheoil
Budh bhinne na Teuda ciuil a ghuth
Snamhaiche a bfear na Fraoch
Cho do chuir a thaobh re Sruth

29
Budh mhaith Spionnadh a dha Laimh
'S budh ro mhaith Cail a dha Chois
'S chuaidh Taigine har gach Riogh
Roimh chuiridh riamh cha diar foish

30
lonmhuin Tigheaim ionmhuin Tuath
lonmhuin gruaidh is deirge Ros
lonmhuin Beul leis an diolta dan
Air am biodhna Mnaibh ag toirbheart Phog

31
Togamaid a nois an Chiain Fraoich
Cor[) Jin Laoich an Caisteal chro
O'n Blias ud a fhuair am fear
'S mairt' is mairion na dhei^h bes

32

Gu m bi sud an Tuabhar Mna
'S mo chonnairceas air mo dha Rosg
Fraoch a chuir a bhuain a Chrainn
N deis an Caoirean a bhi bhoss

33
Air a chluain thugte an t ainm
Loch Meidhe ghraite ris an Loch
A m' biodh a Bheiste s gach Uair
Sa Craos suas ris an Doss
Crioch.

24

::7) Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

16tk MAY, 1888.

At this meeting the following gentlemen were elected members
of the Society i—The Rev. David Maason, M.D., 57 Albany Place,
Edinburgh j C. Maccallum, M.D., Elm Lodge, Anstruther, Fife ;
Mr J. M'Rury, commercial traveller, Edinburgh ; and the Rev.
Adam Giinn, Strathy, Thurso. Thereafter, the Secretary read an
English translation of " Deirdire," contributed by Mr Alex.
Carmicliael, Edinburgh. Mr CarmichaeVs paper was as follows : —

DEIRDIRE.

[close translation.]

There was once a man in Eirin of the name of Colum Cruitire
— Colum the Harper. The man was an honest man, and he had a
goodly portion of worldly means. He had a wife, but the husband
and wife had no children.

The husband and wife reached a great age, so that they had no
expectation of children forever.

What should Cohim Cruitire hear but that a soothsayer was
come home to the place, and, as the man was a hospitable man, he
had a wish that the soothsayer should come near them. Whether
it was that he was asked to come, or that he was come of his own
accord, the soothsayer came to the house of Colum Cruitire.

"Art thou making soothsaying ?'* said Colum Cruitire. "I
am making a little ; art thou seeking soothsaying T said the
soothsayer. " Well, I do not mind should I take soothsaying from
thee if thou hast soothsaying for me, and that thou wouldst be
pleased to make it." " Well, I will make thee soothsaying ;
what kind of soothsaying wouldst wish to havef "Well, the
soothsaying that I myself would wish to have would be to know my
condition, and what was to happen to me, were it pennissable for
thee to tell me." " Well, I am going out, and when I come in I
will i)ut a question to thee," and the soothsayer went out of the
house.

The soothsayer was not long out when he came into the house
again. " Hadst thou ever any offspring?" said the soothsayer to
Culuui Cruitire. " Well, no, there has never been offspring upon
me or iij^on her whom I have, and we never expect any now ; I
have only, said Colum Cruitire, myself and my wife." " Well,"
said the saothsayer, " that surprises me much, and that I see in my
augury that it is about a daughter of thine that the greatest

Deirdire. 371

amount of blood will be spilt that has been spilt in Eirin for gene-
rations and ages past, and the three heroes of the greatest renown
in the land shall lose their lives on her account." " Is that the
Boothsaying that thou art making me," said Colum Cruitire, with
anger, he thinking that the soothsayer was mocking him. " Well,
it is," said the soothsayer. " Well, if that be the soothsaying that
thou art making me thou mayest keep it to thyself, for neither
thou thyself nor thy soothsaying is worth much, and go thou thy
way." " Well," said the soothsayer, " I make thee sure enough of
this; I see it very clearly in my augury." "Well," said Colum
Cruitire, " that cannot come to pass ; I and my wife are of great
age, so that it is not possible that there ever shall be offspring
upon us. I do not revile thy soothsaying — I have no right to do
that j but that is the thing of which I am sure that there never
has been and that there never shall be offspring upon me or upon
my wife. But that will suflBce ; more of thy soothsaying I will
neither seek nor receive since thou hast made the soothsaying
without sense." And Colum Cruitire allowed the soothsayer to
go his way, whether or not he gave him a gift.

And the soothsayer went his way. That is not ridiculing the
story ; but the soothsayer was not long away when the wife of
Colum Cruitire became pregnant ; and as the wife grew more
heavy the husband grew more dolorous, and vexed at himself that
be did not make more conversation with the soothsayer the time
he was talking to him. Colum Cruitire was under pain by day
and care by night, that he himself was but a man without sense,
without knowledge, without trusted friend, without back support
in the world ; and should this burden come upon him now, a thing
likely to come, and he himself so much averse to it from first.

Colum Cruitire now believed that everything should come to
pass as the soothsayer said in his augury, and he was in sore dis-
tress and dismay. He did not know in the wide world what to do
to ward off" the spilling of blood from the land, and it was the
thought that grew in his head that, should the Good neing send
this infant into the world — a thing he was likely to send — that he
himself would need to put it away to a far-off" place, where no eye
would see a sight of it, and no ear would hear a sound of it.

Now the time of her delivery drew upon the wife of Colum
Cruitire, and she was brought to the floor-bed. The woman was
delivered, and she brought forth an infant girl. Colum Cruitire
did not allow a living creature to come home to his house but the
knee-woman alone. Colum Cruitire then asked the knee-woman if
she herself would undertake to bring up the child, and to keep it

37^ Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

in hiding in some remote place, where no eye could see it and no
ear could hear it. The woman said she would, and that she would
make her utmost efforts.

Then Colum Cruitire got three men, and he led them to a
great mountain far away, without knowledge, without hint to any
person. He there betook him to dig a green conical mound inside
out, and to line the hollow thus formed right round, so as to
enable a small party to dwell therein comfortably.

Colum Cruitire then sent the knee-woman away with the
infant to this small low shelling among the great high hills in the
wild distant desert, where no eye could see and no ear could hear
Deirdiro, for that was the name of the child. He made CTery pre-
paration for the comfort of nurse and child, and he sent food and
raiment with them to last them for a year and a day. And he
told the knee-woman that food and clothing would be sent to them
again at the end of the year, and that way from year to year as
long as he was alive. And this was so.

DeJrdire and her nurse-mother were dwelling in the low little
l)othy ainoHL: tlie great high hills, without the knowledge, without
the suspicion of any living one, or of anything that happened about
them till Doirdiro was fourteen years of age. Deirdire was grow-
ing as lithe and fair as the stately Siipling, and as straight and
symmetrical as the young moorland rush. She was above com-
parison of the world's women, shapely in her person, lovely in her
beauty, and ])ure in her complexion, while her skin and her gait
were like those of the swan of the lake and the hind of the hill.
She was the blood-drop of finest features, of gracefullest form, and
of gentlest mien between heaven and earth in Eirin. And what-
ever other colour or complexion she should have on before, no one
looked in her face but iilie instantly went into blushes like glowing
fire on the occasion.

The nurse- mother was teaching Deirdire all the knowledge she
knew herself. Ti»ere was no plant springing from root, nor bird
singing from spray, nor star gazing from heaven, for which
Deirdire had not a name. But one thing the woman did not wish
— that Deirdire sho\dd have communion or converse with anyone
of the living ones of the earth. But on a wild, wintry night of
dark ghx-my clouds, what shoidd ha})pen but that a venison-
hunter, traversing the desert hills, and having lost his course and
his com] (anions, should lay himself down to rest on the green
glassy knoll in which Deirdire dwelt. Drow^siness came down on
the man from wandering the hills, and he fell asleep. The man
was weak from fatigue and hunger, and benumbed with cold.

Deirdire. 373

When he rested in the shelter of the green mound in which Deir-
dire abode sleep- wandering came upon the man, and he dreamt
that he was at the abode of fairies, and the fairies making music
therein. The hunter called in his dreams if there was any one in
the house for the sake of the Good Being to let him in.

Deirdire heard the voice, and she said to the nurse-mother —
" Nurse-mother, what is that ?" " Only a thing of little worth, the
birds of the air astray from each other, and seeking one another ;
but let them hie them away to the forest of trees." Another
sleep-wandering came upon the man, and he called again in his
sleep if there was anyone in the knoll for the sake of the Being of
the Elements to let him in. "What is that, nurse-mother?" said
Deirdire. " Only a thing of little worth, the birds of the flocks
astray from each other, and seeking one another and home ; but
let them hie them away to the forest of trees." Then another
sleep-wandering came upon the man, and he called the third time
in his sleej) " if there is anyone in the knoll for the sake of the God
of the Elements let me in, for I am benumbed with cold and
sore with hunger." " Oh ! nurse-mother, what is that ?" said
Deirdire. " Thou ncedst not think there is aught there to give thee
gladness, maiden," said the nurse-mother. " Is there then but the
birds of the air astray from one another, and seeking each other
and home ; but let them hie them away to the forest of trees.
There is neither house nor home for them here this night."
" Oh ! nurse-mother, the bird is asking shelter in the name of the
God of the Elements, and thou thyself teacheth me that whatever
is asked in His name should be done. If thou will not allow me
to let in the V)ird, V)euuml)ed with cold and sore with hunger, I
myself will doubt thy teaching an<l thy faith. lj\it, as 1 believe
in thy teaching and in the faith thou teachest me, I will arise and
let in the bird."

And Deirdire arose, took the bar oft' the door, and let in the
hunter. She placed a seat in a sitting place, food in a feeding
place, and drink in a drinking place, for the man who came home.

"Say away and take thy food, and thou needful of it," said
Deirdire. " Well, I was, indeed, needful of food and of drink an<?
of warmth when I came home to this sheiling to-night," said the
hunter ; " but may I never relish my health if these are not gone
from me altogether on beholding thee, maiden." " Oh ! by thy
food and clothing, thou man, who camest home, is it not u})on thy
tongue the talk is," said the carlin. "It is not much for thee to
keep thy mouth shut and thy tongue dumb on coming home here
and obtaining the shelter of the dwelling on a cold wintry night."

374 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

"Well," said the hunter, "I may do that, keep my mouth
closed and my tongue silent, on coming home here, and
receiving sup and shelter from thee, but, by thy father's hand, and
thy grandfather's hand, and thine own two hands to free them, were
some others of the world's people to see this blood-drop whom thou
hast in hiding here, it is not long, oh King of the Earth and the
Elements, that they would leave her here with thee." " Who are
they, and where are they seen ?" said Deirdire. " Well, I will tell
thoe that, maiden," said the hunter. "They are Naoise, the son of
risne, and Ailleiin and Ardan, his two brothers." " And what like
are they on being seen, should we see them?" said Deirdire.
" Well, those are their names and descent, all that I saw and
heard of them," said the hunter ; " and the appearance of the men
on being seen — their hair is like the raven's plume, their skin id
like the swan of the wave, and their cheeks are like the blood of
the sj)eckle(l-red fawn, while their strength and their stateliness
are those of the salmon of the rapid stream and the stag of the
crested hill ; while Naoise is taller by all above the shoulders than
all the men of Eirin."

*' However they are," said the foster-mother, "go thou thy
way, and take thee hence, and oh ! King of the Sun, and of the
Moon, truly and verily small are my own obligations to thee, and
to her who let thee in."

And the hunter went his way. Shortly after he left, the man
thoii<;ht to himself that Connachar, the king of Ulster, was lying
down and rising up alone without a confidential love, without a
conversational mate beside him, and that were he to see this blood-
droj) lie nii^'ht ])os8il)ly bring her home to his house, and per-
haps do a good deed to himself for telling him that there was such
a damsel as this on the surface of the living dewy world.

And the hunter went straight and direct to the palace of
Connachar. He sent a message in to the king that he would like
to be talking to him were it his i)leasure. The king answered
the niessaire, and came out to speak to the hunter. "What is
the purport of thy message with me ?" said the king to the man.
" My own business with you, king," said the hunter, " is that I
have seen the loveliest blood-drop that ever was bom in Eirin, and
I have come to tell you." " Who is she that blood-drop, and
where is she seen, when she had not been seen before till thou
hiulst seen her, if seen her thou hast ?" said the king. " Well, I
have seen her, and I have seen her indeed," said the hunter ;
" but if I have, no one else can see her till he is led to the place
where she dwells." "And wilt thou guide me to the place where

Deirdire. r, 5

the damsel dwells, and the reward for thy guidance will be as good
as the reward for thy telling," said the king. "Well, I will, oh
king," said the hunter, " though probably my doing so may not
be commended." "Thou shalt remain in this household to-night,
and I and my friends will go with thee early to-morrow," said
Connachar. " I will," said the hunter ; and the hunter remained
that night in the household of Connachar, the king of Ulster.

Connachar, the king of Ulster, sent word to all the men who
were nearest of kin to himself, such as the three sons of his
own paternal uncle, Fearachar, the son of Ro, and he told them
his mind. Though early and soft were the songs of the birds of
the bush, and the carols of the birds of the grove, yet earlier still
were Connachar, the king of Ulster, and his band of trusted friends
astir in the mild morning dawn of the gentle, joyous May, with an
outpouring of Hew on sapling, bush, and plant, going in search of
the green sunny sheiling in which Deirdire dwelt. There was
many a gay gallant of lithe, lively, lightsome step at leaving, of
weak, wounded, waddled step on reaching there, from the great-
ness of the distance and the roughness of the way.

" There now, down on the floor of the glen, is the sheiling in
which the maiden abides, but I will go no nearer than this to the
carlin," said the hunter. Connachar and his band of trusted
friends went down to the green sheiling wherein Deirdire dwelt,
and they knocked at the door of the dwelling. The foster-mother
said that no opening would be given to anyone, and that she was
averse to any person molesting herself or her home. " Open thou
the door of thy bothy, and thou shalt have yet a better house and
hall than this when we reach home," said the king. " I do not
want a better house or hall than my own little bothy were I let
alone, and my permission for my lying down and my rising up left
to myself alone. Not less than the word of a king or the force of
a kingdom would drive me from my own humble house this night."
** Open thou thy bothy door, and if thou wilt not open it with thy
will thou shalt open it against thy will," said the king, growing
angry. " I would be obliged to you," said the woman, " were you
to tell me who commands me to open my bothy door ?" " It is I,
Connachar, the king of Ulster, and let not the matter be in dark-
ness to thee longer." When the poor woman heard who was at
the door she arose in haste and let in the king and all who could
come of his band.

When Connachar saw the damsel of whom he was in search, he
thought to himself that never in waking day or dreaming night
saw he a blood-drop so lovely as Deirdire ; and he gave her the

376 Gaelic Society of Inuemeaa.

weight of his heart of love. There was nothing in his own mind,
or in the minds of his men, from the beginiling to the end of the
matter, but to take Deirdire away on the summit of their shoulden
be she willing or not. This was what was done, and Deirdire was
raised on the summit of the shoulders of the heroes, and she and
her foster-mother were carried to the palace of Connachar, the king
of Ulster.

From the love that Connachar gave Deirdire he wished to
marry her immediately whether or not she was willing to marry
him When the matter was placed before her she would not con-
sent to it on any account, and that she never saw the features of
living man till now. She had no knowledge of the duties of wife,
nor of the manners of maiden, seeing that she never sat in gather-
ing or in company before. Nor could she even sit in a chair, and
that she never saw chair or people till now. From the way that
Connachar pressed man-iage upon Deirdire she said she would be
obliged to him if he would give her a delay of a year and a day.
He said he would, though hard to bear (the time), if she would
promise to marry him at the end of the year. She did.

The king got teaching women to Deirdire, and merry, man-
nerly, modest, maidens to lie down, and to rise up, and to play,
and to converse witli her.

Deirdire was eident in maidenly acquirements, and diligent in
womanly knowledge, and Connachar bethought to himself that he
never with his l)odily eyes saw^ a blood-drop so lovely and delight-
ful as she.

What were Deirdire and her maidens but one day out on the
hill behind the house enjoying the scene and drinking the sun. And
whom sliould they see eoniing their way but three way-faring
men. Deirdire is gazing at the men who are coming, and wonder-
ing at their aj)[)earance. As the men approach Deirdire remem-
bers the words of the hunter, and she says to herself that these
are the three sons of Fisne, and that this is Noaise, and he taller
than all the men of Eirin.

The three brothers pass them by without heeding them,
without looliing a])ove them at the maiden damsels on
the hill. Wliat but that the love of Naoise is become
so imjjlanTed in the heart of Deirdire that she cannot
resist going after him. She gathers up her garments, and she goes
after tiie men wliu have ])assed by at the base of the hill, leaving
her eonipani(tns on the sunmiit, be they annoyed or pleased.

Aillean and Ardan heard of the damsel whom Connachar had
in his house, and they thought to themselves that if Naoise, their

Deirdire. 377

brother, were to see her, he would have her himself, especially
(literally, seven times specially^ seachd araidh) as she was Dot yet
married to the king. They saw the damsel coming after them,
and they exhorted one another to walk well, the long distance
they had to travel, and the darkness of night coming on.

Deirdire cried, " Naoise, thou son of Uisne, art thou going to
leave me T " What cry is that in mine ear that is not easy for
me to answer, nor easy for me to refuse T said Naoise. " No cry ;
only the cry of the lake-ducks of Connachar," said his brothers.
" But let us hasten our feet and hurry our steps, the long distance
we have to travel, and the dark shadows of night coming on."
They do this, and they stretch the distance between themselves
and her. Deirdire cried again " Naoise ! Naoise ! thou son of
Uisne, art thou going to leave me?" "What cry is that that
struck my ear and pierced my heart, so difficult for me to answer,
nor ea-sy for me to refuse." " No cry, nor cry ; only the cry of
the grey geese of Connachar," said his brothers. "But let us
walk well, the long travelling we have before us, and the gloomy
darkness of night coming on." Then Deirdire cried the third
time, " Naoise ! Naoise ! Naoise ! thou son of Uisne, art thou going
to leave me V " Whose is the pleading cry, the most musical to
my ear that it ever heard, and the most hard to my heart that it
ever struck," said Naoise. " No cry, nor cry ; only the flute-like
notes of the lake-swans of Connachar," said his brothers. " There
is the third cry of distress," said Naoise, "and the vow of a hero
be upon me if I can go one more step forward till I know whence
comes the cry of distress," and Naoise went back.

Naoise and Deirdire met, and Deirdire gave the thrice three
kisses to Naoise, and one kiss to each of his brothers. From tlie
shame that was upon Deirdire, she was going into glowing blushes
of fire, while the trembling hues of her ruddy cheeks were
moving as fast as the tremulous leaves of the aspen tree of the
stream, Naoise bethought to himself that he never saw in bodily
form a drop of blood so lovely as this ; and Naoise gave a love to
Deirdire that he never gave to thing or to vision or to living form
but to herself alone.

Naoise placed Deirdire on the summit of his shoulders, and he
requested his brothers to walk well now, and that he would walk
well.

Naoise thought to himself that it was not advisable for him to
remain in Eirin, as ho j)ut Connachar, his own father's brother's
son, against him, on account of this damsel, though she was not
married to the king, and he returned to Albain. He reached the

378 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

side of Lochnaois, and he made his home there. He oould kill the
salmon of the rapid stream out at the door, and the deer of the
crested hill out at the window. Naoise and Deirdire, Aillean and
Ardan were dwelling in the dun, and they were happj while
dwelling there.

Then came the end of the time when Deirdire was to marry
Connachar, the King of Ulster. What is Connachar in his own
mind but meditating to win Deirdire by the sword be she married
to Naoise or not. And what work is Connachar engaged upon but
])reparing a great, eventful banquet. He sent invitations to his
kinsmen throughout the length and breadth of Eirin all to come
to the feast. He is thinking to himself to give a day of battle and
of combat to Naoise, the son of Uisne, and to take the damsel from
him. Connachar thought to himself that Naoise would not come
should he write to him, and it was the scheme that grew in his head
to send for his father's brother, Fearachar, the son of Ro, and to
send him on an embassy to Naoise. He sent for him accordingly,
and Connachar said to Fearachar —Say thou to Naoise, the son of
Uisne, that I am preparing a great, joyous feast for my friends and
kinsmen throughout tlie length of Eirin all, and that I shall have
no peace by day or rest by night if he and Aillean and Ardan
are absent from the fea.st.

Fearacliar, the son of Ro, and his two sons went on their mis-
sion, and reached the tower in which Naoise dwelt on Locheitive-
side. The sons of Uisne hail with warm welcome Fearachar, the
son of Ko, and his two sons, and they asked of them the news of
Eirin. " The best news I myself have for you," said the hardy hero,
" is that Connachar, the King of Ulster, is preparing a grejit,
joyous ban([uct for his friends and kinsmen throughout the realm
of Eirin, and that he has vowed a vow by the earth beneath him
by the sky above him and by the westward-passing sun, that
he will not pause by day nor rest by night if the three sons of
Uisne, as our father's brother's sons, do not come home to the land
of their birth and the country of their inheritance and to the ban-
quet he has prepared, and he has sent us an embassy to you."
*• We will go with you," said Naoise. ** We will," said his brothers.
" You will come," said Fearachar, the son of Ro, ** and I and my
three sons will be with you." " We will," said Boinne Borb
(violent current). '* We will," said Cuilionn Cruaidh ( hard holly ),
" Better is their own lording in Albain than their householding in
Eirin," said Deirdire. *' Dearer is the heieditary home than the
hereditary country," said Fearachar, the son of Ro. "Unhappy
it is for a man, however good his means and however prosperous

Deirdire. 37»

his lot, if he does not see his own country and his own home when
he rises up in the morning and when he lies down at night."
" Unhappy," said Naoise ; " dearer to myself is the birth heredity
than the kin heredity ; though more we would get here than
there." It will be rude if you do not come with me," said
Fearachar. " It will," said Naoise ; " and we will go with you."

Deirdire was against going with Fearachar, the son of Ro, and
she besought Naoise in every way not to go with him. She sang
and said : —

I.
. ** The howling of the dogs is in mine ear,
The vision of the night is in mine eye ;
I see Fearachar in league with a bribe,
I see Connachar in his tower without compassion,
I see Connachar in his tower without compassion.

II.

I see Naoise without his supports of battle,

I see Aillean without his sounding shield,

I see Arden without his sword, without his targe ;

And I see the house of Atha without luck, without joy.

And I see the house of Atha without luck, without joy.

ni.

I see Connnachar with a thirst for blood,

I see Fearachar under the shadow of guile,

I see the three brothers with their backs to the earth.

And I see Deirdire full of sorrow and full of tears.

And I see Deirdire full of sorrow and full of tears."

" I myself never liked and never yielded to the bowlings of
dogs nor to the dreams of women, Naoise, and as Connachar, the
King of Ulster, has sent invitation of feast and of friendship to
you, it will be unfriendly if you do not come, Naoise," said Feara-
char, the son of Ro. " It will," said Naoise, " and we will go with
you." " I saw another vision, Naoise, and explain it to me," said
Deirdire : —

I.
Deirdire —

" I saw the three fair, white doves

With their three mouthfuls of honey in their mouths ;

And, oh ! Naoise, thou son of Uisne,

Enlighten thou to me the darkness of my dream ?"

380 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

II.
Naoise —

" It is only the disturbance of sleep,
And woman's sleep-wandering, Deirdire."

III.
Deirdire —

" I saw the three ungenerous hawks

With the three drops of blood, the cold blood of heroes ;

And, oh ! Naoise, thou son of Uisne,

Enlighten thou to me the darkness of my dream ?"

IV.

Naoise —

" It is only the disturbance of sleep,
And woman's sleep-wandering, Deirdire."

V.

Deirdire —

" I saw the three black, lustrous ravens

With the three gloomy leaves of the yew tree of death ;

And, oh ! Naoise, thou son of Uisne, ,

Unravel thou to me the darkness of my dream ?"

VI.

Naoise —

It is only the disturbance of sleep.
And woman's sleep-wandering, Deirdire.

"As Conuacluir, the King of Ulster, has sent us the message to
come to the bjiuciuet, it will be unfriendly of us not to come,
Deirdire."

" You will come," said Fcarachar, the son of Ro ; " and if
Connacliar shows friendship to you, you will show friendship to
him ; and if he will show enmity to you, you will show enmity to
him, and I and my three sons will be with you." " We will," said
Boinne Borb. " \Ve will," said Cuilionn Cruaidh. "I have three
sons and they arc three kni<j:hts of surpassing fame, and harm or
maltreatment that shall threaten you they will be with you,
and I myself along with them." And Fearachar, the son of Ro,
gave his vow and his word in the presence of his arms that any
harm or maltreatment which should threaten the sons of Uisne he
and his three sons would leave no head on living body in Eirin,

Deirdire. 381

despite sword and helmet, spear and shield, blade and shirt of
maU at their best.

Deirdire was not willing to leave Albain, but she went with
Naoise. Deirdire's tears were falling in showers as she sang —

Beloved land art thou, eastern land,
Albain with thy woods and thy lakes !
Sore is my heart going away from thee.
But I go with Naoise !

Fearachar, the son of Ro, did not stop till he got the sons of
Uisne to come away with him despite the suspicions of Deirdire.

• They placed their curach on the sea,
They hoisted to her masts the sails,
And they reached on the second morrow
The fair-furroved strand of Eirin.

As soon as the children of Uisne landed in Eirin, Fearachar,
the son of Ro, sent information to Connachar, the king of Ulster,
that the men, of whom he was in pursuit, were now come, and to
see that he w^ould act justly towards them.

"Well," said Connachar, "I did not expect that the sons of
Uisne would come, though I sent for them, and I am not quite
prepared for them yet. But there is a house down yonder
where I keep mercenaries, and let them go down there to-day, and
my house will be ready for their reception to-morrow." Fearachar,
the son of Ro, told this to the sons of Uisne. " Well," said Naoise,
" since that is the place which the king has ordered for us we will
go there, but sure it is not for too much love of us that Connachar
is sending us among the mercenaries."

They went down on that occasion, and they reached the quar-
ters of the mercenaries. There were there huddled together fifteen
twenties of mercenaries, and of mercenaries fifteen. There was
not a man among them all who did not laugh a loud laugh on see-
ing these men coming home among them. And Naoise laughed a
loud laugh louder than the loud laugh of all the others j)ut
together.

When the mercenaries got them all within they rose one by
one, and each placed a bar on the door. When Naoise saw this
he arose himself, and he placed two bars on the door. " Who is
he, the great stalwart man that was come home among us here,
that has made the two loud laughs, and that has placed the two
bars on the door ?" said the commander of the mercenaries. ** I
will tell thee that if thou will tell me this," said Naoise. " What

38-2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

was the cause that made all of you laugh, and that made each of
you to put a bar on the door ?'" " I will tell thee that, hero. I
have never seen men of your likeness, and of your brightaiess,
coming home here, and I have never seen men, a mouth-
ful of whose flesh and a drop of whose blood I would
like 80 well as your own flesh and your own blood.
But tell me, hero, why laughed you the two loud laughs, and why
placed you the two bars on the door V said the head man of the
mercenaries. " Well, I will tell thee that," said Naoise. " I haTO
not seen in the land of the living, nor in the company of the dead,
nor among the common sons of men, people I would prefer to
yourselves here — men to knock oft your heads at one free stroke."
And Naoise rose in his great standing strength, and he seized the
mercenary of slenderest shank and of biggest head, and he stroked
tliem down and he stroked them up on this side and on that, and
before long he left not a mercenary man alive among them alL
Then they cleared and cleaned the house, raised the bright and
blazing fire, and they made themselves sufficiently reconciled till
morning.

But Connachar was becoming impatient that he was not hear-
ing how they were faring down in the house of the mercenaries.
" Go thou down, foster-mother," said he, " and see if her own
bloom and beauty are still upon Deirdire, and if she is what she
was when she went away from me. If so, I will win Deirdire at
the point of the lance and by the edge of the sword, despite the
Feinne at their best ; but if not, be she Naoise's own." The
foster-mother went down to the quarters of the mercenaries, where
the Clann Uisne and Deirdire dwelt. She had no way of looking
at Deirdire, but through the small chicken-hole on the door. The
woman gazed through the chicken-hole, and then returned home
to Connachar. " Well, foster-mother, and how now doe« she look t
Are her own bloom and beauty still upon Deirdire T " It is clear
and evident that it is through suffering and sorrow that the love
of my heart and the treasure of my soul has been since she went
away ; there is not much of her own bloom or beauty this night
upon Deirdire." I will need more proof than that yet ere I giro
up Deirdire," said Connachar. "Go thou down, Gealbhan
Greadhnach (bright fire), thou son of the King of Scandinavia, mmL
bring me up information are her own bloom and beauty on
Deirdire. If they are, I will win her at the point of the blade and
the edge of the sword, but if not, she may remain with Naoiae
himself," said Connachar.

Deirdire. 383

The Gealbhan Greadhnach, the son of the King of Scandinavia,
went down to the quarters of the mercenaries, where the Clann
Uisne and Deirdire abode. He looked in through the chicken-
hole on the door. That woman of whom he was in search was
wont to go into glowing blushes of red fire on being looked at.
Naoise glanced at Deirdire, and he observed that some one was
looking at her from behind the door. Seizing a white die on the
board before him, Naoise threw it through the chicken-hole on the
door, and drove the eye of the Gealbhan Greadhnach out of his
head with the die. The Gealbhan Greadhnach went back to the
palace of Connachar, the king. " Thou wert cheerful and joyful
going, but I see thee cheerless and joyless returning. What ails
thee, Gealbhan ? But hast thou seen her, and are her own bloom
and beauty on Deirdire?" said Connachar. "Well, I have seen
Deirdire, and I have seen, indeed, too, and, while looking at her
through the chicken- hole on the door, Naoise, the son of Uisne,
drove out my eye with the chessman in his hand. But of a truth
and verity, though he drove out one eye, I would fain have con-
tinued to gaze at her w^ith the other eye had it not been for my
anxiety to come and tell thee of Deirdire." "That is true," said
Connachar. " Let three hundred true knights of valonr go down
to the quarters of the mercenaries, and bring me up Deirdire, and
kill the others.

** Pursuit is coming," said Deirdire. "I myself will go out
and check the pursuit," said Naoise. " It is not thou but I who
will go out," said Boinne Borb, the son of Fearachar, the son of
Ro. "It was to me that my father entrusted that no injury or
maltreatment should threaten you when he himself >vent home."
And the Boinne Borb went out, and he killed a third of the
knights. The king came out, and he called from above, " Who is
that down on the plain slaying my people ?" " I am, the Boinne
Borb, the first son of Fearachar, the son of Ro." " I gave a free
bridge to thy grandfather, a free bridge to thy father, and I will
give a free bridge to thyself, too, and come over on this hand of
me to-night," said the Connachar. " Well, I will take that from
jou," said the Boinne Borb ; and he turned wither-shins, and went
over to the king. " That man is gone over to the hand of the
king," said Deirdire. " He went, but he performed good work
before he went," said Naoise.

Then Connachar ordered three hundred full knights of valour
to go down to the quarters of the mercenaries to bring up Deirdire,
and to kill the others. " Pursuit is coming," said Deirdire. " I
myself will go out and check the pursuit," said Naoise. " It is

384 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.

not thou but I who will go out," said the Cuilionn Cruaidh, the
son of Fearachar, the son of Ro. ** It was to me that my father
entrusted to allow no mishap or maltreatment to threaten you
when he himself went home." And the Cuilionn Cruaidh went
out, and he killed two-thirds of the company, Connachar came
out, and he cried from above, " Who is that down on the plain
slaying my people ?" " I am the Cuilionn Cruaidh, the second son
of Fearachar, the son of Ro." " I gave a free bridge to thy grand-
father, a free bridge to thy father, a free bridge to thy brother,
and I will give a free bridge to thyself, too, and come over on this
hand of me to night," said Connachar. " Well, I will take that,"
said the Cuilionn Cruaidh ; and he went over to the hand of the
king. *' That man went over to the hand of the king," said
Deirdire. ** He went, but he performed gallant deeds before he
went," said Naoise.

Gonniicliar then ordered three hundred swift knights of valour
down to the quarters of the mercenaries to bring up Deirdire and
to kill the others. '' The pursuit is coming," said Deirdire.
"Yes, but I myself will go out and queuch the pursuit," said
Naoise. ''It is not thou but I who will go out," said the Fillan
Fionn (Fillan the Fairj^ "it was to me that my father entrusted
to allow no injury or maltreatment to befall you when he himself
went home " And the young hero, fresh-manly, fresh-noble, fresh-
glorious, with his long lovely golden locks, now went out girded
in his war wca]K)ns of hard battle and combat, and clothed in his
hard clotliing of combat, battle, and steel, that was smoothed and
polished, glossy and glittering:, scaly and brilliant, on which were
the many figures of beasts, birds, and creeping things — leigJieanny
lion, tiger and gritiin, brown eagle and swift hawk, and deadly
serpent— and the yovin^^, glorious gallant thrashed three-thirds of
the band. Connachar cuuie out in haste, and demanded in wrath
" Who is there down on the floor of the plain making slaughter on
my people .'" " 1 am the Filhm Fionn, the third sou of Fearachar,
the son of Ro." " Well, 1 gave a free bridge to thy grandfather,
a free bridge to thy father, and free bridges to both thy brothers,
and I will give thee a free bridge, too, and come over on this hand
of me to-night." "Well, Connachar, I will not accept thy ofter,
nor tliank thee for it. Much more do I prefer to go home, and to
tell in the presence of my father the deeds that 1 have done than
any one tiling which I could receive frjm thee in that respect.
And Naoise, the son of Uisne, and x\illean and Ardan are as near
akin of kin to thee as they are to me, though thou art so keen to
spill their blood, and thou wouldst spill my blood, too, Connachar."

Deirdire. 385

And the young, manly, handsome hero, with his wealth of golden,
beautiful, brown hair, returned to the house, the dewy incense
wreathing around his noble countenance of whiteness and redness
of hues. " I an) now going home," said he, " to tell to my father
that you are safe from the hands of the king."

And the yoimg, straight, handsome hero went away home to
tell his father that the sons of Uisne were safe. This was about
the separation of niglit from day, at the time of the morning dawn,
and Naoise said that they should leave this house and return to
Albain.

Naoise and Deirdire, Aillean and Ardan, left to return to
Albain. Word went up to the king that the men, of whom he was
in search, went away. Then tlie king sent for Duanan Gacha
Draogh, a Druid of his own, and he spoke to him thus — " Great is
the wealth that I have spent upon thee, Duanan Gacha Draogh,
teaching thee schooling and learning and the secrets of Druidism,
though those are away from me to-day without heed for me, with-
out respect for me, without my ability to check them, without my
power to turn them." "Well," said the Druid, " I will turn them
till the return of those whom you sent in pursuit." And the
I )ruidman placed a wood before them, through which no one could
travel. But the sous of Uisne went through the wood without hurt
or hindrance, and Naoise had Deirdire by the hand 1 " Though
that is good it will not yet suffice," said Connachar, " they going
without the binding of foot, without the shortening of step, with-
out heed for me, without respect for me, and 1 without ability to
cope with them, or power to turn them back this night."

" I will try another way with them," said the Druid, and he
placed a grey sea before them on the green plain. The three brave
brothers bared themselves and tied their clothmg behind their
heads, and Naoise placed Deirdire on the summit of his shoulders.

They stretched their sides to the stream,
Indifferent to them was land or water ;
The grey, swelling, shaggy sea,
Or the green, pleasing machair.

"Though that is good, Duanan, it does not turn the men,"
said Connachar. " They are going without heed for me, without
respect for me, and me without ability to hinder them or to
tuni them back to-night."

"We will try another way with them yet," said the Druid-
man. And the Druid-man froze the grey, shaggy sea into hard,

25

386 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

jagged lumps the sharpness of swords on some sides and the venom
of serpents on others. Then Ardan cried that he himself w:is
becoming tired and nearly exhausted. " Come thou and sit on my
right shoulder, thou brother of ray love," said Naoise. And Ardan
came and he sat on the riglit shoulder of Naoise. But he was not
long there when Araan died ; but, though dead, Naoise did not let
him go. Then Aillcan cried that he himself was becoming tirod
and nearly exhausted. When Naoise heard the confession he heard
the sore sigh of drath, and he desired Aillean to hold on to him
and that he would bring liim to land. But Aillean was not lorn:
when the weakness of death came u])on him, and his hold relaxed.
When Naoise looked and saw tliat his two bc'loved brothers, wh(nii
he loved so well, were now dead, he cared not whether he himsdt
were dead or alive, and heaving the heavy sighs of death his heart
rent.

" Those are now {)ast," said Duanan Ciacha Draogh to the King,
" and I have done as thou wished me. The sons of Uisne are nuu
dead, and they shall trouble thee no more, while thou hast thy
sweetheart, and thy wife-to-be, hale and whole."

" The honour of that is thine, and the gain mine, Duanan. 1
call it no loss all that I spent in giving thee schooling and learn-
ing. Now, dry the sea, so that 1 may behold Deirdire," siM
Connjichar. And Duanan (iacha Draogh dried the sea, and behold
the three sons of I'isne are lying dead together side by side on the
green, smooth machair, and Deirdire leaning over their coq>ses
shedding shciwers of tears.

Then the people gathered together round the coqises of the
heroes, and they asked the King what should be done to
their bodies. It was the order that the King gave to dig a pit and
to bring the three bodies together side by side.

Deirdire was sitting on the bank, and constantly asking the
workmen to dig the grave broad and smooth. When the bodies,
of the brothers were laid in the grave Deirtlire said : —

" Lie thee over, O Naoise of my love ;
Close thee Ardan over to Aillean;
If dead had consciousness,
Ye would make room for me."

They did this. Then Deirdire leapt into the grave, and lying
down close to Naoise, she was dead by his side.

The wicked King ordered her body to be lifted out of the grave
and to be buried on the other side of the loch. This was done as

Deirdire. 387

the King commanded, and the grave was closed. Then a young
pine gi-ew from the grave of Deirdire ; and a young pine grew from
the grave of Naoise, and the two young pines bent towards one
another and twined together over the h\ke. The King commanded
that the two young pines should be cut down, and this was done
twice ; but they grew again, and the wife whom the King married
persuaded him to cease his persecution of the dead.

MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.

HONORARY CHIEFTAINS.

Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart-
Professor John Stuart Blackie, Edinburgh University
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh of Drummond, M.P.
Colin Chisliolm Namur Cottage, Inverness
Alex. Nicolson, M.A., LL.D., advocate, sherift-substitute, (irccuock

LIFE MEMBERS.

Baillic, James E. J>., of Doclifour

JJankos, I*. Lioto, of lA'tterewe

I^urgoss, Peter, factor for Glenniorist on, I )nimnadrochit

Campbell, Alasdair, of Kilmartin, (llon-Urquhart

(niish«»lin-Goo(len, James, .33 Tavistock S([uare, London

Ferguson, H. C. Muuro, of Novar

Fletcher, Fitzroy C, FjCtham Grange, Arbroath

Fletcher, J. Douglas, of Rosehaugh

Finlay, R. B., Q.C., M.P., London

Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles, of Drunmiond, M.P.

Macdonald, Lachlan, of Skaobost, Skye

Macfiirlane, I). IL, 40 Portman Square, London •

Mackay, Donald, (Jampola, Kandy, Ceylon

Mackay, George F., Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand

Mackay, James, Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand

Mackay, John, C.K., Hereford

Mackay, J<^hn, of Ben Ivcay

Mackenzie, Sir Keimeth S., of Gairloch, Bart.

Mackenzie, Allan R., yr. of Kintail

Matheson, Sir Kenneth, of Lochalsh, Bart.

Scobie, Captain N., late of Fearn, Ross-shire

HONORARY MEMBERS.

Bhiir, Sheriff, Inverness
Brown, J. A. Harvie, Dunipace, T^rbert
Burgess, Alexander, (-aledonian Bank, (Jairloch
Cameron, Allan, 2- Klmwood Avenue, Biclfast

390 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Camerou, Donald, Moniack Castle

Cameron, Ewen, manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai B»ink-

ing Company, at Shanghai
Cameron, James Randal, .lacksonville, Oregon
Cameron, Sir Charles, President of the Royal College of Surgeons,

Dublin
<.'ami»hell, Duncan, editor, '^ Nortliern Chronicle," Inverness
Campbell, George Murray, Jamaica
Chisholm, Ca))tain A. Macra, Glassbura, Strathglass
Davidson, Donald, of Dnmmiond l^irk, Inverness
Dunmore, the Right Hon. the Karl of

Ferguson, Miss clarion, 23 Grove Road, St John's Wood, Loudon
Kra.ser, Alexander, agent for the Commercial Bank of Scotland,

Inverness
Fraser, A. T. F., clothier, Church Street, Inverness
(iard, Lieut.-Col. (Jostwyck, late 93rd Highlander, Cul-an-eilan

Inverness
<Trant, Brigade-Surgoon Alex., Kcay House, Inverness
(Jrant, Ian MaciHicrson, yr. of Ballindalloch
Grant, John, jun., Oakbank, Glcn-Crquhart
(irant, John, Cardiff, Wales

<Jrant, Field-Marshal Sir Patrick, (i.C.B., Chelsea, Ltmdou
<irant, Mobert, of Messrs Mardougall tt Co., Inverness
Innes, Charles, solicitor, Inverness

Jolly, William, H.M. Ins[)ector of Schools, Pollockshields, Glasgow
Macandrew, Sir H. C., shcritt-clcrk of Inverness-shire
Macallister^( Councillor T. S., Inverness
Macbean, William, Imperial Hotel, Inverness
MacConnachie, John, M.I.C.K., Mayor of Cardiff'
Macdonald, Alexander, of Fdenwood
Macdonald, Allan, solicitor, Inverness
Macdonald, Andrew, solicitor, Inverness

Macdonald, Captain D. P., BcMi-Xevis Distillery, Fort-William
Macfarlane, Alex., Cale(l<)nian Hotel, Inverness
Macfie, R. C., Tigh-an-cilein, IiivtM'iiess
Mackay, Charles, LL.D., Fern Dell Cottage, near Dorking
.Mackenzie, P. A. C., Puo de Janeiro
Mackenzie, Kev. A. I)., Vwh' Church, Kilniorack
Mackenzie, Major Colin, late of 78th Highlanders, 49 Pall Mall,

London
Mackenzie, Mackay D., National Provincial Bank, (Tateshead-on-

Tyne
Mackenzie, Malcolm, St Martin's, (Juernsey

Members. 391

Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Moyhall

Mackintosh, Angus, of Holme, Palace Chambers, 9 Bridge Street,

Westminster
Mackintosh, Eneas W., of Raigmore
Mackintosh, Miss Amy B., of Dahninizie
Mackintosh, P. A., C.E., Bury, Lancashire
Maclennan, Dr D. U., Widness, near Liverpool
Macmillan, K. H., manager of the Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Macphail, 1. R., advocate, Edinlmrgh
Mac|)hei'son, Colonel, of (Mentruim, Kingussie
Macpherson, Colonel Ewen, of Cluny
Macpherson, George, Scottish Widows' Fund, St Andrew's Sipiare,

Edinburgh
Menzies, John, Banavie Hotel, P\>rt-William
Moir, Dr F. F. M., Aberdeen
Kose, Major, of Kilravoek

K(>ss, Rev. William, Cowcaddons Free Chunh, (ilasgow
Scott, Roderick, solicitor, Inverness

Sliaw, A. Mackintosh, Secretary's Office, C.P.O,, London
Stewart, Col. Charles, E.C.B.,*^C.M.(i., (M.F., ni Rcdcliff Scpiare,

Soutli Ken^5iligton, S.W.
Sutherland, Evan Charles, of Skibo

Tweedmouth, The Right Honourable Lord, (Juis.u-hau House
Watson, Rev. D., D.D., Bcavcrton, Outario, Canada
Wilson, P. (t., Inverness

ORDINARY MEMBERS.

Aitken, Dr Thouia^, Lnnatic .Asylum, Inverness

Aitken, Hugh, '27 Dickson Aveuue, Crosshill, Clasgow

I'aimerman, Hugh, 213 Lord Street, Suuthport

Barclay, John, accountant. Inverness

Fiarron, .lames, editor, " Inveiness Courier," Inverness

F»axter, Fredrick, seedsman, Inverness

Bisset, Rev. Alexander, ILC., F<»rt-Augustus

Black, F. A., solicitor, Inver less

Black, (J. F., National Antiquarian Museum, Edinl)urgh

lilack, John, Victoria Hotel, Inverness

Bi'odie, J. P., (ilcualbyn Hotel, Inverness

Buchanan, F. C., Clarinuisii, Row, Helensbiu'gh

Cameron, A. H. F., 12 Shield Road, Liverpool

Cameron, Colin, ironmonger, High Street, Inverness

Cameron, C. M., Balnakyle, Munlochy

392 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Cameron, D. M., wliolosale grocer, Dempster Gardens

Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel

Cameron, D., teacher, Hlairoin*, Aonachan, Lochaber

Cameron, Ewen, banker, Fort-William

( 'ameron, John, bookseller, Bridjj:e Street, Inverness

Cameron, Miss M. E., of Innsea<::an, PV)i*t-William

Cameron, Paul, Blair- Athole

Cameron, Rev. Alex., Sleat, Skye

Cameron, Rev. John, Dornie, Str<»me Ferry

Cameron, William, kee])er of the (-nstle, Inverness

Campbell, Eraser (of Eraser k Campbell), High Street, Inverness

Campbell, Geor<i;e J., solicitor, Inverness

(.^ampbell, James, builder, Ardross Vlace, Inverness

Campbell, The iiev. John, Kilniore Manse, (Tlen-Urquhart

Campbell, Jolni, jun., ins])ect(»r of poor, Kini^ussie

Campbell, I\iul, slioeiuaker, Bridge Street, Inverness

Cam])bell, T. D. (Of Cuniming k Cain|>bell), Inverness

Cargill, D., accountant. Royal Bank, Inverness

(^irter, J, J., inland Revenue Collector, Inverness

Cesari, E., Statiou Hotel, Inverness

Chisholm, D. H., 21 Castle Street, Inverness

Cliisliohn, DuiH-an, coal merchant, Inverness

Chisholm, x\rchibaM. B.E., Loehmaddy

Chisholm, Cohn, Nanuu' Cottage, Inverness

Chisholm, SiuKm, Elowerdale, (^airloch

Cockhurn, Thomas, Royal Acadciny, Inverness

Cook James, commission agent, Inverness

('ran, John, Kirkton, Bunclirew

havidson, Andrew, sculptor, Inverness

hiividson, !>., Wavc^rley Hotel, Inverness

l)avidson, John, grocer, [nglis Street, Inverne>>^

I)avidson, William Ruthven. Stratlierrick

Dewar, Daniel, Beaufort

Dick, Mrs, (^rcenhill, Lower I)runuuond

Dott, Donald, Caledonian B;nd\, Loehmaddy

Houglas, William, Town and ('ouuty Bank, Inverness

Dwelly, K., I'ii)cr Argyle Highlan<lers, Ballachnlish

Eergusson, (.^harles, The (Jardens, (^ally, (Jatehouse, Kirkcubright-

shire
Eergusson, D. H., pijjc-major, LH.R.V., InvernesH
Finlayson, Dr, MunUu-hy
Forbes, Duncan, of CullodcMi
Forsyth, John IL, wine merchant, Inverness

Members. 393

Fraser, iEiieas (Innes S: Mackay), Inverness

Fraser, Alexander, Schoolhoiise, Kingussie

Fraser, Alex., draper, 15 Church Street

Fraser, A. R., South Africa

Fraser, Miss Catherine, 25 Academy Street, [uvorness

Fraser, Donald, registrar, Inverness

Fraser, Dr Hugh A., Morven, by Fort-William

Fnvser, Hugh, 42 Union Street

Fraser, Hugh K., Commercial P>ank House, Inverness

Fraser, Henry \V'., Connnercial Bank House, Inverness

Fraser, William, Elgin, Olinois

Fraser, James, C.K., Inveniess

Fraser, James, Mauld, Strathglass

Fraser, Jolni, draper, 80 High Street, Nairn

Fraser, Miss Hannah (x., Farraline Villa, North Berwick

Fraser, Miss Mary, 2 Ness Walk, Inverness

I'Vaser, Roderick, contractor, Argyle Street, Inverness

Fi-aser, William, School Board otlicer, 52 Tonniahurich Street

i lalloway, George, chemist, Inverness

< iillandei*s, K. A., Drummond Street, Inverness

ifillanders, John, teacher, Denny

(^ass, C. C, 122 North Street, St Andi-ews

(;oldthwaite, C. H., A.B., Havard S2, Boston, U.S.A.,

(rordon, John A., dentist, Inverness

Ciow, James Mackintosh, F.S.A. Scot., Union Bank, Hunters

Square, Edinburgh
(irant, rtcorge Macpherson, The Castle, Ballind.\llnch
(Jrant, Rev. J., E.C. Manse, Kilmuir, Skye
(irant, Dr Ogilvie, Inverness
Grant, Rev. Donald, l)nni<H'h
(rrant, J. M., of (Tlemnoriston

Grant, J. B,, factor and commissioner for The Chisholiu, Erchlcss
(Jrant. F. W., Murvhill, Inverness

(frant, William, Chapel Walk, Cross Street. Manchester
(iray, James, slater, Friar's Street, Inverness
Gunn, Rev. Adam, Strathy, Thurso
(Uuin, William, draper, Castle Street, Inverness
Henderson, John, factor for Rnsehaugh, Fortrose
Hood, John, Resident Secretary English and Scottish Law IJfe,

Leeds
Hood, Thomas, chemist, 11 Broad Street, Bristol
Home, John, 41 Southside Road, Inverness
Jerram, C. S., Preyot House, Bet worth
Kemp, D. William, Ivy, Lodge, Trinity, Edinburgh

394 Gaeiic Society of Inuerness,

Kennedy, Neil, Millbuni, Inverness

Kerr, Dr, Inverness

Kerr, Thomas, Caledonian Bank, Inverness

Livingston, Colin, Fort-William

]A'on, Councillor, Aberdeen

Macaskill, Kenneth, 14 Union Street, Inverness

Mjicliuin, Alexander, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., head-mast«r, Raining's
School, Inverness

Macbcan, Dean nf (luild William, 35 Union Street

^lacbean, George, writer. Church Street, Inverness

Macbean, Councillor Janios, 77 Church Street, Inverness

Macbeth, 11. J., Queensgate Street, Inverness

Maccalluni, C. 11. D., Elm- Lodge, Anstruther

Maccallum, Henry V., 42 Union Street, Inverness

Maccalluni, John, builder, Fort-William

Maccaulay, A. X., Cumberland Street, Edinburgh

Maccowan, Rev. .]., Fort-William

Macdonald, Alex., Au<lit Othce, Highland Railway, Inverness

.Macdonald, Alex., Station Refreshment Rooms, Aberdeen

Mac(loual<l, Charles, Knockuagcal, bv Inverness

Macdonald, Davicl, St Andi'ow's Street, Aberdeen

Macdonald, Dr Williau). Port Elizabeth, South Africa

Macdonahl, 1)., Inland JU'venue otticer, Lochmaddy

.Nhiedonald, l)oiiald, su])enntendent of Mussel Scalps, Inverness

^lacdouahl, .lames, hotel-keeper, Fort-William

Macdonald, .lolni, banker, liuckie

Mac<lonald, Thoiuas, builder, Hilton, Inverness

Macdmiald. Donald, llesher, Xcnv Market, Inverness

MacdonaM, D. C., solicitor, Aberdeen

Macdonald, l-'iiilay, Druidaig, Kiutail

Macdniiald, Huntly, Mile-end, Inverness

Macdonald, .bilm, supervisor, Dingwall

Macdonald, .l<»hn, wholesale merchant. Castle Street, Inverness

Macdonalrl, .John, supeiintendent of police, Inverness

Macdouaid, Kenneth, t()\vn-clerk, Inverness

Macdonald, William, slieriti-clei"k-de])ute, Inverness

Macdonald, .lolm, 14 Shore Street, Inverness

Macdonald, William, contractor, Innes Street, Inverness

Macdonald, Ralph Krskine, Corindah, bv Howen, Downs, Queens-
land

Nbicdonald, Altona, P«Mnisylvania, CS.A.

MacdonaM, Alexander, <»2 Tonmahurich Street, Inverness

Macd<»iiald, .lohn, Loch Kricht Hotel, Dalwliinnie

Members. 395

Macdonald, Ronald, headniiistor, Central School, Inverness

Macdougall, Alexander, bookseller, Fort- William

Macfadyen, Dr, L.R.C.S.E., Inverness.

>Iacfarlane, Peter, chemist, Fort-William

Macgillivray, Finlay, solicitor, Inverness

Macgillivray, William, Denny Street, Inverness

Macgregor, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness

Maegregor, John, hotel-keeper, Invermoriston

Macgregor, R. J., ironmonger, Bridge Street

Maegregor, Peter, M.A., 4 Hroughton Street, Edinburgh

Machardy, Alex., chief constable. The Castle, Inverness

Macintyre Malcolm, Fort- William

Macintyre, P. B., Commissioner, Crofters' Commission

Macintyre, J., Halnacoil, Brora.

Maeivcr, Duncan, Church Street, Inverness

Mackay, Ex-Bailie Charles, Culduthel Roa<l, Inverness

Mackay, James John, London

Mackay, Rev. G. W., KilHn, Pertlishire

^lackay, Tliomas, 14 Henderson Row, Edinburgh

Mackay, William, solicitor, (/hurch Street, Inverness

Mackay, William, bookseller, High Street, Inverness

Mackay, William, Leanach Cottage, Culduthel Road, Inverness

Mackenzie, Mi*s, Silverwells, Inverness

Mackenzie, Alexander, editor, "Scottish Highlander," Inverness

Mackenzie, Bailie Alexander, wine merchant, Church Street, Inver-
ness

Mackenzie, A. ('., teacher, Maryburgh, Dingwall

Mackenzie, Andrew, irouuiou^^er, Alness

Mackenzie, Dr F M., Inverness

Mackenzie, John, Ardlair, Spylair Road, Edinburgh

Mackenzie, John, groci^r, 1 (Jreig Street, Inverness

Mackenzie, M. T., M.B. S: i'.M., Scalpaig, Lochmaddy

Mackenzie, N. B., banker. Fort- William

Mackenzie, W., manager, Moyliall

Mackenzie, Simon (Harrison tt Co.), Chambers Street, Edinburgh

Mackenzie, William, secretary. Crofters' Couunission, Ardgowan,
Fairtield Road, Inverness

Mackenzie, William, ('l<»thier. Bridge Street, Inveniess

Mackenzie, Miss Helen, 7 Palace Road, Surbiton, Surrey

Mackenzie, D. J., M.A., SilverwellR, Inverness

Macint<ish, Rev. John, Fort-William

Mackintosh, Duncan, Bank of Scotland, Inverness

Mackintosh, Hugh, ironmonger, Inverness

396 Gaelic Society of Inverness.

Mackintosh, Xeil, yr., of Haiginore

Mackintosii, Rev. A., ('ha])el House, Fort-William

Maclac-lilan, DugaM, Calodouian Bank, Portree

Maclaclilan, Duncan, jMihlisiKT, 64 South Hridge, EdinVuinrh

Maclaclilan, Dr Alcxantlcr, Beauly

Maclcnnan, Alex., flcshcr, Xew Market, Inverness

Maclennan, DnnaM, commission airont, Inverness

Maclcnnan, John, fiilhster Public Schonl, Wick

Maclennan, Dr .lohn. Milton, (ilcn-rn|uhart

Maclcnnan, John, Inncs Street, Inverness

Maclennan, Ptcv. D. S., LaL'i^'an, KinL'us.sie

Maclean, Alex., teacher, Ciillodi'ii

Maclean, IviMlcrick, ra(t<)r. Anlross, Ahicss

Macleay, W. A., hinUtiitVer. Inverness

Maclei.sh, D., hanker. F(»rt-VVilliani

Machnil. KcLTinaM. Dinivriran Casrle. Skye

Macleo.1, Nril, " 'rh»> Sky(^ l»ai«l," 7 Poyal KxchanLTG, Edinhiirgh

Mach'o.1, <;. (;., tea(hrr,"(;ic.lh.'M Puhlie School, Ardgay

Macniillan, D.. C'hur.-h Street, Inverness

Marnci', Dr James, M.D., Inverness

Macpliail, Alexantler, Strath]H'tter

Macj'hail, Ah'x., Korlto Field, (ii'eat \V(".tern lioad, Aberdeen

>hicj»hei'son, Ali'X., solicit*. r, Kinirussie

Mai'[)iu'rsoii. Al«'\:mder, 1 Lauri.'^ton 'I'crrace, Kdinhnrj^^h

Macphr-rs'.-i, <'a;>t;iin. J. F.. Caledonian United Ser\'ice Club,

F/linhin"L:h
Macphrrsoii, Duncan, ^ Dnuumoud Street. Inverness
M.iepher-^on, John, (-leu-AtlVie Hotel, StratliLdass
Micrae, A. Fraser, 1 7 'J >r \inecnt Street, Cllasgow
Macrae, Far<iuhar, M.A., 1 l»roii.xhton Street, Kdinhurirh
Macrae, llcv. A., Fr<'e(1iur'h M:in>e, (1;iehan, Kintyre
Macra(% Hev. Aulmis, j-'ne (hurch Manse. (ilen-Fninhart
Macrae, Duncan. Ardintoul, Fochalsh
Macrae. K., postmaster, Reauly
M.icrae, John, solicit«»r, Diuir^vall
Macrae, John, M.I).. CraiLTville, LnLr-a'^ KinL'Ussie
.Macrae. Kenuctli, Davville, (xrant ('(»untv, Oregon
MacraiM. A. P., Forr-Willian.
Macritchie, A. J., solicitor. Inverness
Macrury, Pcv, Ji>hn, Sni/ort, Skye

.Mactavish, Alexander. Ironmonger, Castle Street, Inverness
Mactavish. Duncan, High Street, Inverness
Mactavish, P. D.. s<. licit.. r, Inverui^s

Members. 397

Macrury, Mr, ooraniercnal traveller, Edinburj^h

Masson, Rev. Donald, M.D., 57 Albany Place, Edinburgh

Matheson, Dr Farquhar, SoJio Square, London

Medlock, Arthur, Bridge Street, Inverness

Menzies, Duncan, farmer, Blairich, Rogart

Millar, William, auctioneer, Inverness

Miller, E. T., Fort-William

Miller, Dr, Belford Hospital, Fort- William

Mitchell, William, draper, Foit-William

Morgan, Arthur, 6 Parliament Stpuire, Edinburgh.

Morrison, Hew, Free T^ibrary, Edinburgh

Morrison, J. A., Fairfield Road, inveniess

Morrison, William, schoolmaster, Dingwall

Morrison, Dr D., West Bow, Edinburgh

Mortimer, John, 344 (ircat Western Road. Aberdeen

Munro, A. R., Eden Cottage, l^adypool Lane, Birmingham

Munro, Rev. Robert, B.D., Old Kil])atrick, near (Jlasgow

Murdoch, John, Meikle Aikenhead, Cathcart

MuiTay, Francis, Lentran

MuiTay, Dr James, M.D., Inverness

Xairne, David, sub-editor, " Xortbern Chronicle"

Xicolson, Alex., M.A., LL.D.. advocate, sheriti-substitutc of

Greenock
Nnble, John, bookseller. Castle Street, Inverness
O'Hara, Thomas, Inspector of National Schools, Portarlington

Ireland
Kainsay, Donald, 3 Anderson Street, Inverness
Ritchie, Rev. R. L., Clyne, Sutherlandshire
liobeitson, John, Tartan Warehouse, Fort-William
Robertson, Rev. Duncan, Arisaig, Fort-William
RobsiUi, A. Mackay, Constituti<jn Street, Leith
Rose, Hugh, solicitor, Inverness
Ross, A. M., "Northern ('hronicle," Inverness
Ross, Alex., architect, Inverness
Ro-JS, Alex., traveller, Teaninich Distillery, Alness
Ross, Duncan, Hilton, Inverness
Ross, George, ironmonger, Dingwall
Ross, Jonathan, merchant, Inverness
.Sharp, I)., 81 Scott Street, (iaruethill, (ilasgow
Siepmann, Otto, The College, Inverness
Simpson, George B., Broughty- Ferry
Sinclair, Rev. A. Maclean, Springville, Xova Scotia
Sinton, Rev. Thoma?, (Jlengarry

398 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

Smart, P. H., drriwinjr-niaster, Inverness

Stewart, Colin J., Dinirwall

Stewart, A. J., «rrocer, rnioii Street

Strieklaml, Kijhert, Clutha Cottage, Keimetli Street

Stuart, Bailie W. (i., clra])er. Castle Street, Invenies*

Sutherland, Rev. A. C., Adelaide

Sutherland, (Jeortre Miller, solicitor, Wiek

Sutherland, The Kev. (ieor<re, Beaidy

Thomson, Kev. U. W., Fo<lderty, Strathpeffer

Thomson, John, ")7 Arj^jle Plaee, Aberdeen

Thoyts, CanoD, Tain

Wallace, Th(»niavS, rector, High School, Inverness

Whytc, Daviil, Church Street, Inverness

Whyte, Duncan, live-stock agent, (Tlasgow

\Vh}te, John, librarian, Free Library, Inverness

Wilson, (icorge, S.S.C., 20 Young Street, Kdinburgh

APPRENTICES.

Cameron, Kwou, Kdinburgh

Carter, Kldon M., London

Chisholm, C. C., C") Kilbowie Koad, Clydebank, Dumbarton

Macconjuodale, Roderick, 42 Cnion Street, Inverness

Mackenzie, }feetor \U>sl\ Park House, Inverness

Mackintosli, John, clerk. 74 Church Street, Inverness

DECEASED MEMBERS.

Clunas, .lames, Nairn

Maclennan, Angus, factor, Askeniish, South Uist

Watson, J. A. M., solicitor, Inverness

LIST OF BOOKS

THE SOCIETY'S LIBIIAEY

NAMES OK HOOK.s.

Os8ian's Poems (H. Society's

Gaelic iiiul Latin), 3 vols.
Smith's (iaelic Auti(|iiities
Smith's Seaiui Dana
Highland Society's Report on Ossian

Poems .....
Stewart's Sketclies of tlic Highlands, 2 v<
Skene's Picts and Scots .
Dain Osiein Mhic Fhinn .
Macleod's Oran Xuadh (iaelach
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829.30
Carew's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland
Grain (ihilleashuig Ghrannd, two copies
ConnelPs Reul-eolas
Maclauchlan's Celtic Gleanings
Maelanchlan's Early Scottish C'hnrch
The Dean of Lismore's Book .
Macleod and Do war's Gaelic History
Highland Society's do., 2 vols.

Kitson's Caledonians, Picts and Scotb
I)r Walker's Hchrides, 2 vols .
Cami)l)eir8 Tjanguage, Poetr}', and M.isic

of the Highland Clans
Macnicol's Remarks on Dr Johnston's Tour

in the Hehrides
Somers' T.ctters from the Highlands

DONOB.

edition, ) Colonel Mackenzie
) of l*arkmoiuit
ditto
ditto

ditto
ditto

ditto

ditto

ditt(»

Mr W. Mackay

Mr Charles Mackay

ditto
Rev. Dr Maclauchlan
ditto
ditto
ditto
Sir Ken. S. Mackenzie
of (Jairloch, Bart,
ditto
ditto

Mr John Murdoch

ditto
ditto

400

Gaelic Society of Inuerness.

NAMKS iiV HOOKS.

Cameron's Chemistry of Agriculture
Sketches of Islay ....
Cameron's History of Skye
Kennedy's Bardic St<aies of Ireland
Hicky's Agricultural Class- J^ook
Grain (ihaelach Mhic Dhunleibhe
The AVolf of Hadenoch .
Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Life
Antiquity of the (iaelic I^anguage .
The Daunt 1 OS Ked Hugh of Tyrconnell
The Kilclionian People Vindicated .
Caraid a' (ihaidheil — Sermtui .
Highland Clearances tlie Cause of High

land Famines ....
Co-operative Associations
Lecture .....

Review of " l•J^dlt Days in Islay " .
(in]i\ Digginir^ in Sutherland .
Keview it\' Language of Ireland
Highland Character
An Teachdairc liaelach, l<^29-30
The Scottish llegalia

<'ani])l)eirs West Highland Tales, 4 vols
P>liadhna Thcarlaich
Marfarlanc's i 'ollcction of Caelic Poems
Old Gaelic IJihle (partly .MSS.)

MacHale's, Archbishop, Irish Pentateuch
Irish Translation of Moore's Melodies
The Bull '' Incffabilis " (Latin, English,

(iaeli<-, and French) .
Celtic Lanjiuage and Dialects .
Bourke's Irish (Trammer .
Bourke's Kasy Lessons in Irish
Mackenzie's Beauties of (Gaelic Poetry

Mac-Crimnicn's Piobaireachd .
Stratton's Carlic Origin of Creek and Lat
<iaelic Ti-anslation of Aj)ocry])ha (by Rev
A. Macgreiror) . . . ,

Buchanan's Historia Scotiic
The Game Laws, bv H. (J. Tolmie .

Mr John Murdoch
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

ditto

dittc

ditto

ditto
Mr Alex. Mackenzie

ditto
Miss Hood

J. Mackenzie, M.D.,
of Eileauach
Canon Boiu'ke
ditto

ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto

Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
gow

Rev. A. Macgregor
ditto

ditto

Mr William Mackay

ditto

Library,

401

NAMES OF BOOKS.

St James's Magazine, vol. i. ...

Fingal (e<iitiou 1762)

Collection of English Poems (2 vols.)
Philologic Uses of the ('el tic 'Pongue
Scoto-C-eltic Philology

Dana Oisein (Maclauchlan's edition),

Munro's Gaelic Primer

M* Alpine's (laelic Dictionary .

M'Pherson's Duanaire

Munro's (Jaelic (Grammar

Orain Mhic-an-t-Saoir

Grain Uilleim Ross.

Ccithir Searmoinean, le Dr Dcwar

(Jarsewell's Prayer Book ((laelic)

Scots' Magazine (1757) .

Historv of the Rehellion, 1745-4(> .

VVelsh'^liible

Old (Jaelic New Testament

Adhamh agus Eiihh (Adam and Kve)

Old Gaelic Bible ....

(Jrain Ailein Dugiiallaich

Macplierson's l^oem's of Ossian

An (iaidheal fcr 1873

Orain, cruinnichte le Mac-an-Tnainear

The Ciospels, in eight C.-eltic dialects

Fraser of Knockie's Highland Music

The Clan Battle at Perth, by Mr A. M.

Shaw ......

The Scottish Metrical Psalms .

Sailm Dhaibhidh Ameadreachd (Kd. 1059)

Biographical Dictionary of Eminent |

Scotsmen (9 vols.) . . . . j

Orain Ghilleasbuig Grannd . •
( 'larsach nan Bcann . . • .

Fulangiis (Jhriost .....
Daiu Spioradail .....

DONOR.

Mr Mackay, book-
seller, Inverness
(J. Fraser-Mackintosh,

Esq., M.P.
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr D. Maciver
Lord Neaves, LL.D.,

F.R.S.E.
Maclaehlan tt Stewart
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Purchased
Mr A. Macbean
Mr I). Mackintosh
Mr Ij. Mackhitosh
Mr L. Macbean
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
The Publishers
Mr A. Mackintosh

Sluiw, London
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,

PI ere ford

Mr Mackenzie, Bank

Lane, Inverness

The Author

Mr J. Fraser, (Jlasgow

Mr A. R. Macraild,

Inverness

Mr J. Craigie, Dundee

ditto.

ditto.

ditto.

26

402

Gaelic Society of. Inverness.

NAMBS OF BOOKS.

Spiritual Songs ((Juelicand Kn^^^lisb)

Alexander Macdcnuild's (Tiwlic Poems

Grain Mhic-au-t-Saoir

Leabhar nan Ceist ....

Co-oivrneachadh Soisgeulach (Boston)

History of the Druids (Toland's)

Melodies from the (raelic.

Maclean's History of the Celtic Language

Leabhar Sailm

Origin and descent of the (Ja<?l

Stewart's (iaelic (Jrannnar

Macpherson's (Caledonian Antiquities

(179.-^)

Biboul Noimbli (London, 1855)

Scarniona Mhic-Dhiarmaid

Dain Oisein .....

Fingal (179S)

Lite of Columba (1798) .
Orain lloiV) Dhuinn Mhic-Aoidli
r)ain leis an Trr. L Lees
Searmons leis an I'rr. E. lUaracli
Kaglais iia h-Alba, leis an Lrr A. Clare

Inbliirnis ....

Bourke's Aryan OrJLiin of the Gaelic Ract

Ueid's Bibliothcca Scoto-Celtica

Munro'^ (Jaclic Primer (3 copies in library)

Kachdraidh na h-Alba, le A. MacCoinnich

{.*) copies) .....

Dain (Jhailiir leis an I'rr. 1. Lees
Philoloiiic r>es of (he (.'eltic Tongue, bv

Professor Ceddes (1872) .
Philolo.Lxic (sesof the reltie.Tongue (1873)
Poems by Ossian, in metre (17!>6) .

Proceedings of the Historical and Arclneo-
logical Association of Ireland
(lS70-Sr)) ....

Shaw'^ (laelic! Dictionary (1780)
History of the Culdees, Mai-calium's.
Maciliai'mid's iJaelic Sciiiions (MS. 1773)
(Iaelic Crammai-, li-ish character (1808)

DONOR.

Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto

ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto

ditto

.\lr J. Mackay, Here-
ford
ditto

Purchased

The Author.

Rev. Dr Lees, Paisley

The Author

ditto
Mr Alex. Kennedy,
Bohuntin

The Society

Rev. A. Macgregor.

ditto

ditto
Rev. A. Macgregor

Library.

403

NAMES OK BUOKh.

(Jaelic Pentiiteuch, Irish chiinicter .
Gaelic Book of Coiiiinoii l*rayor (1819)
Gaelic Psalter, Irish character .
Transacti(jiis of the ( Gaelic Society o

Inverness, 13 vols. .
liibliotheca Scoto Celtica
Grain le Rob Donn
Leabhar Oran (iaidhealach
Vible Casherick, Manx
Biobla Naonitha, Irisli
Dr Smith's Seann Dana .
Evan's Welsh Grammar and Vocabulary
Grain Uillcim Kos ....
Grain Dhonnacha l>hain .
Co-chruinneacliadh Grain Ghailiir
Book of Psalms, Irish
Grain Xuadh GhaidhcaUich, le A. Mac

dhomhnnill ....
Liioidhean on SiiTiobtuir, 1). Dewar.
Leabhar Gran Gailiir
Am Biobla Naomtha (1690)
The Family of lona.
(Grant's Grigin and Descent of the Gael
Rathiul Dhc ^^w Sith
Dain Spioradail, Urr. 1. (iriogalacli .
Daru Leabhar aii*son nan Sgoilcan Gaidl

calach . . . ;:;*/-'.

Treas Lea])har do. do. - Z' \ •
What Patriotism, Justice, and Gin-istianity

demand for India
Orahi Ghaidhealiach.
Priolo's Illustratous fn)m Gssian
Photograph of (iaolic Gharter, 1408.

The Celtic Magazine, vol. i.

Do., vols. ii. to xi.

Elementary Lessons in Gaelic .

Stewart's (Gaelic (Trannnar

Irish Pedigrees, by Gflart

Dan an Deirg agus Tiomna (Jhiiill (Enj

lish Translation), 2 copies
Gaelic and English Vocabulary (1741)

DONOR.

Kev. A. Macgregor
ditto
ditto

[^urchase<l

Rev. W. Ross, (J las-
go w
The i^iblishers
Purchased
Tlie Author
Mr D. Mackintosh
The Author

Mr C. S. Jerram.
Rev. A. Macgregor

404

Gaelic Society of Inuernesa.

NAMES OF BOOKS.

Aryan Origin of the Celtic

Language
Old Map of Scotland (174G

Collection of Harp Music

Valuation Roll of the County of Inverness

(1869-70) . . " .

Do. do. Ross (1871-72) .

Inverness Directory (1869-70)
Greek Testament .....
Greek Lexicon .....
Gospel of St John adapted to the Hamil-

tonian System (Latin)
Historic de (xil Bias de Santillane (French)
Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, 2nd edition
My Schools and Schoolmasters
Gaelic Etymology of the English Language

Dr Charles Mackay ....
The Highland Echo • . . .

The Highland Newspaper, com]>lete, 4

volumes ......

Hebrew — 'Celtic Affinity, Dr Stratton
Illustrations of ^\^■lvc^ley, j)ublished for |

the Royal Association for Promoting S-

the Fine Arts in Scotland (1865) . )
Illustrations of Heart of Midlothian, do.

do (1873)

Illustrations of the Bride of Lammermuir,

do. do. (1875)

Illustrations of Red (iauntlet, do. do. (1876)
Illustrations of the Fair Maid of Perth
Illustrations of the Legend of Montrose .
Gunn on the Harp in tl«e Highlands

DONOR.

Race and ) Mr John Mackay,
. / Hereford

. Mr Colin M'Callum,
London
Mr Charles Fergusson

ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto

ditto
ditto
Mr A. Mackenzie
Mr James Reid

J. Mackay, Swansea
Purchased

Purchased
The Author

Miss Eraser, Farraline
Villa, N. Berwick

ditto

ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Miss Cameron of Inn-
seagan

English Translation of Buchanan's " Lath j

'Bhreitheanais,'" by the Rev. J. I Translator
Sinclair, Kinloch-Rannoch (1880) . )

An t-Oranaiche, compiled by Archibald
Sinclair (1880) . \

Danaibh Spioradail, tC-c, le Seumas Mac- \
Bheathain, Inverness (1880) . .J

Macdiarmid's Sermons in (iaelic (1804) .

Compiler

A. Maclean, coal mer-
chant, Inverness.
Colin MacCalluin,
London

Library,

4o:)

NAMES OK BOOKS.

Bute Docks, Cardiff, bv John M*Coiniachie,
C.E. (1876) . " .

Observacions on the Present State of the j
Highlands, bv the Earl of Selkirk
(1806) . ^ )

Collection of Gaelic Songs, bv Ranald (
Macdonald (1806) . . " ,

Mary Mackellar's Poems and Songs (1880)
Dr ()'(fallagher's Sermons in Irish (1877).

John Hill Burton's Historv of Scotland I
(9 vols.) . . . ' . . . )

Hurt's Lettei-s from the North of Scotland
(2 vols.)

A Genealogical Account of the Highland |
Families of Shaw, l)v A. Mackintosh I
Shaw (1877) . ! . . . )

History of the (Uan Chattan, by A.
Mackintosh Shaw (1880) .

Leabhair an t-Sean Tiomna air na
dtarruing on Teanguidh Tghdar-
rach go Gaidhlig tre churani agus
saothar an doctur Uiliani Hhedel,
Roimhe so Kaspog Ghillenihorie n
Krin (1830)

Edmund Burke's Works, 8 vols.

I^nd Statistics of Inverness, Boss, and ]
Cromarty in the Year 1871, by H. C.
Eraser . . . . . . J

Churc^h of Scotland Assembly Pai*ers —
The Poole we Case ....

Ossian's Fingal rendered into Heroic)
Verse, by Ewen Cameron (1777) .)

Ossian's Fingal rendered into verse bv
Archibald Macdonald (1808) .

Clarsach an Doire — Gaelic Poems, by
Neil Macleod .....

MacDiarmid's Gaelic Sermons .

Leabhar Commun nan Eior Ghael — The
Book of the Club of True Highlandei-s

The Author.

John Mackay, C.E.,
Herefoixi

F. C. Buchanan, Arma-
dale, Row, Helens-
burgh
The Author.
John Mackay, C.E.,

Hereford

L. Macdonald of

Skacbost

ditto

The Author

The Author

A. R. MacRaild, In-
verness

Mr Colin Chisholm.
The Author

Mr W. Mackenzie
A. H. F. Cameron,
Esq. of Lakefield

ditto

The Author
Mr Colin MacCallum,
London

Purchased

lOG

Gaelic Society of Inverness.

DOKOB.

Mr H. C. Fraser

NAMES OF BOOKS.

Graiuiiiar of the Gaelic Language (Irish),

by E. 0^^

Eijquisse de la Religion <les Gaulois. Par

M. Henri Gaidoz. 1879 . . . M. Gaidoz
Notice sur les Inscriptions Latines de

rirlande. Par M. Henri Gaidoz.

1878 M. Gaidoz

Mclusine Reciieil de Mythologie, etc. Par

MM. Gaidoz et Rolland. 1878 . M. Gaidoz

Guide to Sutlierlandshire, by Hew Morrison The Author
Transactions of tlie Royal National Eist- 1 Mr J. Mackay, C.E-,

eddfod of Wales . . , .J Hereford

Bute Docks, Cardiff, by J. Macconnachic,

M.I.C.E. ...... The Author

I n Meuioriam —Earl of Seatield . . The Dowager-CJount-

ess of Seafield
Past and Present Position of the Skye | L. Macdonald of Skae-

Crofters . . . . . / bost

American Journal of Philolo<^y

Ivcvuc ( Vltique, vol. VI., No. 3 . . M. Gaidoz
Notes on St Clements Church, Rowdill,

Hanis .....
Notes on Clan Cliuttan Names
The Proverbs of Wales .

J. D. Dixon's (Jairloch

Struan's Poems ....
The Writings f)f Eola

The Proverbs (jf Wales, by T. K. Roberts

An 01(1 Scots Brigade, by John Mackay

Herrisdale ....
(^romb's Highland lh-iga<lc
(Glossary of Obscure Words in Shakespeare

and his (Contemporaries, by Dr Chas.

Mackay . . . . ,

Pococke's Tour in Scotland, issued by the

Historical Society of Scotland .
Walcott's Scottish Church

A. Ross, Inverness
J. Macphcrson, M.D.
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,

Hereford
Mr A. Burgess, banker,

Gairloch
Mr A. Kennedy
Mr John Mackay of

Ben Reay
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,

Hereford

ditto
ditto

ditto
\ Mr D. William Kemp,
) Edinburgh

Mr A. Burgess, Ciair-
loch

Library. 407

NAMIS OF BOOKS. DONOIt.

Dick Lauder's Highland Legends . Mr A. Burgess, (iair-

loch
Book of Scottish Story .... ditto

Stuart Papers ..... ditto

The Constitution and Bye- Laws of the| Mr John Mackay of

Scots Charitable Society of Boston . j Ben Reay

Notes on Early Iron Smelting in Suther-) Mr D. William Kcmj),

land ..... j Edinburgh

Artificial Lighting ..... ditto

The Mountain Heath, by David Macdonald Mr A. H. F. Cameron

of Lakefield
Oratio Dominica ..... Mr .lolni Mackay, C.E.,

Hereford

A-'

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